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I. Stone representation of Kama Kay.i s head. 
( By ktnd perwt *>->, n of the Curv'tii, liijafnn Museum j 








C.B.. C. I. E. . F. B. *.. F. S. A. 






FATHER H. HERAS, S. J.,-. Professor of Indian History, 
St. Xavier's College, Bombay, has already distinguished 
himself in promoting knowledge of the history of Central 
and South India by two original papers in the Indian Anti- 
quary on " The Conquest of the Fort of Asirgarh " and on 
the " City of Jinji." He has now set himself to elucidate 
the history of Vijayanagara in the time of its fourth and last 
dynasty, that is, during the period 1542-1770 of the Christian 
era a period but lightly touched on in Mr. Sewell's well- 
known history of Vijayanagara A Forgotten Empire. 

The period is, however, a very important one in the story 
of Hinduism, and it covers also that of the rise of European 
power in India Portuguese, Dutch, Danish, French and 
English and of the struggles of the various European 
nations for supremacy, ending in the final victory of the 
English over all others. It was further a period of great 
Jesuit activity and of the general spread of modern European 
Christianity in South India. These considerations alone 
attest the value of its exhaustive study and the interest it 
cannot fail to arouse in all European students of the Indian 

It is, however, a period of great difficulty, owing to the 
constant and varying struggle between Hindu Vijayanagara 
and the Muhammadan powers of the Deccan on the one hand, 
and on the other of never-ending local difficulties of fighting 
caused by the Vijayanagara system of governing through 
Viceroys, who were practically independent kings in their 
restricted territories and appeared as such to visiting Euro- 
peans, while the representatives of European powers took 
sides and joined in the general melte. History thus appears 
as an almost hopeless jumble of local struggle, and indeed it 


requires no small research to put together the pieces of the 
puzzle, so that the reader has before him an intelligible 
account of the happenings at a period of Indian history of 
the first importance to those who would understand the condi- 
tions of to-day. 

This great task Father Heras has undertaken, to my 
mind in the manner in which it should be undertaken. He 
goes into the causes which led to the conditions that brought 
the last Vijayanagara Dynasty the Aravidu into existence, 
and then writes up the history of it from original unpublished 
documents, as well as from the books on the subject, and in 
a long appendix he gives the unpublished documents them- 
selves in their original languages. History cannot be more 
fairly presented. 

Such is the method of Father Heras in attacking his 
subject and in this first volume we find that he commences 
with an account of the reigns of the last rulers of the Third 
Dynasty the Tuluva so as to show how the Aravidu family 
stepped quietly into its place in the person of the Aravidu 
minister, Rama Raya of Sadasiva Ray a, the last Emperor of 
the Third Dynasty. He then gives an account of the 
administration of Vijayanagara under Rama Raya, the main- 
tenance of Hinduism, and the foreign policy, especially as 
regards the Portuguese. As regards Rama Raya's clever and 
tortuous dealings with the Muhammadan powers of the Dec- 
can, a whole chapter is devoted to them. 

Father Heras then harks back to South Indian History 
to explain the early Telugu invasions of the Tamil country, 
ending with the establishment of Visvanatha Nayaka as 
Nayak (king) of Madura and the story of his successors 
introducing incidentally the doings of St. Francis Xavier and 
other Jesuit leaders. This is followed by an account of the 
Nayaks of Tanjore, Jinji and Ikeri (the very name of which 
last once great city has since disappeared from the general 
Indian maps), and of the Rajas of Mysore and other 


Feudatory Chiefs, including the obscure and carious Queens 
of Bhatkal and Ullal. 

These minor considerations bring us back to the struggle 
between the Tuluva Dynasty of Vijayanagara and the 
Deccani Muhammadans, ending with their victory at the 
battle of Raksas-Tagdi, the execution of RSma Raya and the 
end of the Tuluva Dynasty. This brings the Aravidu 
Tirumala, Rama Raya's brother, to the Vijayanagara throne 
and the transfer of the capital to Penukonda, giving the 
death blow to Portuguese commerce in India. His short 
reign thereafter was necessarily a time of confusion and 
trouble and constant struggles with the Muhammadans to the 
North of him. He was succeeded by Sri Ranga I, who 
kept the capital at Penukonda and fought back the Muham- 
madans. Under these rulers three Viceroyalties were esta- 
blished respectively over the Telugu, Kanarese and Tamil 
countries, to the story of which Father Heras devotes two 
chapters, with details of Portuguese interference with their 

History then deals with the affairs of Venkatapatideva 
Raya (Venkata II), still at Penukonda, and with his strug- 
gles with his feudatory chiefs, and also with the Muham- 
madans and the Nayak of Madura, giving an account of that 
feudatory dynasty. At this point comes in the story of 
Father Roberto de Nobili and his unusual behaviour, of 
which one is glad to have an orderly account. 

Venkata II had further many dealings with the Nayaks 
of Tanjore and Jinji, the Kanarese Viceroy, the Raja of 
Mysore, the Nayak of Ikeri, and other chieftains, in which 
the Portuguese, the Dutch and the Jesuits were mixed up. 
Besides describing these Father Heras gives us an account 
of the dealings of Venkata II directly with the Portuguese, 
Dutch and English of the day, and a separate account of the 
Jesuits at his Court, 


The volume then goes into minor, but yet important 
matters such as those of painting at Venkata IPs court, 
especially by Jesuit Fathers, his family affairs and literary 
activity under the first Aravidu sovereigns. Finally the 
volume winds up with a most valuable chapter on the strug- 
gle of Sri Vaishnavism with other Hindu sects. 

The above very brief retum of Father Heras's first 
volume is sufficient to show what it covers and how the writer 
has kept the many conflicting items of history apart, so that 
they can be absorbed by the student without confusion of 



PREFACE ... ... ... V 

LIST OF PLATES ... ... xii 






RAMA RAYA ... ... ... 13 




MADANS ... ... ... 73 


SOUTH ... ... ... 99 













DE NOBILI ... ... 363 



ALTY ... ... ... 411 



KATA II ... ... ... 464 


II ... ... ... 494 





APPENDIX A ... ... ... 555 

APPENDIX B ... ... ... 567 

APPENDIX C ... ... ... 581 

APPENDIX D ... ... ... 639 




RAYA'S HEAD Frontispiece 


SADASIVA RAYA to face ... 54 










TIRUPATI ... 302 


1652 ... 313 




VENKATA II ... 334 








THE History of the Aravidu Dynasty of the Vijayanagara 
Empire is the history of the Telugu domination over 
the Tamil and Kanarese people. No doubt the whole of 
Southern India was under the sway of Vijayanagara prior to 
the 15th century. But the former rules of the Tamilians 
had been either retained, as in the case of the Cholas of 
Tanjore, or restored, as in the case of the Pandyas of Madura, 
as feudatory kings under the powerful Telugu Empire. Now, 
when the star once so bright of Vijayanagara was on the 
wane, many of the old native rulers were replaced by 
Telugu Chiefs, destined to become the founders of the royal 
dynasties of the South after the setting of the imperial glory. 
The same fate befell most of the rulers of the Kanarese 
country, though there several of the old native chieftains sur- 

To study the history of this dynasty without relating the 
events that turned those Telugu Nayaks first into feudatory 
kings and then into independent sovereigns, would be to 
mutilate the history of the fourth dynasty of Vijayanagara* 
Consequently we propose to deal with the whole history of 
the South of India, excepting Malabar, from the second half 
of the 16th century until the middle of the 18th, when the 
last representative of the old feudatory chiefs of Vijaya- 
nagara disappeared with the usurpation of Haidar Ali. 

It is needless to insist on the importance of this period 
in the general history of India. Between the dates just men- 
tioned, the already flourishing Portuguese commerce in India 
met its death-blow by the first appearance in the southern 
seas of the Danish, Dutch, French and English traders. 
Deccani Muhammadans, Marathas and Mughals successively 
invaded the South, and shook to its very foundations the 


venerable Empire of Vijayanagara. It was also during this 
period that Vaishnavism was firmly established in the South 
as a result of the onslaughts on Jainism and Saivism, after 
the preaching of Ramanujacharya. Finally the successors 
of St. Francis Xavier, who preached Christ's Gospel on the 
Fishery Coast at the close of the third dynasty, were actively 
spreading the Catholic Doctrine, at one time protected by the 
very Emperors, Nayaks and other chiefs, at another persecut- 
ed by them ; and one of these missionaries, Fr. R. de Nobili, 
founded at this time the famous Madura Mission among the 
high caste people, the effects of which it is impossible to pass 
over in silence in a general history of the country. 

As to the contents of this first volume, I must justify my 
starting with the alternation of the reign of the two as 
monarchs of the third Dynasty. The end of the Tuluva 
Dynasty and the beginning of the Aravidu Dynasty are not 
marked or separated by any great fight or tremendous coup 
d 9 etat that puts before our eyes the latter and announces the 
extinction of the former. The Aravidu family, connected by 
marriage with the reigning Tuluva Dynasty, became increas- 
ingly powerful after the demise of Achyuta Deva Raya. 
Hence we have selected this event for the beginning of our 

Thus we shall see the first appearance of the three repre- 
sentatives of the Aravidu family in the political world of 
Vijayanagara, and we shall be able to understand thoroughly 
the causes of its rise to power, even before the total extinc- 
tion of the preceding dynasty. For, the real founder of the 
Aravidu Dynasty is certainly not Tirumala ; his brother 
Rama Raya, some years previous to the so-called Talikota 
disaster, had already paved for his family the path leading to 
the throne, which he actually mounted with the unanimous 
approval of the whole of the Empire. 

Therefore this volume will contain the history of the 
reigns of five Monarchs of the Empire of Vijayanagara. 


Venkata I, hitherto simply called Venkatadri, whose early 
death provoked the seizing of the capital by Rama Raya and 
his brothers ; Sadasiva Raya, who saw patiently the rising of 
Rama Raya as well as his sudden fail in the national calamity 
at Raksas-Tagdi ; Tirumala, who finally succeeded in esta- 
blishing the Aravidu family on the throne of Vijayanagara ; 
Ranga I, whose short reign witnessed the increased power 
of the Muhammadans, who were constantly menacing the 
northern frontier of the Empire; and finally, Venkata II f 
known hitherto as Venkata I, the most illustrious sovereign 
of this Dynasty, who checked the Muslim raids in the North, 
subdued the turbulent Nayaks in the South, caused the Rajas 
of Mysore to be firmly established in their realm, strengthen, 
ed his power by an alliance with the Portuguese and fostered 
literature and the fine arts throughout his vast dominions- 
The civil war that followed his death hastened the decay of 
the Empire. 


IN any historical work, the author, besides the sources 
from which he has gathered his information, must have con- 
suited many works either directly on the subject, or referring 
to it in some way. Hence the two parts of this Introduction : 
I. Contemporary Sources. 1 1. Literature. 


Naturally the sources, in order to have the necessary 
authority demanded by modern history, must be contem- 

e>rary. This word however has a comprehensive meaning, 
nder it those works or documents are also contained which, 
although not strictly contemporary, bear nevertheless such a 
stamp of antiquity and authority that they are unquestion- 
ably accepted as historical sources. Such are also those works 
which are based on ancient contemporary documents. In 
fact if history is written as it should be, it is not always 
possible to draw the line between sources and literature. 
These sources may be unpublished or published . 


A. From the Bharata Itihasa SansJwdhaka Mandala, Poona. 
Poona Persian Poem (P.P.P.) 

We have given this name to a manuscript Persian Poem 
belonging to the collection of the Bharata Itihasa Sansho- 
dhaka Mandala, Poona. 

It is a volume measuring 8x4 inches, richly bound in 
leather, with gilt patterns on the front cover; the binding 
however is badly worn. It contains 49 loose leaves of thick 
Daulatabadi paper sprinkled with gold, i.e., 98 pages numbered 
with Sanskrit characters in pencil, beginning from the last 
page of the Persian manuscript. These pages are much 
damaged and worm-eaten. All bear the .stamp of the Mandala. 
Between these and the cover both at the beginning and the 
end there are four leaves of an inferior kind of paper, a little 
whiter, containing some Persian writings which have no 
connection with the subject of the poem. There are 12 full- 
page coloured paintings, some of which are reproduced in 
this volume by the kind permission of the Honorary Secre- 
taries of the Mandala. Each painting is covered with modern 



white paper. On the first page of the volume there is the 
seal of the Mughal Emperor Muhammad Shah. Its inscrip- 
tion runs as follows : Muhammad Shah Padshah Ghazi 1132 
(A.H.) This seal is half obliterated as well as the following 
lines in Persian written on the same page : Book of praise of 
Hassan (sic), King of Deccan. With 14 pictures, 49 leaves and 
4 pages unwritten. In the upper left corner there was another 
seal now totally effaced, which might perhaps be the seal of 
one of the Ahmadnagar Sultans. Moreover on the same 
page two small square seals may be seen, bearing the fol- 
lowing inscription : 1350 Puran Chand. Three other impres- 
sions of this seal are found in one of the last blank pages of 
the manuscript. 

The poem begins on page 2 with an introduction headed 
by a beautifully painted pattern ; in the middle of which, on 
a golden field, we read the following common inscription : In 
the name of God, the generous, the merciful. Besides this intro- 
duction the poern contains 11 cantos, the last of which is 
unfinished. The titles of these cantos are as follows : 

I. Praises of God. 
II. Praises of the Prophet. 

III. The Virtues of the Lord. 

IV. The Beginning of the Reign of Hussain Nizam 


V. The Beauty and Nature of Humayun Shah. 
VI. The Marriage of Hussain Nizam Shah and Huma- 
yun Shah. 
VII. The Durbar of Hussain Nizam Shah who admires 

the Beauty of Humayun Shah. 
VIII. Praise of love and lovers. 

IX. Hussain Nizam Shah musters an army against the 

infidels and marches on Bijanagar. 
X. Hussain Shah's fight with Rama Raja, King of 

Bijanagar and his victory. 

XL Return of Hussain Shah, from the war with the 
infidels and conquest of Bijanagar, to Ahmadnagar 
and his passing from this abode of destruction to 
the eternal abode. 

The writing is done in very black Indian ink and with 
extraordinarily beautiful penmanship. The verses are always 
enclosed within a rectangular blank and gold border, which 
leaves a margin of about an inch. The verses of the intro- 
duction are underlined with gold ; occasionally there are some 


verses written in the margin. The poem was suddenly inter- 
rupted and left unfinished but the three last pages are already 
bordered, waiting its completion. 

The poem was, no doubt, written by a Court poet of 
Hussain Nizam Shah of Ahmadnagar, the history of whose 
reign is the argument of the poem. Though begun perhaps 
during his own reign, it was certainly continued during the 
beginning of the reign of his son Murtaza Nizam Shah, while 
his mother Bibi Konzah Humayun was governing on his 
behalf for three years 1 . This is proved by the fact that 
there is a full canto in honour of the Sultana. Such an extra- 
ordinary piece of flattery would be unintelligible, unless writ- 
ten while she was the ruler of the state. Now from the fact 
that the last canto of the poem is abruptly cut short (so much 
so that even the death of the Sultan the account of which is 
promised in the heading of the canto is not narrated) we 
may safely conclude that the work was suddenly interrupted 
during the political upheaval caused by the Regent's impri- 
sonment. The poem itself is of very little historical 
importance ; the paintings are much more interesting. 

This c py of the poem was, no doubt, intended for the 
library of the Sultan himself, as the richness of its execution 
clearly shows. When Ahmadnagar fell into the possession 
of the Mughals, the manuscript went, either at once or some 
years later perhaps during the reign of Muhammad Shah 
(1719 1748), whose seal appears on the first page to Bur- 
hampur, a place which at times was the capital of the Mughal 
Deccan. There it was found in the possession of a private 
person by the late Mr. Pandurang Narasinha Patvardhan of 
Foona, who forwarded it to the Bharata Itihasa Sanshodhaka 

I owe the English Translation of the three cantos of 
this poem, published in Appendix A, to Mr. Mohamed Kazem 
Nemazi, B. A., Professor of Persian in our College. 

B. From the Aichivo da Secretaria Geral do Governo, Pangim. 

Moncoes do Reino. These volumes measuring 10x6 inches 
as a general rule contain letters both from the Kings of Por- 
tugal to their Viceroys or Governors of Goa and from the 
Viceroys and Governors to the Kings. Occasionally other 
documents are found referring to the subjects mentioned in 
those letters. The King's letters are always originals, with 

1. Burhan~i-Ma'asir, Ind. Ant. t L, p. 195-6 and 207 ; Ferishta 
Briggs, III, p. 250-3. 


the autograph signature of the monarch himself, and some- 
times still bearing his royal seal. At times two or three copies 
of the same letter, all signed by the King, may be found ; they 
were sent in duplicate by different vessels in order to prevent 
their being lost on such a long and perilous voyage. The 
Viceroys' letters are always copies first copies most likely 
made from the original before it was sent to Portugal. 
A few of the Viceroys 1 letters are merely drafts. In this 
volume use has been made of letters belonging to seven dif- 
ferent volumes ; they will be found in Appendix B. As a 
general rule, only extracts referring to the subject of this 
history are reproduced. 

C. From the Archives of the Society of Jtsus 

Much use has been made of the Jesuit documents to 
illustrate the history of the Mughal Empire, specially during 
the reign of Akbar. But they have been studied very little 
by South Indian Scholars. Mr. G. H. Nelson, iu The Madura 
Manual, and Prof. R. Sathyarintha Aiyar in his History of the 
Nayaks of Madura, are the only authors who have used the 
Southern Jesuit's letters in their works. But unfortunately 
they knew these letters only through the work of Fr. Ber- 
trand, La Mission dc Madure, in which these documents appear 
in a French translation, which is far from accurate. Fortu- 
nately through the kindness both of Very Rev. Fr. J. 
Planchard, Superior of the Madura Mission, and of 
Fr. J. Castets, iu charge of the Archives of the Mission, I 
was allowed to see and copy a number of photographs of 
Jesuit letters from Southern India, the originals of which are 
preserved in Europe. These documents are of three different 
kinds : 

(a) Litlerae Annuae. These are the official letters sent 
annually from every Province or Mission to the General of 
the Society of Jesus residing at Rome. While narrating the 
state of the Mission they occasionally give precious informa- 
tion about the civil conditions of the country. Sometimes 
also, specially in later years, a detailed account of the civil 
conditions of the country in which the missionaries are 
working is given at the beginning of the letter. 

(b) Private Letters. These are not official letters but 
are those addressed either by the Provincial or by the 
Missionary Fathers to the General of the Jesuits or to 
other Fathers in Europe. All these letters, both official 
and private, are originals. Of their historical value Mr. 
Vincent Smith, A kbar, p. 6-7, speaks very highly. 


(c) The only other document which has been made use 
of in the present volume is a protest sent to the King of Spain 
and Portugal against the Jesuits of the South, and specially 
against those working at Chandragiri. The document pho- 
tographed is only a copy of the original memorial. It is 
published at the end of Appendix C. 

Space does not allow of a full description of all these 
Jesuit documents. As mentioned above, I have only worked 
upon their photographs, and no scale is given from which to 
deduce their real size. 

D. From the Archives of the Diocese of Mylapore 

By the kindness of the Most Rev. Mgr. A. Teixeira, 
Administrator Apostolic of the Mylapore Diocese, and of his 
Secretary Very Rev. Fr. Carvalho, 1 was able to collect only 
a fe;w documents from the Dncesan Archives. The oldest 
of them seem to have been destroyed during the deprada- 
tions of Haiclar Aii and Tipu Sultan. The two documents 
published in Appendix, D are not of great importance. Both 
are copies made in relatively modern times. Their size is 
12 x 6 inches. 

E. Other MSS 

(a) Obras varias Manu-Scriftas : Que cowptchende todas 
as quc constao do Index desde (sic) Toino 7" . A Volume 12x9 
inch, containing copies of documents connected with For- 
tuguese history, most likely from the originals in the Torre 
do Tombo. Leaves are only numbered, not pages. The book 
belongs to the Satara Museum of the late Rao Bahadur 
D. B. Parasins, to whose memory I am highly indebted for 
his extreme kindness. 

(/;) The Very Rev. Fr. A. M. Tabard, M. A., late Pre- 
sident of the Mythic Society, Bangalore, put into my hands 
copies of some MSS. relating to the early history of Banga- 
lore. These MSS. are preserved in the Royal Palace of 
Mysore. One of them has no heading at all. The other is 
entitled as follows : 

Memoir of Bangalore il/S. written in 1723, collected at 
Bangalore in February 1807 and literally translated from the 
original Maratha by Soobbarao, Brahmin. 

(c) Use has also been made of the poem Sahityaratnakara 
of the Maharaja Sarfoji's Saraswati Mahal Library, Tanjore, 
It bears the No. 10*91. 



A. Inscriptions 
(a) Works 

Tamil and Sanskrit Inscriptions, with some notes on 
village antiquities collected chiefly in the South of the 
Madras Presidency. By Jas Burgess* c. i. E., LL. D. 
with Translations by S. M. Natesa Sastri, Pandit. (4 vols.) 
Madras, 18S6. 

A collection of the Inscriptions on copper-plates and 
stones in the Nellore District, made by Alan Butter- 
worth* of the Indian Civil Service (Madras) and V Venu- 
ffopal Chetty, of the Indian Civil Service (Madras). (3 Vols.) 
Madras, 1905. 

Pali Sanskrit and old Canarese Inscriptions from the 
Bombay Presidency and parts of the Madras Presidency and 
Maisur. Arranged and explained by J. F Fleet* M.R.A.S. 
Prepared under the direction of James Burgess* F.R.G.S., 
M.R.A.S. London, 1878. 

Copper -plate Inscriptions belonging to the Sri Sankara- 
charya of the Kama- Koti-Pitha. Edited by T A. Gopi- 
natha Rao> M.A., Superintendent of Archaeology, Travan- 
core State. Madras, 1916. 

Archaeological Survey of India. New Imperial Series, 
Vol. XXIX. South Indian Inscriptions (4 Vols.), Edited 
and Translated by Hultzsch, PH. D , V. Venkayya, M.A. 
and H- Krishna Sastri. B.A. Madras, 1890-1924. 

Mysore Archaeological Series, Epigraphia Carnatica. 
Vol. II. Inscriptions at Sravana Belgola (Revised Edition), 
By Praktana vimarsa-vichak-thana, Rao Bahadur R. Nara- 
simhachar, M.A., M.R.A.S. Bangalore, 1923. 

A Topographical list of the Inscriptions of the Madras 
Presidency (collected till 1915) with Notes and References, 
By V- Rangacharya, M.A., L.T. (3 Vols.) Madras, 1919. 

Monumental Remains of the Dutch East India Company 
in the Presidency of Madras. By Alexr- Rea Madras, 

Mysore Archaeological Series. Epigraphia Carnatica, 
By B Lewis Rice> C.I.E., M.R.A.S. (12 Vols.) Bangalore, 

Lists of the Antiquarian Remains in the Presidency of 
Madras, compiled under the orders of Government by 
Robert SewelL (2 Vols ) Madras, 1882-1884 


University of Mysore. Annual Report of the Mysore 
Archaeological Department for the years 1920, 1921, 1922, 
1923 and 1924. Bangalore 1921-1925. 

Catalogue of Copper-plate Grants in the Government 
Museum. Madras, 1912. 

Madras Epigraphical Report (The inscriptions of the 
Report are usually mentioned as follows: 15 of 1905 ; 35 of 
1898, etc.) 

(b) Articles 

Lionel D- Burnett Two Grants of Venkatapati I : 
Saka 1503 and 1535. (Ep. Ind., XIII, p. 225-237). 

A- C Burnell, The Villappakkam Copper- Plates. (Ind. 
Ant.,11, p. 371). 

J. F Fleett Sanskrit and Old Canarese Inscriptions. 
(Ind. Ant., IV-XX). 

T. A Gopinatna Row* M.A., Soraikkavur Plates of 
Virupaksha ; Saka-Samvat 1308. (Ep. Ind., VII, p. 298-306). 
Dsrtavay-Agragharam Plates of Venkatapatidevamaharaya 
I, Saka-Samvat 1508. (Ep. Ind., XII, p. 159 187). 

Srirangam Plates of Mummadi Nayaka: Saka-Samvat 
1280. (Ep. Ind , XIV, p. 83-96). 

Vellangudi Platas of Venkatapati- Deva-Maharaya I ; 
Saka-Samvat 1520. (Ep. Ind., XVI, p. 293-329). 

Some Inscriptions of the later Pandyas or the Decline 
of the Pandya Power. (Travancore Archaeological Series, I, p. 

T. A. Gopinatha Row and Rao Sahib T. Raghaviah, 
Krishnapuram Plates of Sadasivaraya ; Saka-Samvat 1489. 
(Ep. Ind., IX., p. 328-341). 

T* A* Gopinatha Rao an d T P Kuppuswami Sastri* 

The Arivilimangalam Plates of Srirangaraya II, Saka- 
Samvat 1499. (/>./<*., XI I, , p. 340-358). 

E Hultzschi Hampe Inscription of Krishnaraya. (Ep. 
Ind., I, p. 361-371). 

Sholinghur Rock- Inscription of Parantaka. (Ep. Ind., IV, 
p. 221-225). 

Vilapaka Grant of Venkata I. Saka-Samvat 1523. (Ep. 
Ind,., IV, p. 269-278). 

Inscriptions on the Three Jaina Colossi of Southern 
India. (Ep. Ind., VIII, p. 108-1)5). 

Two Jaina Inscriptions at Irugappa. (Ep. Ind,, VII, 
p. 115-116). 


A grant of Venkata II of 1636 A D. (Ind. Ant., XIII, 

A grant of Ranga II, dated in 1644-5 A.D. (Ind. Ant., 

XIII, p. 153-160). 

F- Kielhorn, UnaTianjeri Plates of Achyutaraya ; 
Saka-Samvat 1443. (Ep. Ind., Ill, p. 147-158). 

British Museum Plates of Sadasivaraya ; Saka-Samvat 
1478. (Ep Ind., IV, p. 1.22). 

C K- Krishnaraacharlu. The Penuguluru Grant of 
Tirumala I ; Saka 1493. (Ep. Ind., XVI, p. 241263). 

H- Krishna Sastri, Kuniyur Plates of the Time of 
Venkata II ; Saka-Samvat 1556. (Ep. Ind., Ill, p. 235-258). 

Karkala Inscription of Bhairava II ; Saka Samvat 1508. 
(Ep. Ind., VIII, p. 122-138). 

H. Luders* Sravana-Belgola Inscription at Irugapa. 
(Ep. Ind., VIII, p. 15-24). 

M. Narayanaswami Ayyar, Madras Museum Plates 
of Srigiribhupala ; Saka Samvat 1346. (Ep. Ind., VIII, p, 

V- Natesa Aiyar, Maredapally Grant of Sir Rangaraya 
II, Saka 1497. (Ep. Ind., XI, p. 326-336). 

Padmaneri Grant of Venkata I : Saka-Samvat 1205. 
(Ep. Ind., XVI, p, 287-297). 

E- C- RayanshaW) Translation of various Inscriptions 
among the Ruins of Vijayanagar. (With Preliminary Observa- 
tions, by H. H. Wilson Eng.) (Asiatic Researches, XX, p. 1- 

G Yazdani, Inscriptions in Golkonda Fort. (Ep. Indo. 
Moslem., 1913 14, p. 47-59). 

Inscriptions in the Golkonda Tombs. (Ep. Indo -Moslem., 
1915-16, p. 19-42). 

S* V* Venkateswara and S- V- Viswanathan, Be. 

vinahalli grant of Sadasiva-Raya: Saka 1473. (Ep. Ind., 

XIV, p. 210-231). 

Kadaladi Plates of Achy uta-Raya: Saka 1456. (Ep. Ind. 
XIV, p. 310-323). 

V- Venkayyai Alampundi Plate of Virupaksha ; Saka- 
Samvat 1305. (Ep. Ind., Ill, p. 224-230). 

Triplicane Inscription of Dantivar man. (Ep. Ind., VIII, 
p. 290-2^6). 

S.V- Viswanatha, The Kamuma Grant of Sadasiva- 
Raya: Saka 1470. (Ep. Ind., XIV, p. 341-353). 


The Jambukesvaram Grant of Vijayaranga Chokkanatha 
Nayaka ; Saka 1630. (Ep. //., XVI, p. 88-96). 

B. Coins 
(a) Works 

The Heritage of India series : The Coins of India. By 
C J, Brown, M. A. With Twelve plates. O. U. P., 1922. 

The International Nunismata Orientalia. Coins of 
Southern India. By Sir Walter Elliott K. c. s. i. f LL. D. 

p. R. s. With Four Plates and Map. London, 1885. 

The Dominions, Emblems and Coins of the South Indian 
Dynasties. By Major R. p. Jackson, I. A. (Rtd.) London. 

(b) Articles 

E- Hultzsch, The Coins of the Kings of Vijayanagara* 
{Ind. Ant., XX, p. 301-309). 

South Indian Copper Coins. (Ind. Ant. 9 XXI, p. 325). 

T.M. Rangachari, B. A andT. Desikachari, B.A. B.L., 

Some Inedited Coins of the Kings of Vijayanagara. (Ind. Ant., 
XXIII, p, 24-26). 

C. Letters 

La Mission du Madure d'apres des Documents inSdits, 
par le p. J. Bertrand de In Compagnie de Jesus, Missio- 
naire du Madure. (4 vols.) Paris, 1S47-1S48. (This edition of 
Jesuit Missionaries' letters is not critical.) 

Documentos Remettidos d.i India ou Livrosdas MonsoSs 
publicados de Ordem da classc de Sciencias Moraes, Politicas 
e Bellas- Lettras da Academia Real das Sciencias de Lisboa e 
sob a direccao de Raymundo Antonio de Bulhao Pato 
Socio da mesma academia. (4 vols.) Lisboa, 1880-1843. 

The Life and Letters of St. Francis Xavier. By Henry 
James Coleridge of the Society of Jesus. (2 vols.) 187^5. 

Roport to The Secretary of State for India in Council 
on the Portuguese Records relating to the East Indies con- 
tained in the Archivo da Torre do Tombo, and the Public 
Libraries at Lisbon and Evora by p. C* Danvers > Registrar 
and Superientendent of Records, India Office. London 1892. 

Letters Received by the East India Company from its 
servants in the East. Transcribed from the 'Original Corres- 
pondence' Series of the India Office Records. With an 


Introduction by Frederick Charles Danver* (6 vols.) 
London. 1896-1902. 

Historia y anal Relacion De las cosas que hicieron 
los Padres de la Compania de JESVS, Por las partes de 
Orientey otras, en la propagacion del Santo Euangelio r 
Los anos passados de 607. y 608. Sacada, limada y com- 
puesta de Portugues en Castellano por el Doctor Christo 
val Svarez De Figveroa- Madrid, 1614. 

Relacion Anval de las Cosas qve ban hecbo los Padres 
de la Compania de lesus en la India Oriental y Japon, en 
los anos de 600. y 601. y del progresso de la conuersion y 
Cbristandad de aquellas partes. Sacada de las cartas 
generales qve ban venido de alia, por el Padre Fernan 
Guerrero de la Compania de IESVS, natural de Almodouar 
de Portugal. Traduzida de Portvgves en Castellano for ej 
Padre Antonio Colaso. Valladolid, 1604. 

Rela^am Annal das covsas que fezeram os Padras da 
Companbia de Jesvs nas partes da India Oriental, & em 
alguas outras da conquista deste reyno no anno de 606. & 
607. & do processo da conversao, & Christandade da- 
quellas partes. Tirada das cartas dos mesmos padres que 
de la vierao: Pelo padre Fernao Guerreiro da Companhia 
de IESV, natural de Almodouar de Portugal. Lisbon, 1609. 

De Opkomst van bet Nederlandsch Gezag in Oost- 
Indie Verzamelnig Van Onuitgegeven Stukken iut bet Ond- 
Koloniaal Arcbief. Uitgegeven en Bewerkt door Jhr. Mr. 
J. K J. de Jongue* (13 Volumes) s'Gravanbegue- Ams- 
terdam, 1862-1888. 

Subsidies para a Historia da India Portugueza Publi- 
cados de ordem da classe de Sciencias Moraes, Politicas e 
Bellas. Lettras da Academia Real das Sciencias de Lisboa e 
sob a direcsao de Rodrigo Jose de Lima Felner- Lisboa, 

Arcbivo Portuguez Oriental. (4 Vols.) Nova Goa, I860- 

Litterae Indiarum nunc primum editae, Florentiae, 1887. 

Nuovi avisi dell' Indie di Portogallo Ricevuti delle 
Reverendi Padri della Compagnia di Giesu, tradotti della 
lingua spagnuola nell' Italiana. Terza parte. Col privilegio 
del Romano Pontefice et dell Illustrissimo Senato Veneto per 
anni XX. Venetia, 1562. 

Monumenta Xaveriana Ex Autograpbis vel Ex Anti- 
quioribus Exemplis Collecta. Tomus Primus. Sanct* 


Francisci Xaverii Epistolas Aliague 

quibus praemittitur ejus vita a P. 

S. J. ex India Roma~n missa. Matriti, 1900. 

D. Accounts of Travels 

A Description of the Coasts of East Africa and Malabar 
in the beginning of the sixteenth century, by Duarte Bar- 
bosa> a Fortuities. Translated from an early Spanish 
Manuscript in the Barcelona Library, with notes and a pre- 
face, by The Hon. Henry E. J. Stanley, London, Itt65. 

C Defremery and Dr- B R Sanguinetti- Voyages 
d' Ibn Batoutah. Texte Arabe, accompagne d'une Traduction* 
(5 Vols.) Paris 1893. 

Early Travels in India. 15831619. Edited by William 
Foster C.I.E. Oxford, 1921. 

Jornada do Arcebispo deGoa Dom Frey Aleixo de Menezes 
Primaz da India Oriental, Religioso da Ordem de S. Agostinho. 
Quando foy as serras do Malauar, & lugares em que morao 
os antigos Christaos de S. Thome, & os tirou de muytos 
erros & heregias em que estauao, & reduzio a nossa sancta 
Fe Catholica, & obediencia da Sancta Igreja Romana, da 
qual passaua de mil annos que estauao apartados. Recopilada 
de diversos Tratados de pessoas de autondade, que a tudo 
forao presentes. Por Frey Antonio de Gouuea Religioso 
da mesma Ordem de Santo Agostinho, lente de Theologia, et 
prior do Conuento de Goa. Coimbra, 1606. 

Storia Dei Viaggiatori Italiani Nelle Indie Orientali 
compilata da Angelo de Gubernatis- Con Estratti d' Alcune 
Relazioni di Viaggio a Stampa e d' Alcuni Documenti Inediti. 
Publicata in occasione del Congresso Geo-rafico di Parigi. 
Livorno, Ib75. 

The travels of Ihn Batuta ; translated from the abridged 
Arabic Manuscript Copies, preserved in the Public Library of 
Cambridge, with notes, illustrative of the History, Geography, 
Botany, Antiquities, &c., occurring throughout the work. By 
the Rev. Samuel Lee B. D. London, 1829. 

Chronica dos Reis de Bisnaga. Manuscript inedito do 
seculo XVI. ublicado for David Lopes Lisboa, 1897. 

The Voyages and Travels of J. Albert de Mandelslo 

A Gentleman belonging to the Embassy, sent by the Duke 
of Holstein to the great Duke of Muscovy, and the king of 
Persia into the East- Indies. London, 1669. 


Storia do Mogor or Moghul India 1653.1708. By 
Niccolao Manucci, Venetian. Translated with introduc- 
tion and notes by William Irvine. (4 Vols.) London, 1907. 

Voyages and travels into Brazil and the East Indies. 
By Mo John Neuhoff. (London, 1744 ?) 

Viaggio alle Indie Oriental! umiliato alia Santita di 
N. S. Papa Pio Sesto Pontefice Massimo da Fra Paolinoda 
S Bartolomeoi Carmelitano Scalzo. Roma 1796. 

Des Recherches Historiques and Geoqraphiques sur 
l f Inde and la description du Cours da Gange and du Gagra, 
avec une tres grande carte, par M. Anquetil du Perron- 
(Description Historigue et Geografhique de I' I tide, II f Berlin, 

Hakluytus Posthumus or Purchas His Pilgrimes Con- 
tayning a History of the World in Sea Voyages and Lande 
Travells by Englishmen and others. By Samuel Purchas> 
B. D. (20 Vols.) Glasgow, 1905-1907. 

The Travels of Monsieur de Thevenot into the Levant. 
In three parts. Newly done out of the French, London 

Oud en Nieuw Oost-Indien, vervattende Een Naanken- 
ridge en Uitvoerige Verhandelinge van Nederlands Mogen- 
theyd In die Gewesten, Benevens Eene wydluf tige Beschry- 
vinge der Moluccos, Amboina, Banda, Timor, en Solor, Java, 
en alle de Eylanden onder dezelve Landbestieringen 
behoorende ; het Nederlands Comptoir op Suratte, en de 
Levens der Groote Mogols ; Als Ook Een Keurlyke Verhan- 
deling van *t wezentlykste, dat men behoort te weten van 
Choromandel, Pegu, Arracan, Bengale, Mocha, Persien, 
Malacca, Sumatra, Ceylon, Malabar f Celebes of Macassar, 
China, Japan, Tayouan of Formosa Tonkin, Cambodia, 
Siam, Borneo, Bali, Kaap der Goede Hoop en van Mauritius 
Door Francois Velentyn- (8 Vols.) Dordrecht Amster- 
dam, 1724. 

The Travels of Pietro della Valle in India. From the 
old English Translation of 1664, by G. Havers. Edited, with 
a Life of the Author, an Introduction and Notes, by Edward 
Grey. London, 1892. 

A Collection of Voyages undertaken by the Dutch East- 
India Company, for the improvement of Trade and Naviga- 
tion containing an account of several attempts to find out the 
North-East passage and their discoveries in the East- Indies, 
and the South Seas. Together with an Historical Introduc- 
tion giving an account of the Rise, Establishment and 


Progress of that great body. Translated into English and 
illustrated with several charts. London, 1703. 

Notices of Madras and Cuddalore in the last century 
from the Journals of the Earlier Missionaries. London, 1858. 

E. Chronicles and Histories 

Da Asia de Joao de Barros* Dos feitos, que os 
Portuguezes fizeram no descubrimento, e conguista dos 
mares, e terras do Oriente. Lisboa, 1777. 

Dell 1 Istoria della Compagnia di-Gesu. L'Asia. Descritta 
dal P. Daniello Bartoli della medesima Compagnia. (8 Vols.) 
Piacenza, 181b-18^1. 

Annals of the Honorable East-India Company, from 
their Establishment by the charter of Queen Elizabeth, 1600, 
to the Union of the London and English East- India Com- 
panics, 1707-8. By John Bruce. Esq., M,P. and F.R.S. 
(3 Vols.) London, 1810. 

Lendas da India for Caspar Correa publicadas de 
ordem da classe de Sciencias Moraes, Politicas e Bellas 
Letras da Academia Real das Sciencias de Lisboa e sob a, 
direc^ao de Rodrigo Jose de Lima Felner. (4 Vols.) Lisboa, 

Couto* (See Barros). 

Commentaries do grande Afonso Dalboqucrquc 
Capitao Geral que foi das Indias Orientaes em tempo do 
muito poderoso Rey D. Manuel o Primeiro desde nome. 
(4 vols.) Lisboa, 1774. 

The History of India as told by its own Historians. The 
Muhammadan Period. Edited from the posthumous papers 
of the late Sir H- M- Elliot* K.C.B., by Professor John 
Dowson, M.R.AS. (8 Vols.) London 1867-1877. 

Asia Portuguesa de Manuel de Faria y Sousa* 

Cavallero de la orden de Chisto, y de la Casa Real. (3 Vols.) 
Lisboa, 1674-1675. 

History of the Rise of the Mahomedan Power in India, 
till the year A.D. 1612. Translated from the Original 
Persian of Mohamed Kasim Ferishta* by John Briggs, 
M.R.A.S., Lieutenant Colonel in the Madras Army. To 
which is added an account of the Conquest, by the kings of 
Hyderabad, of those parts of the Madras Provinces denomi- 
nated The Ceded Districts and Northern Circars. With 
copious notes. (4 Vols,) Calcutta 1908-1910. 


The Life of Dom John de Castro, The Fourth Vice- Roy 
of India. Wherein are seen Portuguese's Voyages to the 
East Indies; Their Discoveries and Conquests there ; The 
form of Government, Commerce, and Discipline of Warr in 
the East, and the Topography of all India and China. Con- 
taining also a particular relation of the most famous siege of 
Dio, With a Map to Illustrate it. By Jacinto Freire de 
Andrada* written in Portuguese, And By Sr. Peter Wyche 
Kt. Translated into English. London, 1664. 

Historia de las Misiones de la Compania de Jesus en la 
India Oriental, en la China y Japon desde 1540 hasta 1600 por 
el P. Luis de Guzman de la misma Compania. Bilbao, 1891. 

The Histoy of the Nizam Shahi Kings of Ahmadnagar. 
Lt. Colonel T W Haig, c.s.i., C.M.G. (Burhan-i-Ma'asir 
by Ali ibn 'Aziz Allah Tabatabai.) (Ind. Ant., Vols. 

De Rebus laponicis Indicis Peruvianis, Epistolae 
recentiores a Joanne Hayoi scoto, Societatis Jesu, in 
Librum unum coacervatae. Ant verpiae, 1605, 

Fr. P, du Jarric's Thesaurus Rerum Indi carum. (4 Vols.) 
Cologne, 1615. 

Epitome Historiae Societatis Jesu, auctore Josepho 
Juvencio* ejusdem Societatis Sacerdote. (4 Vols.) Gandavi, 

Histoire des Decouvertes et Conquestes des Portugais 
dans le Nouveau Monde, avec des Figures en tailledouce, 
Par le R.P. Joseph Francois Laf itaui de la Compagnie 
de Jesus. (2 Vols.) Paris, 1733. 

Padre Joam de Lucena- Historia da vida do Padre 
Francisco de Xavier, e do que fizerao na India os mais 
Religiosos da Companhia de Jesu. Lisboa, 1600. 

Joan* Petri Maffeii, Bergomatis, e Societae Jesv, 
JJistoriarvm Indicarvm Libri XVI. Selectarvm, item, ex 
India Epistolarvm Lilri IV. Accessit Ignatii Loiolae vita. 
Coloniae Agripinae, 1590. 

Delle Missioni de Padri della Compagnia de Giesr 
Nella Provincia del Giappone, e particolarmente di quella di 
Tumkino. Libri cinque, del P. Gio ' Filippo de Marini 
della medesima Compagnia. Alia Santita di N. S. Alessaudro 
PP. Settimo. Roma, 1663. 

Mirza Ibrahim Zabiri Tarikhi Bijapur Mussammi 
beh Basatin-us-Salatin [In Persian]. Hyderabad, 1st edition 


The Anguttara-Nikaya. Edited by the Rev. Richard 
Morris, M.A., LL.D. (5 Vols.) London, 1885-1900. 

Tractados Delas Drogas, y Medicinas de las Indias 
Orientales, con sus Plantas debuxadas al biuo for Christoual 
Acosta medico y cirujano que las vio ocularmente. En el 
<iual se verifica mucho de lo que escreuio el Doctor Garcia 
de Orta.-Burgos, 1578. 

Scenes and characters from Indian History. As des- 
cribed in the works of some old masters. Compiled and 
edited with historical and explanatory notes by C H* Payne- 
Oxford 1925. 

Vita Ignatii Loiolae et Rerum Societatis Jesu Historia 
auctore Joanne Alphonso de Polanco ejustem Societati? 
sacerdote. (6 vols.) Matriti, 1894-8, [Chronicon, s. j.] 

Ethiopia Oriental por Fr. Joao dos Santos. (2 Vols. 
Lisboa, 1891. 

Orie'nte Conquistado a Jesus Christo pelos Padres da 
Companhia de Jesus da Provincia de Goa...Ordenadapelo 
P- Francisco de Souza Religioso da mesma Compahia 
segunda Edi9ao por un Presbytero da Companhia de Jesus. 
(2 Vols.) Bombaim, 1881. 

Societas Jesu usque ad Sanguinis et Vitae profusionern 
Militans in Europa, Africa, Asia et America contra Gentiles Deo, Fide, Ecclesia, Pietate. Sive Vita et Mors 
eorum qui ex Societate Jesu in causa fidei, virtutis propug- 
natae violenta morte toto orbe sublati sunt. Auctore R. Patre 
MathiaTanner e Societate Jesu. Pragae, 1675. 

Oriental Historical Manuscripts in the Tamil Language - 
Translated ; With annotations. By William Taylor, Mis- 
sionary. In two volumes. Madras, 1^35. 

Hpratii Tursellini e Societate Jesu De Vita S. Francisci 
Xaverii, qui primus e Societate Jesu in Indiana et Japoniam 
Evangelium invexit, Libri Sex, ab Auctore aucti & 
recogniti. Juxta Editionem Antverpiensem anni MDCXCVI 
quam emendatissime editi. Augustae Vindelicorum, 1797. 

Conquista Temporal e Espiritual de Ceylao ordenada 
pelo Padre Fernao de Queyroz, da Companhia de Jesus, da 
Provincia de Goa. Com muytas outras proueytozas noticias 
pertencentes A Disposisao, e Gouerno do Estado de India. Ein 
Lisboa no ano... Colombo, 1916. 

Ragvagli d' Alcvne Mission! Fatte Dalli Padri delta 
Compagnia di Giesvu nell' Indie Oriental!, cioe nelle Provincie 
di Goa, e Coccino, e nell' Africa in capo verde* Roma, 1615. 


F. Tradition 
(a) Works 

The Wars of the Rajas, being the History of Ananta- 
puram. Written in Telugu f in or about the years 1750-1810.. 
Translated into English, by Charles Philip Brown* 

Madras, 1853. 

Reports on Sanskrit manuscripts in Southern India* By 
E- Hultzchs, PH. D. (3 vols.) Madras, 1895-1896. 

Sources of Vijayanagar History, Selected and Edited for 
the University, by S- Krishnaswami Aiyangar, M. A. 
Madras, 1919. 

The Mackenzie Collection. A Descriptive Catalogue of 
the Oriental Manuscripts, and other articles illustratives of the 
Literature, History, Statistics and Antiquities of the South of 
India, collected by the late H H Wilton, Esq. (2nd Edi- 
tion). Calcutta, 1828-Madras, 1882. 

A catalogue Raisonnee of Oriental Manuscripts in the 
Library of the (Late) College, Fort Saint George, now 
in charge of the board of Examiners. By the Rev. William 
Taylor* (2 vols.) Madras, 1857-1860. 

A Catalogue Raisonnee of Oriental Manuscripts in the 
Government Library. By the Rev. Willam Taylor- Vol. III. 

Madras, 1862. 

The Mahavansa, Part II. Containing Chapters XXXIX 
to C. Translated from the original Pali into English, for the 
Government of Ceylon, by L. C. Wijesinha Mudaliyar- 
To which is prefixed the Translation of the First Part 
(published in 1837). By George Tumour, c. c. s. Colombo 

(b) Articles 

K- Chandorkar, The Destruction of Vijayanagar 
[In Marathi] (Account of the Second Conference of the Bharata 
Itihasa Sanshodhaka Mtndala, Poona, 1914). 
T> , P?" S; Krishnaswami Aiyangar, M. A., PH. D., The 
Bakhair of Rama Raja (Indian Historical Records Commission, 
Proceedings of meetings, Vol. VII. Seventh Meeting held at 
P*ona % January 1925. p. 54-63). 



(a) Works 

India Ancient and Modern Geographical, Historical and 
Political, Social and Religious ; with a particular account of 
the State and Prospects of Christianity, by David O Allen, 
D.D. Boston, 1856. 

Historia de la Compania de Jesus en la Asistencia de 
Espana por el P. Antonio Astrain> de la misma Com- 
pania. (7 Vols.) Madrid, 1903-1925. 

Vaishnavism, Saivism and Minor Religious Systems* 
By Sir R. Q. Bhandarkar- Strassburg, 1913. 

Rise of the Christian Power in India. By Major B. D- 
Basu, i. M. s. (5 Vols.) Calcutta, 1923. 

Leon Besse* s. j. La Mission du Madure Historique de 
ses Pangous. Trichinopoly, 1914. (This work contains many 
extracts from the letters of the old Jesuit Missionaries). 

The Life of St. Francis Xavier, of the Society of Jesus, 
Apostle of the Indies, and of Japan. Written in French, by 
Father Dominick Bohours, of the same Society. Translat- 
ed into English by Mr. Dryden. London, 1688. 

Madras District Gazetteers. Cuddapah. By C- F- Brae- 
kenbury, i. c. s. Madras, 1915. 

A. Brou- Saint Francois Xavier. Deuxifcme Edition. 
(2 Vols.) Paris, 1912. 

A Journey from Madras through the countries of Mysore, 
Canara, and Malabar, performed under the order of The Most 
Noble The Marquis of Wellesley, Governor General of India, 
for the express purpose of investigating the state of Agricul- 
ture, Arts, and Commerce ; the Religion, Manners and 
Customs; the History Natural and Civil, and Antiquities, 
in the Dominions of the Rajah of Mysore and the countries 
acquired by the Honourable East India Company, in the late 
and former wars, from Tippoo Sultaun By Francis Buch- 
anan, M. D. (3 Vols.) London, 1807. 

The Chronology of Modern India. For four hundred 
years from the close of the fifteenth century A. D. 1499- 
1894. By James Burgess, C.I.B., LL.D., Edinburgh, 1913. 

Elements of South Indian Palaeography from the 
fourth to the seventeenth century A.D. Being an Introduc- 
tion to the study of ^outh Indian Inscriptions and 
by A* C* Burnell* (2nd edition) London, 1878. 


Caland* Ontdekkingsgeschiedenis van den Veda. 
Amsterdam, 1918. 

Records of the Early History of the Tinnevelly Mission 
of the Society for Promoting Christian Knowledge and the 
Society for the Propagation of the Gospel in Foreign Parts. 
By the Right Rev. R. Caldwell, D.D., LL.D. Madras, 1881. 

Descriptive and Historical Papers relating to the Seven 
Pagodas on the Coromandel Coast. By William Chambers, 
Esq.; J. Goldingham, Esq. ; Benjamin Guy Babington, Esq. ; 
M.D., F R.S ; Rev. W. Matron, M. A. ; Lieutenant John Brad- 
dock ; Rev. W. Taylor ; Sir Walter Elliot, K. c. s.i. ; Charles 
<}ubbins, Esq. ; Edited by Captain M- N- Carr, Madras Staff 
Corps. Madras, 1869. 

Saint Francis Xavier's Indian Mission, by J. Castets> 
s. J. Trichinopoly, 1923, 

The Madura Mission, by J. Castets, s. j. Trichinopoly, 

Historia das Relates Diplomaticas de Portugal no 
Oriente for Const ancio Roque da Costa* Lisboa, 1895. 

Archaeological Survey of India, Volume XXXVII, Im- 
perial series. Bijapur and its Architectural Remains with 
an Historical Outline of the ' Adil Shahi Dynabty. By 
Henry Cousens, M.R.A.S. Bombay, 1916. 

North Arcot District Manual compiled by Arthur F. Cox, 
M.C.S. New Edition Revised by Harold A- Stuart, i. c.s. 
(2 Vols.) Madras, 1895. 

Missionswissenschaftliche Abhandlungen und Texte 
Herausgegeben von Prof. Dr. J. Schmidlin, Minister i. W. 6. 
Robert de Nobili, s. j. Ein Beitrag zur Geschichte der 
Missionsmethode und der Indologie. Von P. Dr. Peter 
Dahmen, s.j. Munster, 1924, 

The Portuguese in India. Being a History of the Rise 
and Decline of their Eastern Empire. By Frederick 
Charles Danvers- (2 Vols.) London, 1894. 

India in the Seventeenth Century As depicted by Euro- 
pean Travellers. By J. N- Das Gupta* Calcutta, 1916. 

St. Thomas, the Apostle in India. An investigation based 
on the latest researches in connection with the time-honoured 
tradition regarding the martyrdom of St. Thomas in Southern 
India. Published by F. A* D' Cruz* K. s. G. Madras, 1922. 

The Trichinopoly Rock and its Temples. By S* K* DevA- 
4ikhamanii B. A. Madras, 1923. 


Jean-Baptiste DessaL s - J* Ou a ete martyris6 Le Yen. 
Antoine Criminal, Soc. Jes. Trichinopoly, 1905, 

Portuguese Discoveries, Dependencies and Missions in 
Asia and Africa, compiled by the Rev. Alex* JD. D' Orsey* 
B. D. London, 1893. 

History of the Catholic Church in India. By Rev. 
M- D'Sa. (2 Vols.) Bombay, (?) 

History of Indian and Eastern Architecture. By the 
late James Fergusson. Revised and edited with additions. 
Indian architecture by James Burgess and Eastern 
architecture, by R. Phene Spiers* With numerous illus- 
trations. (2 Vols.) London, 1910. 

Garcia da Orta e o seu Tempo pelo Conde de Ficalho* 
Lisboa, 1886. 

The Dynasties of the Kanarese Districts of the Bombay 
Presidency from the Earliest Historical Times to the 
Muhammadan Conquest of A. D. 1318. By J. p- Fleet 
Bombay, 1882. 

An Historical and Archaeological Sketch of the City of 
Goa, preceded by a short statistical account of the territory of 
Goa. Written by the authorization of the Government, by 
Jose Nicolau da Fonseca* Bombay, 1878. 

Madras District Gazetteers. Anantapur. By W. Fran- 
cis- l* c. s. Madras, 1905. 

Madras District Gazetteers. Bellary. By W- Francis* 
I.e. s. Madras, 1904. 

Madras District Gazetteers. Madras. By W* Francis* 
i. c. s. (2 Vols.) Madras, 1906. 

Madras District Gazetteers. South Arcot. By W* Fran- 
cis, x c. s. Madras, 1906. 

Selections from the Records of the Madras Government. 
Dutch Records No. 13. The Dutch in Malabar being a 
translation of selections Nos. 1 and 2 with introduction and 
notes by A- Galletti, x. c. s., The Rev. A- J. Van der 
Burg and The Rev.P. Groot S. S. J. Madras, 1911. 

11 Indian Thought " Series No. I. The Tarkabhasa 
or Exposition of Reasoning Translated into English by 
Mahamahopadhyaya Pandit Dr. Ganganatha Jha> M A 
D. LITT. Second Edition, Revised. Poona, 1944. 

Manual of the South Arcot District. .Compiled by J. H- 
Garstin. M.C.S. Madras, 1878* 

A History of the Deccan. By J. D. B- Gribble 
(2 Vols.) London, 1895-1924. 


Ouvrage accompagn6 des cartes. Un Essai d' Empire 
Fran9ais dans 1* Inde aux dix-huiti&me Siecle. Dupleix, d 9 
apres sa correspondance in6dite par Tibulle Hamount 
Paris, 1881. 

Madras District Gazetteers. Tanjore. By p. R. 
Hemingway, i.c.s. Edited by W. Francis, i.c.s. (2 Vols.) 
Madras, 1906. 

Madras District Gazetteers, Trichinopoly. By f. R. 
Hemingway* i.c.s. (2 Vols.) Madras, 1907. 

Histoire G6n6rale des Missions Catholiques depuis le 
XIII. siecle jusqu ' a nos jours, par M. le Baron Henrion 
(2vols.) Paris, 1^47. 

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LIIIj p. 33-41). 

The Statues of the Nayaks of Madura in the Pudu Man- 
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Vfcnkatapatiraya I and the Portuguese, (Quarterly Journal 
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Kingdom of Pandya, Southern Peninsula of India. (Journal 
of the Royal Asiatic Society of Great Britain and Ireland, III, 
p. 199-241). 

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Kingdom of Pandya (The Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society 
of Great Britain and Ireland, III, p. 387-390). 

Historical Sketch of the Kingdom of Pandya, Southern 
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III, p. 165-186). 

. The author and the publishers regret to present this work 
\6 the public without diacritical marks. Such marks were used through- 
out the MS. but the printer of the body of 'the book was not able to 
supply them. They request the readers, therefore, to be lenient in their 
criticising this fault, which a second edition will, so they hope, not be 
guilty of. 



SUMMARY. 1. Vijayanagara at the death of Achyuta Raya. 2. 
Enthronement of Venkata I. 3. Some notes on his reign and 
person. 4. Tyranny of the Regent Salakam Timma Raju. 5. 
Murder of the King and other members of his family. 6. Usurpa- 
tion by Salakam Timma Raju. 7. Rama Raya's war against the 
Regent. 8. Rama Raya enters the capital. 

CONTEMPORARY SOURCES.!. Hindu inscriptions and grants. 2. 
Ferishta, Bttrliar.-i-Ma'asir, Bnsatin-m-Salatin. 3. Couto, Correa. 
4. Achyutarayabhyiulayiwi , Varadambika-Parinayam, Vasticharitramu, 
Svarartielakalanidhi, Ramurajiyaimt, NarasabHprtUyatmt, Annals of 
IJunde Anantapurnni . 

THE splendour of the Vijayanagara Empire that character- 
ised the reign of the famous monarch, Krishna Deva Raya, 
and was happily maintained by his half-brother and successor 
Achyuta Raya \ suffered a sudden, though brief, eclipse at 
the;latter's demise 2 . At this time, to quote an anonymous 
contemporary author, the Sovereign of Vijayanagara " ruled 

1. Although in a copperplate grant of the year 1556 Achyuta is 
called the son of Krishna Deva Raya, Sewell, II, p. 4-5, there can be 
no doubt that both were sons of Narasimha Raya, but by different 
wives: Nagala was the mother of Krishna, and Obumbikadevi the 
mother of Achyuta, as testified by both the Unamanjeri and the 
Kaduladi plates of Achyuta, the British Museum plates, and the 
Bevinahalli grant of Sadasiva, Ep. Intl., Ill, p. 148 ; XIV, p. 312 ; IV, 
p. 3 ; XIV p. 230, and the Portuguese Chronicler Nuniz, Sewell, 
p. 367. 

2. No worse description of Achyuta's character stands recorded 
than the one left by Nuniz : "The King Chytarao, after he ascended 
the throne, gave himself over to vice and tyranny. He is a man of 
very little honesty and, on account of this, the people and the 
captains are much discontented with his evil life and inclinations; 
for he has never done anything except those things that are desired 
by his two brothers-in-law who are men very evilly disposed and 
great Jews ". Sewell, p. 367. Sewell, p t 166 naturally agrees with his 


over numberless people, and could raise an army* of a million 
or a million and a half soldiers; so that all the neighbouring kings 
and princes were his vassals, thus making him master of 
untold wealth. There was in his army a great deal of elephantry 
and cavalry ; for he was the owner of more than three thousand 
elephants, and thirty or forty thousand of the best horses ever 
seen in this country, because they came from both Arabia and 
Persia " 1 . In addition, its rivers produced gold, while dia- 
monds and other precious stones were found in its valleys. 
Vijayanagara was until then the same city and the same Empire 
that fired the admiration of the Persian Ambassador, Abdur- 
Razzak some years previously, when he " saw a city exceed- 
ingly large and populous and a king of great power and 
dominion, whose kingdom extended from the borders of Saran- 
dip to those of Kulbarga, and from Bengal to Malibar, a space 
of more than 1,000 parasangs " 2 . 

The last date of Achyuta available from lithic records is 
A. D. I54I-4 2 (Saka 1463) 3 . We may suppose that he died 
towards the end of 1541, judging from some inscriptions of 
Sadasiva relating to the middle of the following year 1542, as 

chronicler. And even Krishna Sastri states that Nuniz's des- 
criptions may not be altogether far from the truth (A. S. /., 
Report for 1908-9, p. 187). On the other hand we find in an 
inscription of the Sundararajaperumal temple at Valarpuram that 
Achyuta * took all countries*, (27 of 1911), and we know from two 
epigraphical records of Kanchivaram of his brilliant campaign in 
Travancore, from the King of which he received tribute, the acquisi- 
tion of Tinnevelly ending with his marriage to the daughter of the 
Pandya King, (49 and 50 of 1900). How then can the opinion of 
Nuniz be reconciled with these military exploits ? From Sewell's 
Forgotten Empire, p. 177-8, we learn that the Portuguese, who 
were such good friends of Yijayanagara during the reign of Krishna 
Deva Raya, turned into foes as soon as his successor ascended the 
masnad. Is not Nuniz's condemnation of him a tacit apology for 
the Portuguese enmity ? 

1. M. H. S. /., Mon. Xav., I, Historia del principio & progresso de la 
Campania de Jesus en las Indias Otientales diuidida en dos paries, pp. 61-62, 

2. Elliot, History of India, IV, p, 105, 
& 21 of 1900, 


well as from the events of the intervening period which we are 
about to narrate. In the Vitthala temple of Vijayanagara, there 
are two records mentioning King Achyuta Raya and 
Chikkaraya, his heir J , viz., his son Komara Venkatadri alias 
Chikka Udaiyar who, according to the Tamil poem Achyutaraya- 
bhyudayam y had been anointed in Vijayanagara as his Crown 
Prince while his father had been crowned Emperor after 
Krishna Raya's demise -. The contemporary Sanskrit poem 
Varadambika-Parinayam says that Venkatadri was installed 
Yuvarajaby his father on "observing with satisfaction the 
character and achievements of the Prince "\ Two epigraphi- 
cal records of Kanchivaram relate that three years after the 
beginning of the victorious campaign of Achyuta in the South, 
this King, accompanied by his queen Varadadevi-Ammal and 
Prince Kgmara Venkatadri, entered the city of Kanchivaram *. 
Tirumalamba, the authoress of the Varadambtka-Parinayam^ 
ends her work, by praying god Venkatesa " to preserve her 
patron Achyuta, his Queen Varadamba and the Prince 

2. This prince Komara Venkatadri or Chinna Venkatadri, 
whom we shall henceforth refer to as Venkata I, was 
the one who succeeded his father Achyuta at the end of 
1541 c . We know that his mother's name was Varadadevi- 

1. 4 and 5 of 1904. The Varadambika-Parinayam describes the 
youth of this son of Achyuta. Cf. IS. Krisbnaswami Aiyangar, Swims, 
p. 170. 

2. S. Krishnaswami Aiyangar, o. c., p. 158. 

3. Ibid., p. 172. 

4. M. E. R.,for 1899-900, paras 70-77. 

5. S. Krishnaswami Aiyangar, 1. c. 

6. The inscriptions that record the succession of Vonkata I are 
to be seen in Ep. Ind., IV, p. 3 ; VII, p. 89 ; IX, p. 340, v. 27 ; XIV, p. 
230 and 353 ; Ep. Cam., IV, Ng, 58 ; V, Hn, 7 ; IX, Cp, 186 ; Ind. 
Ant., XIII, p. 154 ; Sewell, II, p. 12, 81 and 248. Much confusion 
has been created as to the succession after Krishna Deva Raya's 
death. Several authors state that his nephew, the child Sadasiva, 
was appointed Sovereign, but his uncle Achyuta on coming from the 

South took the, throne, which was not restored to Sadasiva until 


Ammal l or Varadambika 2 ; but we do not know exactly 
the age of the new King, although we can positively state that 
he was not yet of age, since his uncle Salakam Timma Raju, 
brother-in-law of the late king :{ , took over the regency of the 
Empire 4 . Corrua states that the heir of Achyuta was a child 5 . . 
The Regent was very ambitious and of weak intellect, 
and at times absolutely irresponsible 6 . 

Achy uta's death. Cf. Wilson, The Mackenzie Collection,"^ 88 ; Rice, 
My sore i I, p. 353; Ravenshaw, Translation of Various Inscriptions 
of Vijayanagarti , Asiatic Researches. XX, p. 12-3 ; Subramiah 
Pantulu, Remarks on Telugn Literature, Ind. Ant., XXVII, p. 300. 
Did this confusion arise from the short reign of Venkata I, so long 
forgotten, or perhaps from the fact of the appointment made by 
Krishna Dcva Uaya of his s:\-yenrs-old son Tirurnalayadeva 
Maharayar as his Crown Trine" (139 of l9(j; /. Or//., IX, Ma, 6 
and 2) who dying soon after, rt Nuuiz wrralos, (Srwell, p. 359), 
again left tho thron^ vacant? After carefully reading Nuni/, 1 am 
more inclined to the latter vsrw. 

1. Sewdl, I, p. 182. 

2. Varudtunbikn-ParhMytun, S. Krishnaswami Aiyungar, Sounr*, 
p. 170. 

3. He was married to a s'st^r of Achyuta, according to Correa, 
Lendas da India, IV, p. 276. The tiiisattn-us-Sahitin. p. 51, says ho 
was the son of the daughter of the Rai. I suppose that this Rai must 
be Narasimha. 

4. He is called Bhoj Tirmal Ray by Ferishta, III, p. 81, and 
the Basatin-us-Salatin p. 51, and Uche Timma Rao by Couto, VI, p. 
382. Sewell, p. 182, note 3, thinks that the uncle, that Correa speaks 
of was Ranga, Sadasiva's father : we know the Regent's name from 
the Telugu poem, to which we shall refer later. 

it " Neste tempo aqueceo que morreo o Rey de Bisnega, de quo 
nom fiqou hcrdeiro, somonte hum filho menino ". Correa, Lendas da 
India, IV, p. 247. 

6. Ferishta, III, p. 81, says that he was ' deemed almost an 
idiot*, and Couto, 1. c., adds that 'he was mad as it is declared in his 
very name, since Uche means mad in Canarese*. The three accounts 
of Ferishta, Correa and Couto contain several palpable falsehoods, 
but many details coincide in a marked degree with those wo know 
from other sources; while the narrative of Ferishta, although 
located some years earlier in his history, openly refers to facts which 
happened at Achyuta's douiise. The Buriian-i-Ma'asir, Ind. Ant., 


It appears that, early during the ceremony of the coronation 
of the King, something unusual happened regarding the rites *. 
The nobles, and specially two Queens of Krishna Raya, 
Chinna-devi and Tirumala-devi, wanted to have their Sovereign 
free from any tutelage. Rama Raya and his brother Tirumala, 
close relations to the imperial family, were to be the ministers in 
charge of matters of government. But Salakam Timma Raju, 
who had been treasurer of the court 2 and whose ambition did not 
allow him to divide the government, earnestly opposed this 
project a . Two parties were thereupon formed 4 . But the Regent, 
holding the supreme power, tried to confine in prison the two 
brothers and those who were most opposed to his own 
schemes 5 . They, however, on being made aware of his 
intentions fled front Yijayana&ara, together with many other 
nobles. Swim* <>f these started to assume ituk-pcnclence in their 
own provinces '. Kama Raya and his t\\o brothers escaped 
to Gutti, according to the Sviimniclakaliinidhi, and to Penu- 
konda, as the Viisucharilrawu and the Annuls of llandc 
Ananlapur'Un relate 7 . 

3. It is evident that these nobles rebelled against the 
Regent but not against the young Emperor. All the con- 
temporary inscriptions and grants highly extol the latter's 
qualities: in a grant of his successor Sadasiva, King Venkata is 
called ' the treasury of wisdom '* ; again he is called 'an abode 

XLIX, p. 201-2, calls the Regent Ram Raj. This is another sign of 
the great confusion of the Muhammad, in writers on this period of 
Vijayanagara history. 

1. It is asserted in the Vasucharitratmi. 

2. Brown, The Wars of the Rajas, p. 3. 

3. Annals of Hande Anantapuram y S. Krishnaswaini Aiyangar, 
Sources p. 178. These facts are narrated as having happened at the 
death of Krishna Dcva Raya ; but this is an evident mistake. Cf. 
Correa, 1. c. 

4. Correa, 1. c. 

5. Annals of Ilxndc Anantapuram. 1. c., Svanwielakalanidhi* 
S. Krishnuswami Aiyangar, Sources, p. 190; Vtisucharitrumu, o.c., 
p. 216. 

6. Corroa, 1. c. 

7. 8. Krishnaswaini Aiyangar, 11. cc. 

8. Ep. Cam., IX, Cp, 186. 


of learning' in another grant of the same, dated 1561 l i in the 
same grant he is also mentioned as 'famous for valour* 2 ; 
and in the Krishnapuram plates of Sadasiva he is said to be 
' like the flower-arrowed Kama ' and ' to rule his kingdom 
well ' a . In a copper-plate sasanam of Vijayanagara he .is 
simply said to, have ' reigned gloriously ' 4 , which sounds as 
an empty boast, when said of a Monarch who died so 
young. But judging from the grief of his subjects at the time 
of his death we can conclude that he was an able and promis- 
ing youth : he died soon ' owing to the ill-fortune of the people', 
as we read in a grant of Sadasiva of 1545 r> ; or 'to the ill- 
fortune of his subjects' 6 ; or 'owing to the bad luck of his 
subjects * 7 . 

4. In the meanwhile Salakam Timma Raju was ruling the 
Empire most tyrannically, spending foolishly such large quanti- 
ties of money from the royal treasury that his subjects could 
not stand him any longer s . Then the Queen Dowager, 
Varadadevi-Ammal, begged Ibrahim Adil Shah I of Bijapur to 
come to her rescue and to secure the kingdom for her son, 
promising him immense riches in return for this favour !) . The 
Sultan set out for Vijayanagara; but on the road he was met 
by emissaries of Salakam Timma, who made him lavish presents 
as the price of his retreat 10 . The Queen Mother was then 
left alone in the hands of the ambitious minister, and it was 
probabty this time that saw the most abominable crime 
committed by Salakam Timma. 

1. Ep. Cam., V, Hn, 7. 

2. Ibid. 

3. Ep. Ind., IX, p, 340, w. 28-30. 

4. Sewcll, II, p. 12, 81. 

5. Ep. Cam., IV, Ng, 58. 

6. Ep. Cam., IX, Cp, 186 

7. Krishnapuram plates of Sadusiva, Ep. Ind., I, p. 340, vv. 

8. Couto, 1. c. 

9. " E por olle tomar osio trabalho Ihe pagaria toda sua 
despeza, e Ihe daria ma is hum con to de pardaos d'ouro*" Correa, L c. 

10. Correa, p. 247-8 


5. It is clear from original sources that Venkata I's reign 
did not last very long : ' he soon died ' 1 t 'he died after a 
short time' 2 , 'he soon went to the city of Indra'", he 
4 before long ascended to Indra's abode ' 4 are the phrases 
used to announce his demise. We do not know the exact date 
of his end ; but since there is an inscription of Sadasiva corres- 
ponding to July, 1542, we cannot suppose that the reign of 
Venkata lasted more than half a year. About the kind of death 
the unfortunate Sovereign met with, the statement of Correa gives 
full details : Salakam Timma, in order to strengthen his posi- 
tion and avoid any danger of civil or foreign war in favour of 
his royal nephew, caused Venkata to be assassinated together 
with two of his uncles and one of his cousins 5 . The aim of 
Salakam Timma was quite clear : to extinguish the whole of 
the royal family, excepting his own person : one of his victims 
was most likely Ranga, the father of Sadasiva and uncle of 
Venkata ; Sadasiva himself was no doubt one of the intended 
victims, but he fortunately escaped the violence of the blood- 
thirsty Regent. Ferishta relates that Venkata was strangled 
by his uncle c . Even a damaged inscription on the Garuda-manda- 
pam of the Chennakesavasvamin temple at Markapur records 
this family crime by stating that Timma * sinned against his 

1. Sadasiva's grant, 1546, Ep. Cam., IV, Ng, 58. 

2. British Museum plates of Sadasiva, Ep. Ind.. IV, p. 3. 

3. Krishnapuram plates of Sadasiva, Ep. Ind., IX, p. 340, v. 30. 

4. Sadasiva's grant, 1561, Ep. Cam., V, Hn, 7. 

5. Correa, o.c., p. 276. The murder of Venkata I was already 
known to Wilson, The Mackenzie Collection, p. 88 ; Krishna Sastri, 
The Second Vijayanagara Dynasty, A.S.I., Report, 1908-9, p. 195, and 
8 u bra mi ah Pantulu, Remarks on Telugit Literature, Ind. Ant. n 
XXVII, p. 300. The two brothers of Achyuta were, according to 
Correa, murdered in a fortress where they were imprisoned by 
Achyuta. This fortress was Chandragiri, according to Nuniz. See 
Sewell, p. 316. 

6. Ferishta, III, p. 83. 

7. 164 of 1905. The Burhan-i-Ma'astr, Ind. Ant., XLIX, p. 201, 
does not speak of the murder of Venkata I. It only says that he was 
imprisoned and then the Regent usurped the throne^ 


6. Salakam Timma, supposed to have no rivals at all, at 
once seized the throne of Vijayanagara ; and although the death 
of Venkata was 'much regretted', as we read in a copper- 
plate sasanam of Sadasiva l , nevertheless the nobility of 
the capital submitted as he was a member of the royal 
family. But soon being unable to endure his tyranny 
and oppression, they became disaffected and began to plot 
against him 2 . One of the cruelties which most alienated his 
subjects' feelings is narrated by Correa : Salakam Timma, in 
dread of the influence of the chief nobles, summoned them to 
court, seized them treacherously as soon as they reached the 
city, and caused their eyes to be put out. Some only of the first 
arrivals were caught ; the rest went back in great anger to their 
homes, and started to intrigue with their neighbours in order to 
put an end to the unbearable tyranny '\ 

Ibrahim Adil Shah of Bijapur was one of those whose help 
they sought for the moment. They urged him to depose Salakam 
Timma, promising him their assistance and offering him the 
crown of Vijayanagara if the country could be freed from that 
dreadful tyrant l . But the usurper, obtaining intelligence of 
their designs, also despatched an embassy with a sum of six 
lakhs of huns and many precious gifts to the Bijapur Sultan, 
soliciting him to march to his assistance, and promising in 
return to acknowledge his suzerainty and to pay down another 
sum of three lakhs of huns for every day's march his army 
might make. Ibrahim Adil Shah, tempted by this offer, and 
finally moved by the advice of the old general Asad Khan, left 
his capital and arrived at Vijayanagara without opposition : 
Timma himself went to fetch him and conducted him into the 
city and seated him on the royal throne and ordered rejoicings 

1. Sewell.II, 12, 81. " 

2. Ferishta, I.e. 

3. Correa, p. 276-7. This author says that only two of the 
nobles were treacherously mutilated by the Regent. 

4. Correa, p. 277. The Burhan-i-Ma'asir, Ind. Ant., XLIX 
p. 202, states that the Sultan of Bijapur proceeded' to Vijayaiiagara 
of his own accord, 


for seven days. Some of the nobles acknowledged him as 
Sovereign l : they were evidently the intimate friends of 

7. But the majority of the Grandees of the kingdom joined 
the three brothers Rama Ray a, Tirumala and Venkatadri to 
work out the salvation of the country 2 . These three great 
chiefs, from the day on which they fled from the capital, had 
seen that their army had grown after the capture of the forts of 
Penukonda, Adavani (Adoni) n , Gutti, Gandikota and Kanda- 
nol) Kurnul 4 . Now Rama Raya and the confederate nobles 
sent letters to Salakam Timma feigning the sincerest contrition 
for their rebellion and assuring him of their future allegiance. 
But, since the Muhammadans, who were introduced even into 
the capital of the Empire, were its most dangerous enemies, 
and since their stay in the country could have none but evil 
consequences, they asked the usurper to order the Sultan of 
Bijapur back to his own dominions. Timma being, after the 
subjection of the nobility, no longer in need of the Mussulmans, 
requested the Muhammadan army to return home after receiv- 
ing fifty lakhs of huns, according to the conditions previously 
settled upon. Moreover, magnificent presents were made to the 
Sultan, among which Ferishta mentions twelve fine elephants 
and some beautiful horses. Ibrahim Adil Shah had not yet 
entered his dominions when Rama Raya and the confederates 
hastened towards Vijayanagara in order to put Salakam to 
death and thus to avenge the murder of his predecessor r . 

1. Ferishta, III, p. 83; Correa, p. 278-9. Both accounts confirm 
each other, though they do not agree in some details. The Burhan- 
i-Ma'asir, Ind. Ant., XLIX, p. 202, does not mention the sum of 
money sent by Salakam to Ibrahim Adil Shah. Moreover, it states 
that the usurper fled from Vijayanagara on the approach of the 
army of Bijapur, and even quotes a letter of Asad Khan to Salakam 
Timma Raju inviting him to return to his capital. 

2. Ferishta, I.e. 

3. Vasucharitramu, S. Krishnaswami Aiyangar, Sources, p. 21C; 
Annals of Hande Anantapuram, I.e. 

4. Ramarnjiyamu, S. Krishnaswami Aiyangar, o.c., p. 181. 

5. Ferishta, 111, p. 83-4 ; the Basatin-us-Salatin, p. 51-2, gives 
the amount of 44 lakhs of huns as the sum given Ibrahim by Sala- 


Neither Ferishta nor Correa mention any battle between 
Rama Raya and Salakam Timma; and the former even 
seems to suppose that the bribes Rama Raya made 
among the troops of Vijayanagara opened to him the 
gates of the city l . But the Telugu poem Narasabu- 
paliyamu says that the valiant general 'waged war and destroyed 
the traitor Salakam Timma' 2 ; and in the Ramarajiyamu we 
read that he 'defeated the armies of Salakam' 3 ; and the 
Svaramelakalanidhi states that he ' conquered the traitors to the 
kingdom' 4 ; and the Annals of Hande Anantapuram record 
that Rama Raya and Tirumala, along with Hande Hanumappa 
Nayudu of Sonnalapuram, delivered the attack upon the forces 
of Salakam. They were helped by addtional forces from 
Kandnavol (Karnul) and Gadwal. The battle did not last long. 
The Annals do not mention Rama Raya's bribes to the officers 
of Salakam; but this inference may also be drawn from their 
assertion that " his officers, thinking that he was only a shep- 
herd who wanted to snatch away the kingdom as he was rich, 
deserted in a body" r \ This desertion by the officers might 
have been caused by Rama Raya's bribes. After this action 
Rama Raya became the lord of the capital : the bribes that 
Ferishta speaks of became very useful on this occasion. 
Perhaps the final victory of the confederates was due to them. 
Salakam Timma and his relatives did not leave the city to 
defend their rights in a pitched battle, for the inscription of 
Markapur mentioned above informs us that Rama Raya 

kara Timma, on this occasion, but adds : u according to another 
account not 44 but 80 lakhs of huns were given the Sultan/* The 
Annals of Hande Anantapuram, I.e., say that the Sultan of Bijapur 
remained at Vijayanagara until Rama Raya came with his army and 
that Barid Shah, Nizam Shah and Qutb Shah were likewise helping 
the usurper. This seems only intended to extol the valour of Rama 
Raya who dared to fight against all these chiefs allied with the 
usurper. Ferishta does not say a word about this alliance. 

1. Ferishta, III, p. 84. 

2. S. Krishnaswami Aiyangar, o.c., p. 224, 

3. Ibid., p. 181. 

4. Ibid., p. 190. 

5. Ibid., p. 178, 


'subdued at Vidyanagari (Vijayanagara) Timma and 

the whole of the Salakam family' '. 

About his end, Couto only says that his subjects killed 
him 2 , and the V asucharitramu and the Narasabupaliyamu 
state respectively that * Rama finally killed' 11 or 'destroyed 
the traitor Salakam Timma' 4 . The same is recorded by Mirza 
Ibrahim Zabiri r> . Finally, the Annals record that ' he was 
killed in the fight' 6 . But Ferishta, whom I trust more on 
this occasion on account of the detailed account he gives, relates 
these events as follows: "Bhol Tirmal Ray, finding he was betray- 
ed, shut himself up in the palace, and, becoming mad from des- 
pair, blinded all the royal elephants and horses, and cut off their 
tails that they might be of no use to his enemy. All the dia- 
monds, rubies, emeralds, and other precious stones and pearls, 
which had been collected in the course of many ages, he 
crushed to powder between heavy mill-stones, and scattered 
them on the ground. He then fixed a sword-blade into a pillar 
of his apartment, and ran his breast upon it with such force, 
that it pierced through, and came out at his back ; thus putting 
an end to his existence, just as the gates of the palace were 
opened to his enemies" 7 . Correa agrees with this Muham- 
madan writer, and even says that before dying Salakam said 
that he wanted to die as a king of Vijayanagara 8 . 

8. When the Queens of Krishna Raya heard of these 
happy events they ordered the nobles to hand over the city to 
Rama Raya and Tirumala, and their order was accordingly 
carried out D . Rama Raya was received in the imperial city 

1. 164 of 1905. ~~ ~ 

2. Couto, o.c,, p. 382. 

3. S. Krishnaswami, o.c., p. 216. 

4. Ibid., p. 224. 

5 Basatin-us-Salatin, p. 52. 

6. S. Krishnaswami Aiyangar, o. c., p. 178. 

7. Forishta, o.c., p. 84-5. Cf. Rico, Mysore, I, p. 354. The 
above mentioned Telugu pooms, in order to eulogize the virtues and 
might of Rama Raya, represent him as the destroyer of his rival. 
This is a usual practice among poets. 

8. " Eu moyro Rey de Bisnega". Couto, p. 282. 

9. S. Krishnaswami Aiyangar, o.c., p. 178. The mother of 
Venkata I is not mentioned on this occasion. Was she also one of 
the victims of Salakam Timma? 


of Vijayanagara as the liberator of the country. " He saved the 
Karnata (Vijayanagara) Empire from destruction by making 
war on and destroying the traitor Salakaya Timma", sings 
Bhattu Murti in his Narasabupaliyamu *. Probably on 
account of this triumph over the tyrant Salakam he was there- 
after called * the Protector of the Karnata kingdom' 2 or ' the 
Protector of the fortunes of the Karnata kingdom* 3 . And, 
perhaps even from this time onwards his deeds were ' sung by 
Vidyadhari women to the accompaniment of their lutes, which 
they made resonant by striking with their nails', as we read in 
the Mangalampad grant of Venkata II 4 . 

The subsequent attempts of Rama Raya to save the 
Empire will be narrated in the following chapter. 

1. Ibid., p. 225. 

2. Kanuma grant of Sadasiva, Ep. Ind., XIV, p. 353, vv. 29-30. 

3. Sadasiva's grants, 1561 and 1558, Ep. Cam., V, Hn, 7; IX, 
Cp, 186. 

4. Buttcrworth, I, p. 29, v. 17. 



SUMMARY. 1. The family of Sadasiva. 2. His coronation as 
Emperor of Vijayanagara.-- 3. The mythical and historical 
ancestors of the Aravidu family. 4. Rama Raya and his family. 
5. The family of Tirumala and Venkatadri. 6. Previous deeds 
of Rama Raya. 

CONTEMPORARY SOURCES.I. Hindu inscriptions and grants. 2. 
Fcrishta, Anonymous Chron ; clcr of Golkonda. 3. Couto, Correa. 
4. Travels of Caesar Frederick. 5. Vasucharitrumu, Kama Raya 
Charitra, Svanwiclakalanidhi, Narasalwpaliyawu, Balablwgavatam, 
Ramarajiytimu . 

THE events recorded at the end of the preceding chapter 
arc supposed to be merely the preliminary steps taken 
by Rama Raya to save the country. The young Prince 
Sadasiva had survived the bloody tragedy of the imperial 
family in which Venkata I was the chief victim. So Rama 
Raya's first care, after defeating Salakam Timma, was to instal 
this last representative of the Tuluva family on the glorious 
throne of his ancestors. Accordingly he marched from Vijaya- 
nagara at the head of his army, sword in hand, to rescue 
Prince Sadasiva hidden in the fortress of Gutti l . 

The unfortunate Prince, who was about to be fetched by 
Rama Raya to be anointed as Emperor of Vijayanagara, was 
supposed to be the son of Krishna Deva Raya, according to 
Couto 2 ; or the son of Achyuta Raya as given in an inscrip- 
tion of Hassan :{ . But we now knew of several inscriptions of 
the time of Sadasiva that call him son of Ranga Raya orRanga 

1. Svaramelakalanidhi, according to Mr. Krishna Sastri, The Third 
Vijayanagara Dynasty, A. S. I., Report, K)ll-2, p. 178, note 2. 

2. Couto, VI, p. 382. 

3. UICQ, Mysore Inscriptions, p. 228, 129 ; Rice, Mysore, I, p 353 ; 104 
of 1906 ; Fleet, Pali, Sanskrit and Old Canarase Inscriptions^. 28, pi. 246. 


kshitindra and of Timmamba l . According to some Bhatkal 
inscriptions 2 , Ranga-kshitindra was a son of Isvara-Nara- 
simha and brother of Krishna Deva Raya but by a different 
mother. The founder of the third dynasty married three wives : 
Tippajidevi, who was his Queen; Nagala, the mot her of Krishna 
Deva Raya; and Obambika, the mother of Achyuta Raya a 
and Ranga-kshitindra 4 , and hence grand-mother of Sadasiva. 
His father Ranga had probably been one of the victims of the 
tyranny of Salakam Timma, as we have pointed out in the 
preceding chapter. By the author of the Svaramelakalanidhi 
Sadasiva is given at this time the appellation of ' helpless ' 5 . 
That seems to connote a tender age. Indeed a contemporary 
anonymous chronicler of Golconda says that * the heir to the 
throne was a child in arms' 6 . Caesar Frederick only says 
that he was ' very young' 7 . The same is implied by the 
probable fact- that he was not yet married at the time of his 
coronation ; for there was no queen at his side, as we know 
from a grant we shall quote a little further on. Hence what 
seems to us quite reasonable, and not inconsistent with the 
truth, is the statement of Couto who suys that Sadasiva at the 
time of his installation was a little more than thirteen years 
of age 8 . Correa affirms that he was about sixteen !) . Ac- 

1. British Museum plates of Sadasiva, Ep. Ind., IV, p. 3 ; Krishna - 
purani plates of Sadasiva, .Ep. Ind., IX, p. 340, vv. 28-30 ; Bevinahalli 
grant of Sadasiva, Ep. Ind., XIV, p. 230, vv. 28-30 ; Kanuma grant of 
Sadasiva, Ep. Ind., XIV, p. 353, vv. 29-30 ; Sadasiva's grant, 1546, 
Ep. Cam., IV, Ng, 58 ; Sadasiva's grant, 1561. Ep. Cam., V, Hn, 7; 
Sadasiva's grant, 1558, Ep. Cam., IX, Cp, 186 ; Copper-plate sasanam 
of Sadasiva, Sewell, II, p. 12, 81. 

2. Cf. Krishna Sastri, The Second Vijayanagaia Dynasty, A. S. /., 
Report, 1908-9, p. 193, note 8. 

3. Achyuta 's grant, 1537, Sewell, I, p. 30, 207. - 

4. British Museum plates of Sadasiva, Ep. Ind., IV, p. 3. Cf. 
Kieihorn, p. 89, 530. 

5. S. Krishnaswami Aiyangar, Sources, p. 190. 

6. Ferishta, III, p. 381. 

7. Purchas, His Pilgrims, X, p. 93. 

8. Couto, 1. c., p. 382. 

9. Correa, 1. c., p. 281-2. 


cording to this author, Sadasiva and his eldest brother were 
living hidden 'towards the kingdom of Orissa ', probably in 
the Telugu country. When they were found by Rama Raya's 
diligence, the eldest brother was crowned as king of Vijaya- 
nagara. This happened at the time of Salakam's usurpation. 
But the new sovereign often was out of his mind on account of 
an unknown disease. So, by the nobles' accord, and with his 
consent, his youngest brother was raised up to the masnad. 
This was Sadasiva, who, it seems, was crowned at Tirupati, 
where he received a great deal of money, both from the nobility 
and from the treasury of the temple for the war intended against 
the usurper. The present given him by the Brahmins of Tirupati 
was ' a hundred bulls loaded with gold pieces/ From thence 
they advanced against Vijayanagara. It was then that 
Sadasiva stopped at Gutti while Rama Raya and his army 
advanced against Salakam. 

2. On his return from Gutti, the coronation of Sadasiva 
took place at Vijayanagara. Achyuta Raya was also crowned 
twice, according to the Achyutarayabhyudayam : first at 
Tirupati and then at Vijayanagara, just as Sadasiva had been l . 
According to some inscriptions, Rama Raya alone installed him 
on the- jewel throne and anointed him 2 . The British Museum 
plates of Sadasiva record that Rama Raya made the ministers 
instal Sadasiva :{ ; but there is no doubt that both Rama-Haya 
and the ministers participated in the ceremonies of the instal- 
lation of the young King. This is stated in several grants of the 
said Sadasiva 4 . Now the first ministers were, no doubt, 
Tirumala and Venkatadri, the brothers of Rama Raya, but 
probably some others too are meant : the Bevinahalli grant of 

1. Cf. S. Krishnaswami Aiyangar, Sources, p. 158. 

2. Bevinahalli grant of Sadasiva, Ep. Ind., XIV, p. 230, w. 28-30; 
Ranga Ill's grant, 1644-5, Ind. Ant., XIII, p. 154; Copper-plate 
sasanam of Sadasiva, Sewell, II, p. 12, 81 ; Svaramelakalanidhi, S. 
Krisbswami Aiyangar, Sources, p. 190. 

3. British Museum plates of Sadasiva. Ep. Ind., IV, p. 3. 

4. Kamnna grant of Sadasiva, Ep. Ind., XIV, p. 353, vv. 29-30 ; 
Sadasiva's grant, 1546, Ep. Cam., IV, Ng, 58; Sadasiva's grant, 1561, 
Ep. Cam, V, Hn, 7 j Sadasiva's grant, 1558, Ep. Cam., IX, Cp. 186. 


Sadasiva gives the names of several of his ministers * ; 
another, named Venkatesvararaja, is mentioned in an inscrip- 
tion at Enamdala 2 . In an inscription of the Bhairavesvara 
temple at Mopur mention is also made of the Mah^mandalesva- 
ra Timmayadeva Maharaju, son of Narasingayadeva Maharaja 
and grandson of Avubhaladeva Maharaja of Nandyala 3 . 
Another grandson of the same by a different father, Chinna 
Avubalesvaradeva Maharaju, is also called Mahamandaiesvara 
in an inscription of Gandikota 4 . Finally, Ramabhatlayya, 
son of Bhutanatha Brahma-jyoyisalu, is also said to have 
been a minister of Sadasiva 5 . 

The solemn act of the coronation and anointment of the 
descendant of the great Isvara-Narasimha, nephew of the 
most glorious Sovereign of Vijayanagara, Krishna Deva Raya, 
was the occasion of much joy on the part of the inhabitants 
of the capital ; " and the tears of joy ", says one of his 
grants of 1558, "shed at the time of his coronation-ano- 
inting flooded the earth so as to make her appear as the queen 
who was anointed with him" . Rama Raya seating Sadasiva 
on the precious stone (the throne inlaid with precious stones), 
holding an umbrella over his head 7 , * restored once more the 
Empire of Vijayanagara to its ancient glory' 8 . 

Virapratapa Kathari Saluva Vira-Sadasiva-rayadeva (for 
that is his full imperial title as given in the inscriptions tt ) was 
recognised by everyone throughout his vast dominions as the 
real Emperor of Vijayanagara. We have inscriptions from 
every corner of the Empire which show that he was proclaimed 

1. Ep. Ind. t XIV, p. 212-3. Cf. 348 of 1905. 

2. 415, Ap. B of 1916. 

3. 498 of 1906. 

4. 485 of 1906. 

5. 60 of 1915. 

6. Ep. Cam., IX, Cp, 186. 

7. Inscription on a stone called Vay in the temple of Madava- 
swami at Vijayanagara, Ravenshaw, Translation of Various Inscriptions 
Found among the tuins of Vijayanagara, Asiatic Researches, XX, p. 35. 

8. Vasuchartiramu, 8. Xrishnaswami Aiyangar, Sources, p. 216, 

9. 399 and 381 of 1904, 


the Rajadhiraja of the whole of Hindustan south of the Tunga- 
bhadra J . Some Rajas of the Karnatic however, who depend- 
ed on the Emperors of Vijayanagara, did not pay homage to 
the new Emperor at once; since Ferishta tells us that in the 
year 1544 " the Karnatic was as yet by no means in a settled 
state, many of the dependant Rajas being still in revolt" 2 . 
This is shown also by the birudas attributed to him in the same 
inscriptions : Virapratapa Kathari Saluva Vira-Sadasiva Raya 
Deva-Maharaya receives in them the following titles due only to 
the Imperial Majesty: The great Emperor, the great King, the 
glorious great King, the King of Kings, supreme Lord of Kings, 
the supreme King, the famous, the valorous, the famous for 
valour, the brave and puissant 3 . 

We do not know when the coronation of Sadasiva took 
place ; but it must have been during the first half of the year 
1542, since his earliest inscription hitherto known bears a date 
corresponding to July 27, 1542 4 . 

3. Now after having seen the young Sadasiva crowned 
and anointed by his Regent and chief minister Rama Raya, 
whose object was to establish firmly among his subjects the 
authority of the Aravidu family, it is worth while to give an 
account of the latter's ancestors as well as of his brave deeds 
before he reached the height of his power. 

The family pedigree of Rama Raya may be found, with 
very few discrepancies, in almost all the grants of the Soverigns 
belonging to his family"'. This vamsavali invariably con- 

1. Ever* the Malayalam country was one of the States from 
which the Emperor of Vijayanagara received tribute ; but the Maha- 
rajas of Kulam refused to pay it except when compelled by the 
imperial armies, as we shall see further on. 

2. Ferishta, III, p. 94, 

3. Visvanath#'s inscription seven miles from Madura, Burgess, p. 
108-9; Banasamkari Kanarese inscription of Sadasiva, Ind. Ant., X, p. 
67; Kanarese inscription of Sadasiva, 1547-8, Ind. Ant., X, p. 65; 
Sadasiva's grant, 1561, Ep. Catn., V, Hn, 7. 

4. Ep. Cain., Ill, Sr, 42. 

5. British Museum plates of Sadasiva, Ep. Ind., IV, p. 3ff; 
Krishnapurara plates of Sadasiva, Ibid., IX, p. 329 if; Bevinahall ' 
grant of Sadasiva, Ibid., XIV, p. 331 ; Kanuma grant of Sadasiva, 



tains two sections : one mythical, the other historical. By the 
former they claim to belong to the Lunar race, through Buddha, 
Pururavas and several other Puranic heroes ; and this is the 
reason why Venkata II in the Vilapaka grant professes to be 
Atreyagotraja, a descendant from Atri, the Moon's father. 
Nevertheless not all the names given in this section are mythic; 
there are also some historical persons named among the Ara- 
vidu family just to exalt its nobility, as it was also done by 
the kings of the preceding dynasties. Such are Nanda, the 
representative of the old Dynasty of Pataliputra overthrown by 
the Maurya Chandragupta ; and Chalikya, through whom the 
Aravidu Emperors boast connection with the Chalukyas; and 
lastly Bijjalendra, who represents the Kalachuris. 

The historical pedigree starts with Tata Pinnama, 'at whose 
sight the enemies were frightened* and whose son Somideva 

Ibid., p. 343 ; Sadasiva's grant, 1545, Ep. Cam., V, Mj., 60 ; Sadasiva's, 
grant, 1561, Ibid., Hn, 7; Sadasiva's grant, 1558,/i/>. Cam.. IX, Op, 186 ; 
Mamidipundi grant of Sadasiva, Butterworth, I, p. 98 ff; Kama 
Raya's grant, 1554, M. A. D., 1923. p. 125 ff; Penuguluru grant of 
Tirumala, Ep. Ind., XVI, p. 254; Tirumala's grant, 1571, Ep. Cam., XII 
Tm., 1; Marodappalli grant of Kanga I, Ep. Ind., XT, p. 327 ; Arivilr 
mangalam plates of Kanga T, Ibid., XII, p. 356, Copper-plate inscri- 
ption of Vrnkata II, 15.S9. .M. A. D., 1921, p. 31 ; Vilapaka grant of 
Venkata II, Ep. hid., IV. p. 270 ff.;Dalaway Agraharam plates of 
Venkata II, Ep. Ind., XfT, p. L W 5; Venkata Il's grant, 1586, Ep. Ind., 
XIII, p. 225; Venkata il's grant, 1613, ibid., p. 231; Padmaneri 
grant of Venkata II, Ep. Ir.d., XVI, p. 296; Vellangudi plates of 
Venkata II, Ib;d., p. 209 ff; V< nkata Il's grant, 1587, Ep. Cam., VII, 
Sh, 83; Venkata Il's grant, I59, Ep.Cnrn., XII, Ck, 39; Mangalampad 
plates of Venkata II, Butt ci worth, I, p. 27-31 ; Kiiniyur plates of 
Venkata III, Ep. I fid., Ill, p. 251-2; Karnata grant of Venkata III, 
1636, Ind Ant., XIII, p. 123; Kondyata grtnt of Venkata III, Ind Ant., 
XIII, p. 129; Copper-plate grant of Venkata III, 1634, Bur- 
gess, IV, p. 186 ff; M. E. /?., 1891, p. 6 ; Utsur grant of Ranga 111, But- 
terworth, I, p. 46; Kallakursi grant of Ranga III, Ind.Ant.,XIII,p. 153. 
Some information on the Aravidu family pedigree is also to be found 
in the following poems : Vasu Raja Charitra, Wijson, The Mackenzie 
Collection, p. 295; Rama Raja Charitra, Ibid., p. 269 ; Svaratnelakalanidhi, 
8. Krishna swami Aiyangar, Sources, p. 190 ; Narasabupaliyamt, Ibid., p. 
?34 ; Vasucharitramu, Ibid., p. 216 ; Balabhagavatam, Ibid., p. 204, 


' captured seven forts during the course of a single day '; then 
comes Raghavadeva, called brave and heroic, who was the 
father of Pinnama, * the lord of Aravitipura', from whose time 
we see the members of this family most closely connected 
with State aftairs ; Araviti Bukka, his son, who married 
Balambika, is described as 4 the establisher of the kingdom 
of Saluva Narasimha', the founder of the second dynasty. 
Bukka then was one of the generals and ministers of Narasimha, 
who supported this usurper, when he put on his head the 
crown of Virupaksha, in 1485-6 J . He could not have died 
very early, since he is recorded to have been one of the generals 
present at the enthronement of Krishna Deva Raya, in 
January, 1510. Bukka's son Rama Raya, who espoused Lak- 
kambika, is called 'a grtat warrioi' and 'ccnqueror over Sapada's 
army'. Sapada i:> underpin d to be the Sultan of Golkoiif'a. The 
Ranni Raja Chan Ira says expressly I hat by the aid of his 
brother Venkatapati, and two chkfs of the same family, 
Venkatadri and Tirumala, he subdued Gutti, Penukonda and 
other places and defeated the King of Go-konca -. The 
Maredapalli grant of Kan^a I records that Rama Raya 
captured the forts of Avanagiri and Kandanavolu (Karnul) and 
put to flight Kasappudaya. According to the poem mentioned 
above he had five sons : Srirangu, Channa Venkatapati, Tinima 
or Tirumala(\vho distinguished himself in the service of Krishna 
Deva Raya), and lastly Venkatapati. Of these, the first, Sriranga 
became the father of Rama Raya, the Regent of Sadasiva 

Sriranga, according to Rama Raya's gia:it, 1554, * defeated 
many enemies '. We know from Ferishta that he was one of 
the ministers of Krishna Deva Raya, and was succeeded in 
this place by his son Rama Raya { . Accordingly in an 

1. Cf. S, Krishnaswami Aiyaiigur. --I Little Knmvn Charier t*f 
Vijaytinagartt History, p. 47. 

2. Wilson, The Mackenzie Collection, p. 270. 

3. Ferishta, III, p. 81. He calls Rama Raya's father Timraj. In 
two inscriptions of Penukonda, Rama Raya is called the son of 
Tirumalaraja. 333 and 335 of 1901. Rice, Mysore, I, p. 353, agrees with 
them. But we cannot doubt this point at i resent after the study of 


inscription at Karnul he is called Mahamandalesvara Rama- 
raju Peda Sriranga-deva Maharaju J . Sriranga married Tiru- 
malambika and had three sons by her: Rama, Tirumala and 
Venkatadri. The Narasabupaliyamu gives him five sons: Kona, 
Timma, Rama, Yeratimma and Venkata 2 . We can admit 
the existence of these five brothers; but the first two had 
already disappeared from the stage before the other three 
exerted any great influence in the governing of the state. We 
shall proceed to describe the family and the deeds of these 
three brothers. 

4. Rama Raya, also called Kodanda Rama, was the eldest of 
the three brothers. In the grants of Sadasiva, Rama is always 
called Sadasiva's brother-in-law, the husband of his sister 3 ; 
whilst in several poems and in an inscription of Venkata III as 
well as in Ferishta, Couto and the Pasalw-its-Salathii we read 
that Rama Raya's wife was a daughter of Krishna Deva Raya 4 
and Queyroz even affirms that she was the only daughter 
of this Emperor 5 . The Narapativijaya says that her 
name was Tirumalambika G and the Annals of Handc Anan- 

the records mentioned in note 5, p. 17. More startling is the opinion of 
Burncll, Elements of South Indian Paleography, p. 55, not, who calls the 
father of Rama Raya, Virappa Nayak. 

1. 156 of 1905. 

2. S. Krishnaswami Aiyangar, Soutccs, p. 254. 

3. British Museum plates of Sadasiva, Ep. ///</., IV, p. 3; 
Krishnapuram plates of Sadasiva, Ibid., IX, p. 340, vv. 28-30 ; Bevina- 
halli grant of Sadasiva, Ibid., XIV, p. 230, vv. 28-30 ; Sadasiva's grant, 
1545, Ep. Curn., IV, Ng, 58 ; Sadasiva's grant, 1561, Ep Cam., V, Hn, 
7 ; Sadasiva's grant, 1558, Ibid., IX, Cp, 186 ; Sadasiva's grant, 1556-7, 
Ind. Ant., XIII, p. 154. 

4. Srvaramclakalanidhi, S. Krishnaswmi Aiyangar, Sources, p. 190; 
Ramarajiyamu, Ibid, p. 184 ; Rama Raja Charitra, Wilson, The Mac- 
kenzie Collection, p. 270 ; Venkata Ill's inscription, Ep. Cam., Ill, Nj, 
198 ; Ferishta, III, p. 81 ; Couto, o. c., p. 382 ; Basatin-us-Salatin , p. 51. 
Correa, o. c., IV, p. 282, says that the wifo of Rama Raya was a 
sister of Krishna Deva Raya. 

5. Queyroz, Conquista de Ceylao, p. 308. 

6. Ind. Ant. t XXVII, p. 332. Sewell, II, p. 252, who gives the 
game name, says that she w;>s the youngest daughter of Krishna 


tapuram state that her mother was Queen Tirumala Devi l . 
We cannot reject these latter authorities, although the former 
seem at first sight more weighty : one of them gives the name 
of Rama Raya's wife, and their statement agrees with the title 
4 Aliya ' (son-in-law) a title often given to Rama Raya. We are 
not allowed to suppose two different wives, one a daughter of 
Krishna Raya, the other a sister of Sadasiva; because we know 
the names of all the wives of Rama Raya and this distinction 
is never made. We prefer the explanation given by Prof. 
F. Kielhorn : " The two statements ", he says, " would in my 
opinion be best reconciled by taking the word bhagini of the 
present inscription to denote a cousin of Sadasiva, a daughter 
of his paternal uncle Krishnaraya "-. This seems more 
probable ; for it is known that, in the Kanarcsc country, words 
denoting relationship are used loosely :{ . 

The RiUHariijiyinnu informs us that Rama Raya also mar- 
ried Appalamba, the daughter of Peddanandi Raju of the 
Jillella family, and Kondamma and Lakshmamma, the daugh- 
ters of Timma of the Pochiraju family 4 . As to Rama 
Raya's sons, the Kondyata grant of Venkata III and the Kalla- 
kursi grant of Ranga III state that " from the famous king 
Rama Raya there sprang five sons, who were able to protect 
the world, who followed the path of policy, and who longed to 
grant the desires of the crowd of wise men " 5 . These five 
sons are also mentioned in the aforesaid Ramarajiyamu. The 
first two are Krishnaraya or Krishnapa and Peda Timmaraja; 
they were the sons of Tirumalamba c . Peda Timma became 
a victorious general against the army of Nizam Shah, and was 
probably the one whose grant is recorded in an inscription of 
Boilavaram, Cuddapah District, under the name of ' Papa 
Timmayyadeva Maharaja, son of Rama Raya Timma Raya ' 7 

1. S. Krishnaswami Aiyangar, Sources, p. 178. 

2. Ep. Ind., IV, p. 4. 

3. Of. Fleet, Kanarcsc Dynasties, p. 48, note 1. 

4. S. Krishnaswami Aiyangar, o. c., p. 184. 

5. Ind. Ant., XV, p. 147. 

6. They are also mentioned in the Narapativijayamu. Cf. Ind. 
Ant. t XXVII, p. 332. 

7. Sewell, I, p. 124 ; Rangacharya, I, p. 618, 492. 


By his second wife Appalamba, Rama Raya had no sons. 
The third, Kondamma, gave him two, Konda and Timma. Of 
these Konda became governor of Anegundi and Timma held a 
like office in the fortress of Raichur. I suppose that this 
Timma was the one whose grant is also commemorated in 
another inscription of Nidujuvvi, Cuddapah District, under the 
name of 'Chinna Timmayadeva Maharaja, son of Rama Raya' l 
Finally, by Lakshmamma Rama Raya begot Sriranga 
Raya, the old Ranga IV, mentioned in an inscription of the 
Nellore District under the title of Rama Raya Srirangarajayya- 
deva Maharaja 2 . We shall speak of him at greater length 
in another volume when referring to the reign of one of his 
sons, the future Venkata III 3 . 

Besides these five sons, Rama Raya had some daughters. 
For the anonymous Muhammadan chronicler of the history of 
Golkonda, a contemporary of these events, mentions two sons- 
in-law of the great Minister of Sadasiva. One was Jotumraj, 
the general deputed by his father-in-law to the conquest of 
Dewurconda and Indraconda 4 ; and the other Buswunt Raj, 
the governor of the forts of Nandyal and Kalgur (Karnul) 5 . 

5. The second brother of Rama Raya, Tirumala, called 
also Timmaraya in an inscription at the Chandeswari 
temple at Hampi c , married Vengalamba 7 , the sister of 

1. Sewell, o. c., p. 125. 

2. Cf. Ind. Ant., XXXVIII, p. 94. The Rama Raja C/im/mgivos 
only three sons of Kama Raya with different names : Peddvenkata, 
Venkatapati and Rama or Kodanda Rama. Wilson, The Mackenzie 
Collection, p. 270. Cf. Ravensbaw, Collection of Various Inscriptions , I.e., 
p. 19. According to the information given by the Raja of Anegundi 
to Mr. Sewell, Rama Raya had only two sons, Krishna Raja and 
Tirumala Raja. Sewell, II, p. 252. 

3. The descendants of Rama Raya, as given in the Rama- 
rajiyamu may be seen in the adjoining pedigree. 

4. Ferishta, III, p. 408. 

5. Ibid., p. 453. 

6. M. A. />., 1900, p. 39. Ferishta, III, p. 135 and 242, as woll as 
the anonymous chronicler of Golkonda, Ferishta, III, p. 397 and 418, 
calUTirumala, Yeltumraj. 

7. Arivilimangalam plates of Ranga I, Ep. Ind., XII, p. 342 ; 
Venkata II's grant, 1589, Ep. Cam., XII, Ck, 39; Venkata Ill's 
inscription, 1639, Ep. Cant., Ill, Nj, 198; Ramarajiyamu % 8. 
Krishnawami AJyaogar, Sources, p. 213. 



P i w 



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Sadasiva 1 Was this so-called sister of Sadasiva also a cousin of 
this monarch ? We do not dare to affirm it. We shall only say 
that Tirumala had also married a daughter of Krishna Raya 
by his Queen Chinna Devi 2 . " As the four Vedas, Sama 
and the others, were produced from the mouth of the Creator", 
says the Utsur grant of Ranga III, " so four sons of immeasur- 
able glory were born to Tirumala" 3 . From another grant of 
Ranga III, 1645, as well as from the Ramarajiyamu, we know 
the names of these four sons. They were Raghunatha ; 
Sriranga, the future Ranga I ; Rama Raya, and Venkata Deva 
Raya 4 . Moreover, we know one of his sons in-law, 
Nagarajayyadeva Maharaya. He is mentioned by Sadasiva in 
one of his inscriptions at Vontinitta, Cuddapah Distict r> . 

We have very little information concerning the family of 
the third brother Venkatadri. In the Ramarajiyamu he is stated 
to have married two wives, Rangama and Krishnama, of whom 
he begot two sons, Rangappa and Rama fi . In the Mangalampad 
grant of Venkata II he is said * to have shone on earth 
resembling Lakshmana in beauty* 7 . Later on we shall speak 
of his exploits as a great general. 

Siddhiraju Timma Raju, a nephew of Rama Raya, in his 
poem Paramayogi Vilasaw, informs us that his mother 
Konamamba was the sister of the three brothers spoken of 

1. On account of these marriages of Rama Raya and Tirumala 
with ladies of the Tuluva Dynasty, the monarchs of the Aravidu 
family considered themselves legitimate successors of the Tuiuva 

2. Annals of Hande Anantapnram, 1. c. 

3. Butterworth, I, p. 46, v. 21. 

4. Ranga Ill's grant, 1645, Ep. Cam., X, Mb, 60 ; Ramarajiyamu 
S. Krishnaswami Aiyangar, Sources p. 213-4. The anonymous chronicler 
of Golkonda, Ferishta, III, p. 453, mentions one Nursing Raj, nephew 
of Kama Raya. He was perhaps an unknown son of one of these 

5. 411 of 1911. 

6. S. Krishnaswami Aiyangar, Sources, p. 222. 

7. Butterwprth, I, p. 30, v. 18. In the village of Maranapalli 
there is an inscription, probably of his, in which be mentions Rama 
Raya, Cf, Rangacharya, I, p. 5, 


above l . Another sister of theirs is mentioned in the 
Narasabupalyamu : her name was Lakkamamba ; she married 
Oba Raja of the Pochiraju family and by him had a son 
named Narasimha, who was the patron of this poem 2 . 

The anonymous chronicler of Golkonda gives a short 
account of the life of Rama Raya before the latter entered the 
service of the great Emperor, Krishna Deva Raya. We cannot 
brush aside the authority of this writer, since he was a contem- 
porary of the events he narrates and perhaps an eye-witness for 
those events which occurred in the capital of Golkonda: "When 
the late King (Sultan Kuli Qutb Shah) marched towards the 
Vijayanagara territories", says he, " and reduced some districts 
on the confines, he was unwilling to leave a Muhammad an detach- 
ment there; he, therefore deputed Ramraj, a Hindu of noble fami- 
ly, to be in charge of the districts while be himself returned to 
Golkonda. Three years afterwards Ramraj was expelled by 
some of Adil Shah's troops which, having been sent out on a 
plundering expedition, had invaded and laid waste the estates 
in question. Ramraj fled to the late Sultan Kuli Qutb Shah, 
who, considering his flight a proof of his cowardice, ordered 
him instantly to quit the court. Ramraj, thus disgraced, took 
the route of Vijayanagara, and entered the service of Krishna 
Raja, who shortly afterwards forming a high opinion of him, 
gave him his daughter in marriage " ;f . 

Couto states also that Rama Raya was a great general in 
the army of Krishna Deva Raya and was actually ruling as 
Governor in the province of the Badaguas and Teligas 4 . He 
means by this, no doubt, the Telugii country from which the 
Badagas invaded the South of India 5 . This piece of infor- 
mation refers already to the reign of Achyuta, because Correa 
says that when Rama Raya went to the Court at the time of 
Achyuta's death, he had come from Paleacate (Pulicat) where 
he was the 'great Lord* 6 . Pulicat was probably at that time 

1. S. Krishnaswami Aiyangar, Sources, p. 211. 

2. Ibid, p. 225. 

3. Ferishta, III, p. 380. 

4. Couto, VI, p. 382-3. 

5. See Chapters VI and VII. 

6. Correa, o. o., p. 


the capital of his governorship. According to the Ramarajiyamu, 
he had also been Kalyana Puravaradhisvara, ruler of the city 
of Kalyani, probably Kalyandrug, in Anatapur District l . 

Mr. Sewell is inclined to see in Rama Raya and Tirumala 
those two relatives of King Achyuta to whom the whole 
government of the Empire was so completely handed over, that 
the King himself dared not do anything against their wishes : 
"He (Achyuta) has never done anything", says Nuniz, " except 
those things that are desired by his two brothers-in-law, who 
are men very evilly disposed and great Jews " 2 . This seems 
quite probable; because Fr. Queyroz says that Krishna Deva 
Raya in his last days put the reins of government into the 
hands of his son-in-law Rama Raya and the military affairs into 
those of his brother Tirumala. But before dying he ordered 
Rama Raya to enthrone his brother Achyuta after his own 
demise. He did so, and continued ruling the Empire under 
Achyuta Deva Raya :{ . 

In another chapter we shall speak of Rama Raya's 
campaign in the south. When taking possession of the 
government of the state after the crowning of 
Sadasiva, Rama Raya is called an * ornament of the 
Kshatriyas' 4 . His long career of unbroken successes had been 
a preparation for the great task lying before him : he could 
dare to take upon his shoulders the rule of that great Empire 
which was menaced by internal and external foes. The success 
of Rama Raya in this enterprise was temporary. Although 
* he resembled Ramabhadra in appearance, and possessed 
prosperity and majesty' :> , he was to die in battle after having 
seen the defeat of his army by the irreconcilable enemies of his 

1. S. Krishna swa mi Aiyangar, Sources, p. 1H2. 

2. Sewell, p. 3G7. 

3. Queyroz, Co iquista dc Ccylao, p. 308-9. 

4. Krishnapuram plates of Sadasiva, Ep. //*/., IX, p. 340, VV. 
23-30; Sadasiva's grant, 1561, Ep. Cam., V, Hn, 7. 

5. Koadyata grant of Venkata III, Ind. Ant., XV, p, 148. 



SUMMARY. -1. Rama Raya, Regent of the Empire. 2. First stage of 
his rule. 3. Wise activity of the Regent and his two brothers. 
4. Second stage: Sadasiva imprisoned. 5. Rebellion of Tirumalu 
and Venkatadri. 6. Elevation of the members of the Aravidu 
family. 7. Preparation of the forthcoming stage. 8. Third stage 
The usurpation of Rama Raya. 9. His rule as Emperor of 
Vijayanagara. 10. Conditions of the State Finance. 11. Main- 
tenance of Hindu cult. 12. Religious offerings of the subjects. 
13. Alms to the Brahmins. 14. Jurisdiction affairs. 15. Agri- 
culture. 16. The harbors. 17. Other public affairs. 18. State 
of the capital. 

CONTEMPORARY SOURCES. 1. Hindu inscriptions and grants. 2. 
Ferishta, Anonymous Chronicler ofGolkonda. 3. Couto, Correa. 
4. Travels of C. Frederick. 5. Chikkadmaraya Vnmsaiwli, Ratna- 
ntjiyamiii Svaraniehilnilanidlu\ Pmpannamritani. 

SADASIVA was on account of his age until to manage 
the State affairs. Hence the anonymous chronicler ofGolkonda 
states that * Rama Raya assumed the office of Protector* 1 . 
The Muhammadan writer in announcing the assumption of 
power by the Minister Rama Raya describes him as Regent of 
the puppet Sadasiva. Accordingly all power was vested in 
Rama Raya, as the Chikkadevaraya Vamsavali recorded some 
years later 2 . The only fact on which all the authors who 
have written on Sadasiva's reign agree, is the supreme 
power wielded by the fortunate Minister who was helped by 
his two brothers. But the aforesaid chronicler of Golkonda 
suggests at least two different stages in his period of govern- 
ing. " Ramraj ", he states, " firsl assumed the office of Protec- 
tor, and subsequently usurped the throne" y . Is this usur- 
pation of the throne supported by other documents ? I have 

1. Ferishta III, 381. 

2. 8. Kriihnaswami Aiyangar, Sources, p. 302, 

3. Ibid, 


closely examined the inscriptions and grants ofSadasiva's reign, 
and discern not two but three different stages in the Regency 
of Rama Raya. 

2. During the first stage Rama Raya is nothing but Re- 
gent on behalf of his Sovereign ; even the influence ofSadasiva's 
will over his Regent may occasionally be detected through some 
of the earlier inscriptions. In one of 1546 we read that Sada- 
siva ' gave orders to Rama Raya, saying '; and then Rama 
Raya makes a grant according to the King's orders l . The 
same is shown by another inscription of 1 547-8, at Podili, Nel- 
lore District, in which Sadasiva is stated to rule Vijayanagara 
" under the orders of Sriman Mahamandalesvara Aliyagama- 
rama Rajayyadeva Maharajalungaru who bears the burden of 
the kingdom" 2 . Finally in 1549 by order of Sadasiva, Rama 
Raya issued an edict for the barbers of Udayagiri 3 . 

The titles given to Rama Raya at this time are Maha- 
mandalesvara, minister 4 , 'agent of Sadasiva' 5 'agent for the 
affairs of Sadasiva's kingdom* or at most 'ruler of the great 
Karnata Kingdom' 7 . No other trace of higher authority can 
be gathered from the records of the first years of his governor- 

In the meanwhile Sadasiva mostly resided at the capital. 
This is frequently stated in the inscriptions K . In 1548 he 
made the Kanuma grant, and in 1551 the Bevinahalli grant "in 
the vicinity of the god Vitthalesvara, on the banks of the 
Tungabhadra river" viz., at Vijayanagara 9 . 

3. From the very beginning the wise activity of the Reg- 
ent in conducting the State affairs surpassed all expectations. A 
grant of Sadasiva in 1558 exalts the virtues of Rama Raya as 

T. Ep. Cam., XI, Hk, 110. 

2. Butterworth, III, p. 1195-7. 

3. Rangacharya, II, p. 1051, 17. 

4. 472 of 1906; 5 of 1900. 

5. Ep. Cam., XII, Tp, 126; Rangacharya, II, p. 1073, 199. 

6. Ep. Cam., VI, Tk., 13. 

7. Sadasiva's grant, Ep. Cam., IV, Ng, 58. 

8. Butterworth, II, p. 921-2. 

9. Ep. Ind., XIV, p. 353, v. 43 ; p. 231, vv. 43-45. 


a ruler, ' possessed of valour, liberality and mercy* 1 ; more- 
over he is said to be Versed in polities' 2 , or 'well versed in 
politics ' 3 , 'skilled in politics ' 4 conversant with poli- 
tics 5 , and to have ''studied politics' 6 . One of the prud- 
ent steps he took in connection with the rule of the vast Empire 
was the division of responsibility. Couto relates that he at once 
secured the co-operation of his two brothers in the minister- 
ship ; the administration of justice was assigned to Tirumala 
while Venkatadri took over the supervision of the State finances 5 . 
Several inscriptions justify the statement. Early in 1545, 
according to an inscription of Hampi, the Mahamandalesvara 
Tirumaiarayadeva Maharasu granted to some person the 
village of Kotanahalli together with its hamlets 6 . In another 
inscription at Hampi, bearing the same date, mention is made 
of "Jangamayya, the Dalavay or general of Timmaraja, younger 
brother of Rama Raya". 7 , 

As chief minister of the Regent, Tirumala was given the 
most important province of the Empire to rule; this was Udaya- 
giri, called 'the chief fortress under the royal throne of Vijaya- 
nagara' H , owing its proximity to the Muhammadan 
frontier. Formerly it had almost always been governed 
by Princes of the Royal family, as Viceroys on 
behalf of the Emperor. In 1543 Tirumala was governor 
of Udayagiri 9 , and in 1551-2 we find him 
fulfilling the M same office 10 ; however, he did not stay at 
Udayagiri, because in the same year 1551, according to an 
inscription at Sangam, the governor of Udayagiri was 

1. Ep. Cam., IX, Cp, 186. 

2. Mangalampad grant of Vcnkata II, Buttorworth, I, p. 29, v. 15. 

3. Dalavay Agraharam plates of Venkata II, Ep. Ind., XII, p. 186, 
vv. 13-40. 

4. Ep. Cam., X, Mb, 60. 

5. Kuniyur Plates of Venkata III, Ep, Ind., Ill, p. 252, v. 13. 

6. Ep. Cam., XII, Ck, 39. 

7. Couto, VI, p. 383. 

8. M. A. ZX, 1920, p. 39. 

9. Ibid. 

10. Butterworth, ill, p. 542. 

11. Ep. Ind., XVi, p. 242. 

12. Butterworth, II, p. 867. 


Chiwakkaluri Bayacha Rajayya l , who ruled on behalf 
of Tirumala. Was this the same Tirumala who was governor 
of Udayagiri in 1535-6? 2 . His appointment at that time 
was not due to his brother, but either to Achyuta or to the 
ministers of the latter. 

In spite of the great power which the governorship of 
Udayagiri naturally gave him, his subordination to Rama Raya 
was at all times exemplary: an inscription of Kalamalla records 
the remisssion of taxes on the barbers of this place by Tirumala 
with the permission of Rama Raya :] . 

As to Venkatadri, the Ramarajiyamu mentions the town of 
Kandanol, Karnul district, as the seat of his government 4 . 
Accordingly in 1547 he remitted the tax on the Brahmins in 
the villages of Kanala, 4 , Damagatla r> and Bannum . These 
places are all situated in Karnul district. This probably 
was in the first stage of Rama's governorship, for we 
find Venkatadri governing the Chola country during the 
second stage. 

Rama Raya, shortly after Sadasiva's coronation, showed 
his prudence as well as his decision, in an event related by 
Correa. Once when marching against the Sultan of Bijapur, a 
number of captains and nobles, discontented with the Regent's 
rule, proposed to him to abdicate, that they might proceed to a 
new election. Rama Raya apparently agreed, and invited them 
to return to Vijayanagara where the election was to be held. 
Then he assembled them in the royal palace, which was secretly 
defended by his relations and adherents. Once the rebel nobles 
were inside, all the gates of the palace were shut ; the insurgent 
nobles were then seized by the partisans of Rama Raya. Many 
of the poor prisoners were slain ; others suffered the amputation 
of their feet or the extraction of their eyes 5 . 

1. Rangacharya, n, p. 113, 477. 

2. Ep. Cam., Ill, Sr, 95. 

3. 380 of 1904. 

4. S. Krishnaswami Aiyangar, Sources, p. 222. 

5. Rangacharya, II, p. 964, 532. 

6. Ibid., p. 947, 395. 

7. Ibid., p. 945, 385. 
B, Correa, IV, p. 439, 


4. Some years later, probably as soon as the King was old 
enough to assume the government of the Empire, Rama Raya 
put him in prison l and thus a new era was inaugurated. 
Frederick states that the three brothers were responsible for this, 
but Couto blames Rama Raya alone. Couto's statement seems 
to be more probable, for it explains the rebellion of Tirumala 
and Venkatadri to which reference will be made later. Sada- 
siva's prison was, according to Couto, a strongly fortified 
tower with iron doors and surrounded by sentries ; neverthe- 
less, his treatment while there was such as befitted a king 2 . 

Couto does not say where this tower was situated. Several 
inscriptions of the time affirm that Sadasiva resided at Vijaya- 
nagara. But this is not a satisfactory proof ; because even 
supposing he was imprisoned at Penukonda, his subjects could 
readily have been led to believe he was still at Vijayanagara. 
Nevertheless we are inclined to think he remained in his capital 
for the reason we shall now give, and on acccunt of the events 
subsequent to the disaster at Raksas-Tagdi. All the records 
say that Tirumala after the battle ran to Vijayanagara to fetch 
King Sadasiva where he was ' kept prisoner', as Frederick 
states, and then fled with him to their final refuge. 

Anquetil du Perron says that this coup d'etat took place 
somewhere between 1550 and 1552? and since he subsequently 
states that Sadasiva remained in this prison thirteen years y 
before the beginning of the third stage of Rama Raya's govern- 
ment, we may suppose that the opening of the second stage was 

1. Purcbas, His Pilgnms,~K, p. 93; Gubernatis, Storia, p. 289; 
Anquetil du Perron, DCS Rccherches Historiques^ Description Historique, 
II, p. 165. 

2. "Ecomo era muito poderoso, e gran capitao metteo-se na 
Corte, e lancou mano do Rey moco, e o metteo cm huma torre fortis- 
sima, com grandes vigias, e portas de ferro, aonde o teve em quanto 
vivco como huma estutua com o nome so de Rey ; mas com todas as 
despezas, gastos, e apparatos que pudera ter, so fora, c estivera livre". 
Couto, Vi, p. 383. Anquetil du Perron, 1. c., after relating the impri- 
sonment of the king, says : " C * est la conduite des Peschwahs de 
Ponin, a 1* egard des descendants de Sev^aji renfennes a Satara, et d ' 
Holder All Khan onvers le Roi de Maissour ". 

3. Anquetil du Perron, L c. 


in 1550, and lasted till 1562 or 1563. The unfortunate Sovereign 
was shown to his subjects only once a year 1 . This was the 
only occasion for them to realize that there still was at Vijaya- 
nagara a representative of the old Tuluva Dynasty seated on 
the jewelled throne. But, as a matter of fact, Sadasiva was 
only the nominal ruler. He was no more than a mere tool in 
the hands of Rama Raya, who was practically the Emperor of 

During this second stage the inscriptions put the power of 
Rama Raya on an equattty with that of Sadasiva. In 1551 a 
private grant is made * for the merit of Sadasiva and Rama 
Raya' 2 . Another inscription of Dasandoddi, dated 1554, 
states that "Badme Maluka-Odeya granted one village which he 
had been presented with by Sadasiva and Rama Raya " 3 . 
The Bevinahalli grant of Sadasiva (1551) gives both genealogies, 
that of Sadasiva and that of Rama Raya, in detail 4 . This 
illustrates the importance of the powerful Regent. Three years 
later, in 1554-5, Mangala Timmoja Kondojugaru, * having done 
service to Rama Raya and having made a request to the king ' 
obtained a grant according to his petition r> . In 1557 the 
same Mangala Timmoja made a grant to the god Bhire, in 
order that* merit might accrue to Rama Raya' u . 

5. But, although the power of the Emperor and that of 
his Minister are on a level, the influence of Sadasiva is no 
longer felt. The only rulers of the Vijayanagara Empire are 
three members of the Aravidu family, Rama Raya and his two 
brothers. * They ruled at their pleasure as they liked', says 
Frederick 7 . Nevertheless Tirumala and Venkatadri rebell- 
ed against the authority of their brother at the beginning of 
this stage, say about I55 1 * presumably because they disliked 
Rama Raya's treatment of his legitimate sovereign. No other 

1. Frederick, Purchas, o. c., p. 93. 

2. Ep. Cam., IV, Gu, 54. 

3. M. A. D. t 1920, p. 39. 

4. Ep. Ind., XI V, p. 210. 

5. Butterworth, III, p. 1195-7. 

6. Ep. Cam., Xl, Mk, 1. 

7. Purchas, o. c., p. 93. 


reason can be given for this disagreement between Rama Raya 
and his brothers. Precisely one year before, in 1549-50, Tiru- 
mala had requested and obtained from Sadasiva the Mamidi- 
pundi grant ' : his gratefulness towards the sovereign was no 
match for the audacity of his brother. 

The fact is related by the anonymous chronicler of 
Golkonda ; and although some authors consider his narrative 
untrustworthy 2 , we cannot but admit its truthfulness 
considering the fact that in his own day several events connect- 
ed with this rebellion occurred in the very capital of Golkonda. 
I shall quote the whole passage of the Muhammadan writer 

" During the absence of Ramraj from his capital (to help 
the Sultan of Bijapur against that of Ahmadnagar, as we shall 
relate in one of the following chapters) his two brothers, 
Timraj and Govindraj, (sic) who were placed in the government 
of Adoni, taking advantage of his absence, not only usurped 
the control of Adoni, but, collecting a force, compelled several 
other districts to submit to their authority. Ramraj, on his 
return to Vijayanagara, wrote in the first place letters to his 
rebel brothers, which they treated with contempt, relying upon 
their own strength ; and he, being unable to subdue them, was 
induced to send ambassadors to the court of Golkonda to 
solicit assistance. Ibrahim Qutb Shah immediately despatched 
Qabul Khan, at the head of six thousand infantry, to join Ram- 
raj. On reaching Vijayanagara, Ramraj ordered his own troops 
into the field ; and having directed Sidraj Timapa, Nur Khan 
and Bijly Khan, with their different corps, to join the subsidiary 
forces, he ordered them to march against the rebels. The 
insurgents, finding themselves unable to oppose the royalists, 
took shelter in the strong fortress of Adoni, which was besieg- 
ed for a period of six months ; when, being distressed for provi- 
sions, the garrison sent petitions to the throne of Vijayanagara. 
Ramraj pardoned his brothers, and recalled the forces to the 
capital ; whence, after being handsomely rewarded, Qabul Khan 

1. Butterworth, I, p. 102, v. 62. 

2. Cf. H. Krishna Sastri, The Third Vijayanagara Dynasty, A. S. /., 
Report, 1911-2, p. 178. 



' Ain-ul-Mulk* " received permission to return to Golkonda, where 
the King honoured him with the title of Ain-ul-Mulk ' " l . 

The pardon so graciously granted by Rama Raya to his 
brothers is inexplicable at first but after consideration it is 
not unnatural. He wanted to strengthen his power as the 
same writer points out " by the reduction of many trouble- 
some neighbours, and the elevation of his own adherents and 
relatives " 2 . On the first point we shall touch in the following 
chapter ; but this is the place for examining some facts that 
confirm the second point of the preceding statement. 

6. In 1552 Tirumala is known to have ruled the Kochchar- 
lakota-sima 3 . Afterwards in 1558-9 a private grant was 
made, while Sadasiva was ruling at Vijayanagara and Tirumala 
ruling at Kondavidu' 4 . This kingdom h\d been granted to 
him by Sadasiva, that is by Rama Raya in the name of Sada- 
siva, as we are informed by Ranga, son of the same Tirumala in 
one of his grants dated 1565-6 6 . But probably Tirumala 
never resided at Kondavidu. We frequently find him in Vijaya- 
nagara ; for instance, an inscription at Munelii, Badvel Taluk, 
shows that Tirumala in 1557-8 was in the capital ruling the 
Empire on behalf of Sadasiva . In a copper-plate grant of 
the same year, Tirumala granted some privileges to Mahipati 
Yerrammanayaka for faithful service done to the State and for 
guarding the villages of Gutti, Tadpatri, Vellalura, Singanamala 
and Siyyada 7 . In 1552 he made a gift of ten villages to the 
temple of Chennak-savaraya of Markapur, Karnul 8 . This 
shows beyond doubt that Tirumala took personal charge of the 
Government of the State, whenever Rama Raya was absent for 
war or on business. He had an agent at Gudur, of whom we 

1. Ferishta, III, p. 397-8. 

2. Ibid., p. 381. 

3. 156 of 1905. 

4. Butterworth, II, p. 952-5 ; Rangacharya, II, p. 786, 354. 

5. Ibid., p. 946-50. 

6. Brackenbury, Cuddapah Gazetteer, p. 37. 

7. Catalogue of Copper-plate Grants in the Government Museum, 
Madras, p. 53. 

8. 156 of 1905, 


have two charitable edicts of the years 1555-6 l and 1559-60 res- 

We know likewise that Venkatadri ruled the country 
around Tiruvaiyar near Tanjore in 1559 3 . A year or two before 
the disaster of Talikota, he is stated to have been " ruling the 
whole kingdom", and in this capacity to have conferred the 
government of Barakura-rajya (Barkur) on Sadasivaraya- 
Nayaka, the founder of the Ikkeri Nayaks *. 

One of the relations of Rama Raya elevated by his power 
was his cousin Vitthala 5 . He was appointed Viceroy of Sadasiva 
in the southern country and Ceylon 6 . In another chapter we 
shall speak at length of his activity in the territory of his Vice- 
royalty. A nephew of Rama Raya, Kondaraja, was also exalt- 
ed. He was the grand-son of Peda Kondaraja, the brother of 
Rama Raya's father, Ranga 7 . In an inscription of 1556 he is 
called " Mahamandalesvara Komara Kondarajayyadeva maha- 
arasu" 8 . He is likewise mentioned in two inscriptions at 
Badami 9 . His influence at court is shown by the grant of Sada- 
siva, recorded in the British Museum plates, for fostering ^the 
cult of Vishnu. The grant had been requested by Kondaraja 
from Rama Raya 10 . In 1558, Sadasiva made another 
grant on the application of Rama (Raya, Kondaraja 
having again made the petition ll . Finally another inscrip- 
tion of 1561 records a grant of Koneti Kondarajadeva to 
the spiritual preceptor 12 . Jillela Rangapatirajayyadeva 
Maharaja, related to the Aravidu family on his mother's side, 

1. Butterworth, I, p. 458-60. 

2,. Ibid., p. 456-8. 

3. 256 of 1894. 

4. H. Krishna Sastri, o. c. t p. 179. 

5. M. E. R. t 1911, p. 86; 1912. p. 82 ff. 

6. 129 of 1905. 

7. British Museum plates of Sadasiva, Ep. hid., IV, p. 4, vv 

8. Ep. Cam., I, p. 19, 12. 

9. Ind. Ant., X, p. 64. 

10. Ep. Ind., IV, p. 2. 

11. Ep. Cam., IX, Cp, 186. 

12. AT. A. D. t Report, 1920, p. 39. 


was also elevated by the powerful Regent. He 'was appointed 
Mahamandalesvara and governor of Ramadurgam-sima, where 
he had an agent called Amarinayani Vengala-Nayaningaru *. 
A nephew of Tirumala, and probably also of Rama Raya, 
is called in 1554, Mahamandalesvara Madraju Nagappadeva 
Maharaju 2 . Moreover Rama Raya "was so generous", 
according to Manucci, " that it is remarked in the chronicles 
that he never refused any favour asked. He confirmed any 
grant he made by a record on golden plates... The fame of this 
Emperor's liberality spread far and wide, and many men of 
different nations entered his service, principally foreigners" 3 . 

7. This elevation of relatives had in view not only the 
strengthening of his present power but the preparation of the 
final step he was contemplating. The beginning of the second 
stage had been marked by a coup d' etat\ for such indeed was the 
imprisonment of the sovereign. But for the beginning of the 
third, no such strong action was necessary. The omission of 
the annual presentation of the puppet Emperor, coupled with 
rumours purposely spread by the agents of Rama Raya 
about the supposed demise of the sovereign, were quite enough 
for everybody to acknowledge Rama Raya as the new Emperor 
of Vijayanagara, seeing that he was practically the sovereign, 
and also the closest relative of Sadasiva, although belonging to 
a different family. 

There are several grants and inscriptions belonging to this 
second stage, which prove that this final step was long contem- 
plated : in 1551 in the Bevinahalli grant of Sadasiva, Rama 
Raya is already given the title * King of Karnata ' 4 . The 
same is the case in another grant of Sadasiva of the year 1556-7 5 
In 1554 Mangala Timmoju Kondojugaru calls himself a 
feudatory of Rama Raya without mentioning Sadasiva at all 6 . 
In the same year Rama Raya himself made another 
grant to some Brahmans in the same form as the old grants of 

1. 445 of 1911. 

2. 161 of 1905. 

3. Manucci, Storia do Mogor, fll, p. 97. 

4. Ep. Ind., XIV, p. 230, v. 30. 

5. Ind. Ant., XIII, p. 154. 

6. Rangacharya, II, p. 1098, 379. 


the Emperors of Vijayanagara. In the beginning, it invokes 
Ganesa and the Boar, the sportive incarnation of Vishnu. 
Then it proceeds to trace Rama Raya's pedigree from Buddha 
and the Pururavas, and speaks of the deeds of Rama Raya 
and his brothers, without mentioning Sadasiva at all, and 
says finally : "while having uprooted all the enemies, Rama 
Raya ruled over the earth as famous as Baratha and 
Bagiratha " l . 

8. A rule of thirteen years had made the power of Rama 
Raya in Vijayanagara sufficiently strong; rumours were probably 
spread about that Sadasiva was dead. Then the ambitious Regent 
took for himself the title of King. "After Sadasiva's death"; says 
Anquetil du Perron, " Rama Raya was nominated King" 2 . 
It seems probable that a real ceremoney of enthronement took 
place in the capital ; for C. Frederick expressly says that Rama 
Raya * sate in the Royal throne, and was called the King' 3 . 
Even Manucci, in 1688, called Rama Raya 'Emperor of 
Narsinga* 4 . And probably new Pagodas were at once struck 
with his name. We do not know of any coin of Rama Raya 
bearing such an early date but we are aware of coins struck 
with his name on the eve of the battle af Raksas-Tagdi. The 
famous Gandikota Pagoda gives the name of Rama Raya and 
the date 1565, and has on the obverse a figure of Vishnu 
standing under a canopy \ 

From this date, some time in 1563, the ceremony of 
showing the Emperor to his subjects was discontinued. But the 
three brothers used to go once a year to his prison-like palace 
in order to do homage to him as their sovereign 6 . 

The epigraphical evidence on this point is more than suffi- 
cient. A copper-plate record at Devarayadurgaof 1562-3 says that 
Rama Raya reigned supreme at Vijayanagara 7 . A private 
grant of the same year mentions Rama Raya as 'ruling the 

1. M.A.D.,IQ23> p. 125-7. 

B. Anquetil du Perron, 1. c. 

3. Frederick, 1. c.; Gubernatis, o. c., p. 290. 

4. Manuoci, Storia do Mogor, III, p. 97. 

5. Brown, The Coins of India, p. 64. 

6. Couto, VI, p. 383. 

7. >. Cam., XII, Tm, 44. 


Empire', and does not mention Sadasiva 1 . An inscription 
in Krishnarajapet Taluk records a grant made 'while the 
Rajadhiraja Raja-Paramesvara Vira-pratapa-Maharaya Rama- 
Deva-Raya-aiyyangar was seated on the jewelled throne in 
Penukonda' 2 . There is still another inscription, dated 1565, 
(the same year as the battle of Raksas-Tagdi) that gives Rama 
Raya the same imperial titles and does not mention Sadasiva at 
all ; it is a grant made " when the Master of Kuntala (Karnata), 
lord of the throne of Vidyanagari (Vijayanagara), the Rajadhi- 
raja Raja-paramesvara Virapratapa Vira Rama-Deva-Raya 
maharaya, seated on the Jewell throne, was ruling the kingdom 
of the world in peace and wisdom " y . Even in an inscrip- 
tion of 1581, during the reign of Ranga I, Rama Raya is called 
Rajadhiraja 4 , and in another of Vcnkata HI, 1639, he is 
recorded to have 'governed the whole world* 5 . Along with 
the lithic records, Anantacharya in his poem Prapannamritarn 
calls Rama Raya 'Emperor of Vijayanagara who ruled after 
Krishna Raya ' . 

Now, if the Hindus, who were under the Vijayanagara rule, 
forgot Sadasiva, who was supposed to be dead, and mentioned 
only Rama Raya as the Emperor of Vijayanagara, no wonder 
if Ferishta says nothing of the former and always speaks of the 
latter as the sovereign of the rival Empire 7 . When detail- 
ing the so-called battle of Talikota, we shall see how Ferishta 
describes the riches of the throne of Rama Raya on the battle 
field. The Burhan-i-Ma'asir speaks always of Rama Raya as the 
Vijayanagara sovereign, but under the name of Sadasiva 

1. Ibid., Tk. 44. 

2. Ibid., IV, Kr, 79. 1 am sure that this inscription is spurious 
because of the date, 1543, and of the mention of Penukonda as the 
place where the Emperor was residing. The forgery must have been 
committed during the reign of Ranga I or Venkata II. Nevertheless 
even a forgery proves that Rama Raya was considered the real 
Emperor of Vijayanagara. 

3. Ep. Cam, VII, Ci, 62. 

4. Ibid., IV. Kr, 15. 

5. Ibid., Ill, Nj, 198. 

6. 8. Krishna s wami Aiyangar, Sources^ p. 202. 

7. Ferishta, III, p. 117, 118, 131, etc. 


Raya *. Faria y Sousa speaks of Cidoca (Sadasiva) King of 
Canara (Vijayanagara), but in 1559 the only king of Vijaya- 
nagara known to him is Rama Raya 2 . 

9. The following information, given us by his Minister and 
favourite Ramayamatya Todaramalla in his Svaramelakalanidhi 
probably refers to this time : "He had a palace called Ratna 
Kuta", says he, "constructed by his minister Ramayamatya ; 
and he was struck with admiration as it excelled even 
Vaijayanta, the palace of the gods. The palace was surrounded 
by extensive gardens adorned with statues, which contained 
cool tanks abounding with swans" 3 . 

Rama Raya at this time handed over to his brothers all the 
government affairs and devoted himself to music and literature. 
"Seated within this Palace (Ratna Kuta)" says Ramayamatya, 
"he spent his time in the midst of scholars versed in litera- 
ture, music and other arts" 4 . Accordingly, a grant of 
Venkata II, 1589, informs us that Rama Raya took great plea- 
sure in music on the vina and in singing 5 . With these 
years is probably associated the trip of Rama Raya with 
his Guru Tatacharya, the son of Srinivasa, to the fortress 
of Chandragiri, to spend some days in that sacred re- 
tirement dedicated to the study of the Sastras 6 . These 
last years of Rama Raya spent in leisure, are also men- 
tioned in the Memoirs of Manucci, one century later. "After 
this division", says he, "he led a happy life, without attending 
to government or taking any notice of what went on" 7 . 

Tirumaia was naturally in charge of the whole Government. 
He was the supreme minister of Vijayanagara during the last 

1. Only twice Rama Raya is called by his own name 'Rama 
Raj ' in this work ; Ind. Ant. t L, p. 7, and p. 101. That Rama 
Raya himself is meant by the name Sadasiva Raya is proved by this 
fact, that Sadasiva Raya is said to have been beheaded after the 
battle of Raksas-Tagdi. 

2. Faria y Sousa, II, p. 189 and 327. 

3. Krishnaswami Aiyangar, o. c., p. 190. 

4. Ibid. 

5. Ep. Cam., XIII, Cy, 39. 

6. Prapannamrtam, S. Krishnaswami Aiyangar, o.c., p. 202, 

7. Manucci, Storia do Mogor, III, p. 99, 


days preceding the battle of K aksas-Tagdi l . The titles 
given him at this time are Mahamandalesvara Ramaraya- 
Yaram-Tirumalarajayyadeva-Maharaja 2 . The appointment 
of Tirumala, as Premier of the Empire, left a vacancy in the 
viceroyalty of Kondavidu ; and it was then probably that Rama 
Raya, following his policy of elevating his relatives and friends, 
appointed to this honour his favourite, the poet Ramayamatya, 
thus enabling him to grant many agraharas to Brahmins 3 . 
At the poet's death, Siddhiraju Timma Raju, another nephew of 
Rama Raya, was appointed in his place 4 . 

Tirumala combined the office of Minister with the 
Governorship of Vellore and of the whole surrounding country 5 . 
We know an inscription of his, dated 1564, allowing Chinna- 
Bomma Nayaka of Vellore to make gr .nts to the temple of that 
place 6 . 

In the new order of government, Venkatadri was Comman- 
der-in-Chief of the army 7 . The success attending his 
conduct as a General in the Vijayanagara army proved that the 
choice had not fallen on the wrong man. The Vellangudi plates 
of Venkata II recall that 'he was distinguished in the world as 
a warrior' H , and in the Ramarajiyanm he is stated to have 
been 'a veritable Arjuna on the battlefield* 9 . 

Now after having described the three stages of the govern- 
ment of Rama Raya, we may turn to consider some of the 
Government affairs. 

10. It seems that during the reigns of Krishna Deva Raya 
and Achyuta, the sources of revenue were finally fixed and 
reduced to a regular form. The judicious system of accounts 
and the management introduced were instrumental in gradually 
improving the revenues without oppressing the subjects of the 

1. M. E. R., 341, Ap. B, of 1816. 

2. Anquetil du Perron, o.c., p. 165. 

3. S. Krishnaswami Aiyangar, o.c., p. 190. 

4. Paramayogi Vilasam, S. Krishaswami Aiyangr.o. c., p. 211. 

5. Hultzsch, South Indian Inscriptions, I, p. 69-75, Nos.43-8. 

6. Ibid., p. 69. 

7. Anquetil du Perron, I. c. 

8. Ep. Ind., XVI, p. 319, v. 19. 

9 S, Krishnaswami Aiyangar, Sources, p. 222. 


Empire. Hence, the State finances were by no means impover- 
ished when Rama Raya began ruling. The Nayaks and other 
feudatory chiefs regularly sent to the court their annual 
tribute, still realising that the Empire was strong enough to 
obtain payment by force if necessary ; but many of these same 
chiefs acted otherwise when they saw the Empire defeated in 
the battle of Raksas-Tagdi. 

II. One of the first and most important matters the 
Government took in hand was the maintenance of the Hindu 
cult. Sadasiva himself and his Minister Rama Raya were the 
first in encouraging their subjects to foster the national 
religion, as the lithic records and the copper-plate grants 
of his reign prove. No doubt, several gifts recorded 
in these monuments are presented by Sadasiva himself, 
and not precisely by his Minister, even during the second 
period of his reign, when he was in prison. " When Sadasiva 
was seated in the jewelled throne ruling the kingdom of the 
earth", we read in an inscription of 1557, "he, sending for a copy 
of the stone sasana at the temple of the god Vitthala, set up in 
the righteous administration of Aliya Rama Raya, found that 
according to that sasana, Krishna Deva Maharaya in the year 
1519 having granted the customs dues in certain villages, 
and these not being sufficient te provide for the offerings, 
which had fallen into abeyance, Sadasiva Ray a... made a grant 
of taxes for the god Bhire." l 

But the majority of these religious grants, although made 
on behalf of Sadasiva, were probably ordered by Rama Raya. 
We read for instance that the old temple of Bhairava in Nalla- 
cheruvupalle was enlarged and beautified by Sadasiva in I544 2 ; 
that he exempted the god Gopalakrishna from tax 3 ; that 
he made a grant of a village to the temple of Markapur in 
the very year of his accession 4 ; that 'the village of Pudur 
was given to the god Sachchidananda 6 , while three other villa- 

1. Ep. Cam., XI, Mk, 1. 

2. Sewell, I, p. 127. 

3. Rangacharya, II, p. 915, 65. 

4. Sewell, p. 86. 

5. Rangacharya, I, p. 584, 93, 


ges, including Pulupatum in Pottapinadu and some land in 
Vontimitta, were granted to the Kodandaramaswami temple of 
the same place 1 , and a grant of many villages was made to 
theKrishnapuram temples for the worship of Vishnu 2 . The 
village of Kagallu, surnamed Timmasamudra, Hindupur 
Taluk, was likewise given to the temple of Mallikar- 
juna :{ ; and that of Kosanepalle, Jammalamadugu Taluk, 
to the Chernuri-sima for the festival of Tiruvengalanatha 4 ; 
and the one of Puliyangulam to the goddess of Srivilliputtur, 
Ramnad r> ; then the pagoda of Durga at Koduru was 
allowed to levy contributions from the pilgrims towards the 
annual festival of the deity 6 . Finally Aliya Rama Raya 
granted the village of Gadigarelu to the gods Siddhesvara and 
Bhojesvara 7 and made some grar t s for festivals 8 . Of the 
same Rama Raya is the following edict, by which he prov- 
ides a good income in perpetuity for the festivals of Sri Ranga- 
natha's temple : " The income which is derived from sundry 
articles in|the villages situated in Udayagiri durgam, which 
belong to us and were formerly attached to (the temple of) Sri 
Raghunayakulu, should be utilised for always providing daily 
offerings, worship with lights and miscellaneous offerings in 
the temple. While speaking these pleasant words, we have 
presented, on the auspicious occasion of a solar eclipse, with 
libation of water and gift of gold, this endowment to the 
accountant in the temple of the deity, to last as long as the sun 
and moon endure" u . 

12. The example of the throne was followed by the sub- 
jects. During the reign of Sadasiva new temples were erected, 
and others enlarged and richly adorned. Amarinayani Vengala- 

1. 412 of 1911. 

2. Ep. hid., IX, p. 341, vv. 67-9. 

3. 84 of 1912. 

4. 410 of 1904. 

5. Rangacharya, II, p. 1181, 178-L. 

6. Ibid., I, p. 574, 7. In the M. A. D. 79.20, p. 39, there ar two 
other religious grants of Sadasiva. 

7. Rangacharia, II, p. 963, 520-521. 

8. Ep. Cam., XII, Si, 31. 

9 Butterwortb, III, p. 1363-5, 


Naraningaru, the agent of the Mahamandalesvara Jillella 
Rangapatirajayyadeva-Maharaja, repaired the central shrine 
and the sugnasi of the Viresvara temple of Rayachoti l ; 
one Desantari Narasingadasa vastly improved the Parthasara- 
thiswamin temple at Triplicane, Madras 2 ; Jangammya, dala- 
way of Tirumala, erected a temple in I545 a ; Gutti 
Tirumalarajayya erected a mantapam in the Chennakesava 
pagoda at Mannur 4 ; Tima Ranga dedicated a building 
called Ranga Mantapam or public resting place, with 25 parti- 
tions, to the god Mahadeva Deva at Vijayanagara 5 ; Chinna 
Aubalaraja erected a pagoda at Arakata-vemula Agraharam, 
placed there the image of Gopala Krishna Deva, and granted 
hamlets of the above agraharam and an allowence of 31^ pago- 
das on the tax of the Gandikota Durgam, to the aforesaid god 
Gopalakrishna Deva (i ; Aubala-rajayya installed the metal 
images in the villages of Veludurti, Cucldapah, and granted 
twelve pagodas for offering food to Chennakesava Perumal 7 ; 
Rachirajadeva Maharaja of the lunar race of the atriya-gotra, 
setup an image of Sir Madanagopala, constructed a temple 
and performed the consecration ceremony and made certain gifts 
of land for providing sacred food and all means of enjoyment 
to the deity s ; Jakkannaganda constructed several lamp- 
posts for the service of the temple '*. 

Moreover, various villages and lands were given to different 
temples by the feudatory chiefs or by private people : Chinna 
Timmanayadu, son of Pemmasami Nayndu, granted the village 
of Yenumalachmtala to the godTiruvengalanatha at Tadpatri 10 ; 

1. 445 of 1911. 

2. 239 of 1903 ; M. E. # 1904* P*ra. 25 

3. M. A. D., 1920, p. 39. 

4. 605 of 1907. 

5. Ravenshaw, Translation of Various Inscriptions^ Asiatic Rf. 
searches, XX, p. 35. 

6. Rangacharya, I, p. 617, 487. 

7. Ibid., p. 616, 484. 

8. Rangacharya, II, p. 1131, 604. 

9. M. A. D., 1924, p. 83, 

10. Rangacharya, I, p. 607, 397 


Nage Nayaka, son of Mahanayakacharya Ralakote Aravinda 
Nayaka gave the village of Gottakunte to Bairaya- 
gauda's son Tammayagauda, for the service of daily worship of 
god Sriranganatha at Yaldur l ; one Gundurti Pap- 
ay y a granted three village a to the gcddess in Velpuchcrla, 
Cuddapah 2 ; Nandyala Tirumayyadeva granted to the 
god Chennakesava some land in Nandapadu 3 and 
the village of Kodur 4 ; another of his subjects granted 30 
kuntas of land for planting a nandavanam (flower garden) for 
the god Tiruvengalanatha 5 ; Gangayya Raja and Chinna 
Timmaraja, son of Aubalaraja, gave 30 puttis and 1 6 turns of 
land to the gods and brahmins of the village of Vellala, 
Proddatur 6 ; Venkataya and his brr'.her Appayya disposed 
of their land to the god Chennakesava in Vanipenta 7 ; 
Chinna Timmaraja, son of Konda Raja, gave a village to the 
god Ahobala Narasiuha*; Nagarajayya granted to the god 
Raghunayaka of Vontimitta the village of Gangaperuru 9 ; 
Tirumalarasu gave seme land to the god Varadaraja 10 ; the 
Mahamandalesvara Chinna Avubalesvaradeva-Maharaju made 
a gift of land to the temple of Raghunayakalu of Ghandikota u ; 
to the same temple another gift was made by Nandyala 
Timmayadeva Maharaju 12 ; the same chief built the village 
of Potladurti, Cuddapah, and granted it to the god Chennakesa- 
va 13 ; Vobalaraju, son of Nandyala Abubalaraju, gave the piece 
of land to the Suamyanalhasvamin temple of Nandalur for the 

1. M, A. D., J92J, p. 84-5. 

2. Rangacharya, T, p. 606, 3^2. 

3. Ibid., p. 612, 440. 

4. Ibid., p. 612, 443. 

5. Ibid., p. 649. 831. 

6. Ibid., p. 629, 594. 

7. Ibid., p. 628, 591. 

8. Tfrd., p. 627, 581. 

9. Ibid., p. 660, 914. 

10. Ibid., p. 652, 853. 

11. 485 of 1906. 

12. 486 of 1906. 

13. Rangacharya, I. p. 616, 480. 


god's ablution, out of his ' Nainkarum' 1 ; Papa Timmayya- 
deva Maharaja granted a village to the Venugopalaswami 
temple at Bollavaram 2 ; Immadi Basavanayadu gave 15 
turns of dry field to the god Tripurantaka 3 ; lands were also 

given to tbe cUir.cir.^' vcmen of Tiriivs^ram^iai for temple 
service 4 . Finally in a Kanarese took of the Mackenzie 
Collection there are various copies of inscriptions of grant! of 
land made in the reign of Sadasiva to the temple of Chinna 
Kesava 5 . 

Many gifts in money are likewise recorded in the inscrip- 
tions of Sadasiva's reign : a chief granted a tax to the Somesvara 
temple at Peddamudiyam ; Vipravinodi Viramushti Virappa 
granted the allowance he had been receiving from the village to 
god Visvesvara 7 ; Vipravinodi Siddhayya granted the 
allowance due from the agraharam Brahmins for the festival of 
Chennakesava Perumal 8 ; Virupana Nayaka presented 50 
varahas to the temple of Mallikarjuna-deva at Kambaduru 9 ; 
the Viramushti people granted away their allowances in the 
village to the god Visvesvara 10 ; the Vipravinodins made a 
gift to the Chennakesava temple at Kalumalla u ; to thaSame 
temple another gift was made by Rachiraju 12 ; the jugglers 
granted the allowance of Valamore to the god Chennakesava 13 ; 

1. 605 of 1907. 

2. Rangacharya, I, p. 618, 492. 

3. Ibid., p. 617, 485. 

4. Sowell f I, p. 207. 

5. Chinna Kesava Swami Sasana Patra, Wilson, The Mackenzie 
Collection, p. 344. We cannot cite hero all the gifts presented to the 
temples during Sadasiva's reign : we wanted only to give a specimen 
ot the offerings. More grants of land will be found in 27 of 1900; 61, 63, 
78,81,82 of 1915; Rangacharya II, p. 976, 603; p. 766, 160; p. 977, 
610-A and 610-F ; p. 853, 64 ; p. 1130, 599. 

6. 349 of 1905. 

7. Rangacharya 1, p. 601, 326. 
8: Ibid., p. 601, 327. 

9. 94 of 1913. 

10. Rangackarya, I, p. 601, 325. 

11. 379 of 1904. 

12. 376 of 1904. 

13. Rangaoharya, I p. 633, 632. 


some Vipravinodins granted their local allowance of two villages 
to the same god in Vanipenta 2 ; the Mahamandalesvara 
Chinna Timmaraja Kondayadeva Maharaja made a gift of the 
proceeds of certain taxes collected in the village of Jillala 
to the temple of Virabhadradeva of the same village 2 . 
Chinna Timma Raja and Kondaraja granted a tax to the deity 
of Virabhadra pagoda at Idamadaka 3 ; Papatimmaraja 
granted his own share of taxes of Bollavaram-petta, Cuddapah, 
to the daily ceremony of the Gopinatha Urn pie of the same 
village 4 ; the Vipravinodins gave away to the deity the 
annual allowance they had been receiving from a village 5 ; 
Rangapa Rajayyadeva made a grant to the god Sri Raghuna- 
yakulu of Chadaluvada c ; the Vipravinodi Brahmins gave 
away the annual fees they had been receiving from the 
Brahmins of Chamalur to god Chennakesava 7 . 

13. The generosity of the King did not forget the Brah- 
manic precept of giving alms to the Brahmins. In 1545 he made 
a grant to some Brahmins 8 ; the village of Govinda-Vamapuram 
was given by him to a Brahmin 9 ; two years later two other 
villages were also given to several Brahmins 10 . It seems he 
had a special predilection for learned Brahmins. A grant of 
the village of Kanuma to several learned Brahmins was 
recorded in 1548 u ; the Bevinahalli village was given to 

1. Ibid., p. 628, 592. 

2. 471 of 1906. 

3. Rangacharya, 1 p. 620, 515. 

4. Ibid., p. 618, 493. 

5. Ibid., p. 606, 384. 

6. Ibid., II, p. 786, 354. 

7. Ibid., p. 589, 144. Other private grants to different gods in 
the reign of Sadasiva may be found in Butterworth, II, p. 867-8 ; p. 
868-70 ; p. 946-50 ; p. 952-5; III, p. 1175-8 ; Ep. Cam., Ill, TN, 108; Sr, 
149 ; IV, Ch, 121 ; Ch, 202 ; Ng, 26 ; VII, HI, g ; XI, Hk, 113 ; X, Gd, 
52 ; 72 and 58 of 1915 ; Rangacharya, II, p. 931, 254 ; p. 247, 396 ; p. 
964, 531 ; p. 1113, 478. 

8. Ep. Cam., IV, Ng, 58. 

9. Rangacharya, I, p. 557, 347. 

10. Catalogue of Copper-Plate Grants in the Government Museum^ 
Madras, p. 52. Cf. Rangacharya, II, p. 877, 5. 

11. Ep. lnd. t XIV, p. 353, w. 43-57. 


several Brahmins ' who are well versed in the Vedas ' l ; 
from 1544 to 1546 three villages were granted in perpetuity 
' with gift of gold and libation of water as an agrahara ' to 
Chinna Koneti Tiruvengalanathayyagaru, a Brahmin of 
Ongole, son of Srimad Tallapaka Tirumalayangaru, called in 
two inscriptions 'the estabiisher of the path of the Vedas' 2 , 
and in a third one 'the estabiisher of the school of the Vedanta' 3 . 
AH these grants were most probably made by Sadasiva 
himself because all, excepting one, the date of which is quite 
doubtful, belong to the first period of his reign. But none is 
positively assigned to the other periods during the time of his 
imprisonment. From this time we know only of a grant made 
in 1554 by Rama Raya himself to some Brahmins 4 . 

We have found only a few private grants to the Brahmins 
in Sadasiva's time. A not verv rich gift was made to some Brah- 
mins of Krishnarajapet Taluk "'; then a grant of 5 puttis and 
13/itumsof land to the learned Brahmins of Pandilapalli 6 ; 
lastly another grant for daily feeding three Brahmins 7 ; such 
are the private donations to the Brahmins during this reign. On 
the other hand, the Brahmins met on several occasions with 
serious difficulties created specially by the Muhammadans not 
only in the recently conquered towns but also in the old territory 
of the south. In 1555 the Brahmins of Ahobilam granted some 
lands to a local chief, probably in payment of their protection 
against the Muhammadans H . 

14. Various quarrels over jurisdiction arose between neigh- 
bouring villages during this reign. In 1553 Rama Raju Konappa- 
deva Maharaja, probably Sadasiva's Regent, settled a water 

1. Ibid., p. 231, vv. 43-5 and p. 216. 

2. Buterworth, III, p. 1131-2 ; II, p. 784, 343 ; p. 930-1. 

3. Ibid., II, p. 783, 337 ; p. 921-2. 

4. M. A. ZX, 1921, p. 125-7. 

5. Ep. Cam., IV, Kr, 79. 

6. Rangacharya, I, p. 615, 467. 

7. Ep. Cam., VII, Sk, 55. Other grants may be seen in Ranga- 
charya, II, p. 914, 51, p. 926, 212 ; p. 927, 227 ; p. 950, 421 ; p. 979, 629, 
and p. 980, 633. 

8. Sewell, I, p, 101. 


dispute between two villages of Anantapur District 1 ; in 
1555 the village boundary stones were set up in Peddamalle- 
palli in the same district, through the influence of Dasappa 
Nayadu, no doubt to finish a dispute between this village and a 
neighbouring one 2 ; for the same reason and about the same 
time the limits between Vijaya Bukkarayapuram and Brahma- 
napalli were measured and definitely established 3 . 

15. Agriculture was not greatly fostered during Sadasiva's 
government. We know of a canal dug in the village of Pottapi; 
but this was done through the generosity of Varadarasu and 
Yeilamarasu who gave sixty kuntas of land for that purpose 4 . 
Another irrigation canal called Antaraugakalva was dug 
in the same village by the munificence of Varadayya, a Matla 
chief 5 . The only occasion in which the name of Sadasiva is 
associated with any agricultural work is when in 1551 he made 
a grant free of rent to the salt dealers of Molakalmuru Taluk 
for the the removal of the saline earth 6 . 

16. No other subjects of Sadasiva got more inscriptions 
about themselves than the barbers 7 . The origin of this 
predilection of the King and his Minister for the barbers was, it 
seems, the skill of one of them named Manggala Timmoju 
Kondajugaru or Kondoja of the town of Badavi 8 . As 
far as we know, he was the barber of Rama Ray a, 
who was much pleased with his skill in shaving 
the chin 9 ; the Minister introduced him to the Sove- 

1. 327 of 1901. 

2. Rangacharya, I, p. 29, 199. 

3. Ibid., I, p. 602, 338. 

4. Ibid., I. p. 653, 860. 

5. 434 of 1911. 

6. Ep. Cam., XI, Mk, 8 and 9. 

7. The importance of the barbers in the religious life of the 
Hindus in the south of India is so great that many rites and 
ceremoies could not to performed without them. Correa, Lcndas da 
India, IV, p. 301, who once attended the sacred fair of Tirupati, says 
that every pilgrim to the Tirupati hill had to have his head shaved. 
The barbers were sitting under some large trees and hiding them- 
elves behind the heaps of hair. 

8. Sadasiva *s inscriptions at Badami, Ind. Ant., X, p. 65 

9. H. Krishna Sastri, The Second Vijayanagara Dynasty ', A. S. /,, 
1908-9, P, 198, note 5. 


reign himself 1 . This was the beginning of that series 
of rewards bestowed upon him and all his fellow-workers. 
Early in 1545 Rama Raya, already pleased with Kondoja's 
work, remitted to him the caste tax, customs-dues and other 
taxes payable by barbers 2 ; then Sadasiva's agent in Shimoga 
District, following the example of the Regent, granted to the 
same man the Chanagiri Barbers * tax 3 . In 1554 Kondoja 
* having done service to Rama Raya and having made a request 
to the king, obtained a royal decree exempting the barbers from 
taxes' 4 ; in the following year he obtained the remission of 
forced labour, birada, fixed rent and other taxes for himself and 
his family throughout the four boundaries of the kingdom 5 ; 
then, by order of Sadasiva, Rama Raya granted another gift 
(illegible in the inscription) to the lucky barber 6 . About the 
same time an agent of Sadasiva at Gudur issued a charitable 
edict to the same * to last as long as the sun and moon exist f ; 
and in order to drive home th<j importance of the reward, ended 
his donation with this warning : " Those who cause obstacles to 
it, will incur the sin of killing a cow and a Brahmin " 7 . 

Timoja Kondoja was not the only favourite barber of Rama 
Raya. A record from Hirekerur states that Rama Ra3^a was plea- 
sed with the work done by the three barbers Timmoja, Hommoja 
and Bharroja. Hence, he exempted them from all taxes 8 . 
Another inscription of Badami speaks again of Kondoja and 
two other barbers, who are not easily identified with the two 
mentioned above: "These three men Timmoja, Kondoja and 
Bhadri having propitiated the King ", etc. 9 . 

The friendship of Rama Raya and Sadasiva with Kondoja 
and the four other barbers was the cause of their benevolence 
towards all the barbers of the Empire : An inscription of 1545 

1. Butterworth, II, p. 664-6 ; Ep. Curn., XI, Mk, 6. 

2. Ep. Cam., VI, Tk, 13. 

3. Ibid., XII, Tp, 126. 

4. Butterworth, II, p. 664-6. 

5. Ep. Cam., XI, Mk, 6. 

6. Ibid. XI, Mk, 11. 

7. Butterworth, I, p. 420-2. 

8. H. Krishna Sastri, I. c. 

9. Ind. Ant., X, p. 65, 



says that Rama Raya, being pleased with the barber Kondoja, 
exempted the barbers of the country (Tumkur District) from 
caste-tax, customs and all other imposts whatever l ; then, on 
account of Timmoja, Hommoja and Bharroja, Rama Raya re- 
quested Sadasiva to extend the privileges granted to them to 
all the barbers throughout the kingdom 2 , and, because of 
Timmoja and the other two, Sadasiva alloted a tax as a manya, 
grant to the barbers of the village of Ulabi 3 . Subsequently 
all the barbers of the Empire were the recipients of many 
favours from the central Government. In 1546 Sadasiva states, 
in an inscription in the Chitaldroog District, that he and Rama 
Raya have " given up to the barbers tax, fixed rent, forced la- 
bour, birada, customs, toll for watchmen ; these and other dues, 
free of all imposts " 4 . 

Then Sadasiva himself remitted the tax on the barbers of 
Utukur : ', and Kama Raya granted the same favour to the 
barbers of the Karnataka country 6 , Gundlaunta 7 , Nagama- 
ladine 8 , the three simas of Cuddapah 9 , Ghandikotasima 10 , 
Tallamarapuram n , Utukur 12 and Battepadu rj . 

The other Ministers and feudatory chiefs followed the 
example Of the King and his Regent. Timmaraja, probably 
Tirumala Raja, remitted the tax on the barbers in several 
villages 14 : the Mahamandalesvara Tirumalayadeva Maharaja 

1. Ep. Cam., XII, Tp, 126. 

2. H. Krishna Sastri, 1. c. 

3. Ind Ant., X, p. 65. 

4. Ep. Cam., XI, Hk, 110. 

5. Rangacharya, I, p. 657, 890. 

6. 318 of 1905. 

7. Rangacharya, I, p. 593, 184. 

8. Ibid., p. 601, 322. 

9. 399 of 1904. 

10. 514 of 1906. 

11. 472 of 1906. 

12. Rangacharya, I, p. 651, 851. In Ep. Cam., XI, Hr, 29 mention 
is made of another grant of Rama Raya to the barbers in 1544. cf 
Rangacharya, II, p. 924, 192 ;p. 1073, 199. 

13. Rangacharya, II, p. 1051, 17. 

14. Rangachariar, I, p. 626, 568; II, p, 915, 69 ; p. 968, 563 ; p. 978, 
612 ; p. 979, 624, 


of Yeragudi exempted from taxes the barbers of Kalamalla * ; 
Rama Raya Vitthalesvara, the cousin of Rama Raya, relieved of 
certain taxes the barbers of Penukonda - ; Guruvaraja and 
Chinna Singaraja 3 released from taxes the barbers 
of Bommavaram 4 , Obasamudram 5 and Pottappi ; Timma- 
yadeva of Nandyala remitted the tax on the barbers of 
the whole of Ghandikota-sima and three villages belonging to 
the Indranatha temple 7 , Pendlimarri H , Bondalakunta ^ 
Lingala 10 and Nallapalli n ; Nagarajaya Devamaharaja did 
the same with the barbers of Jonnavaram l2 , and Ramarajayya 
Pinnaraju Garu with those of Chinna Mudiyam ];{ , and even 
a private man issued in 1847-8 a charitable edict for the barbers 
of Podili ]4 . 

17. Nor were the barbers the only persons who received 
such favours from the throne ; other people were also exempted 
from payment of taxes or other tribute: Thus Rama Raya 
exempted the Karnams of Nindujuvvi from their taxes r> and 
Timmayyadeva of Nandyala remitted the tax on the jugglers of 
Lingala 1G . 

1. 381 of 1904. 

2. 340 of 1901. 

3. This chief is called otherwise in other inscriptions : Chinna- 
unga, Chinna Singarasu Choda Maharaju. 

4. Rangacharya, I, p. 636, 658. 

5. Ibid., p. 638, 677. 

6. Ibid., p. 652, 858. 

7. 318 of 1905. 

8. Rangacharya, I, p. 581, 70. 

9. Ibid., p. 588, 130. 

10. Ibid., p. 612, 438. 

11. Ibid., p. 602, 331. 

12. Ibid., p. 660, 915. 

13. Ibid., p. 589, 145. 

14. Butterworth, III, p. 1195-7. Other grants to the barbers will 
be seen in Rangacharya, I, p. 612, 438; II, p. 915, 69; p. 949, 421; p. 961, 
499; p. 1098, 379; p. 1133, 616. 

15. Rangacharya, I, 614, 458. 

16. Ibid., p. 613, 450. Achyuta Raya had already given up the 
marriage tax throughout his kingdom (1540), and other chiefs had done, 
the same after his example. Ep Carn. % XI* Hk> 111* 


During the reign ofSadasiva in 1554 the outer petha ot 
Bagur, Chitaldroog District, which was in ruins, was rebuilt and 
name Krishnapura, after the name Ere Krishnappa Nayaka, the 
founder of the Belur family. Special inducements were held out 
to settlers in the new petha, such as freedom from taxation for 
one year and confirmation of the exclusion of old claims if they 
took possession l . We are not told what those claims were 
about, but we venture to suppose that they were jurisdiction 
quarrels with neighbouring villagers. 

The weakness of the royal power and authority was the 
immediate cause of the downfall of the Empire in the disastrous 
battle of Raksas-Tagdi and of the subsequent calamities of 
the Sovereigns of the fourth dynasty. But the glory of Vijaya- 
nagara remained apparently as fresh and brilliant as ever 
daring the whole reign of the puppet king, as the successful 
campaigns we shall relate in the two following chapters will 
show. An inscription in the Shimoga District on the eve of 
the disaster of Raksas-Tagdi informs us that the Empire was 
in extent ' One lakh and twenty six thousand provinces ' 2 . 

18. The capital was still the wonder of its visitors and 
even more than before, on account of the new buildings erected 
during Sadasiva's rule. We know, for instance, that a splendid 
palace was constructed for Rama Ray a. Caesar Frederick, 
who visited the city one year after the great battle that caused 
its ruin, was impressed with the magnificence of the huge build- 
ings and wide streets. His description deserves our attention 
because it shows us what the city was like during the reign : 
" The circuit of the City is foure and twentie miles about, and 
within the wals are certaine Mountaines. The House stand 
walled with earth, and plaine, all saving the three Palaces of 
the three tyrant Brethren, and the Pagodes which are Idoll 
houses : these are made with Lime and fine Marble. I have 
scene many Kings Courts, and yet have I seeene none in great- 
nesse like to this Bezeneger ". " The apparell that they use in 
Bezeneger ", he continues, " is Velvet, Satten, Damaske, Scarlet, 
or white Bumbast cloth, according to the estate of the person, 

1. Ep. Cam., XI, Hk, 112. 
& Ibid., VII, Ci, 62. 


with long Hats on their heads, called Colae (kuilayi), made of 
Velvet, Satten, Damaske, or Scarlet, girding themselves in stead 
of girdles with some fine white Bumbast cloth : they have 
breeches after the order of the Turkes : they weare on their feet 
plaine high things called of them Aspergh, and at their eares 
they have hanging great plentie of Gold " 2 . 

1. Purchae, His Pilgrims, X, p. 97-8. 
3. Ibid., p. 99. 



SUMMARY. 1. Conquests of Sadasiva and Rama Raya. -2. Their 
campaigns in the Karnatik and Ceylon. 3. Previous relations 
between Vijayanagara and the Portuguese, specially during the 
reign of Krishna Deva Raya. 4. The Portuguese intend to 
plunder the temple at Tirupati. 5. The treaties of alliance 
between Sadasiva and the Portuguese. 6. Text of the treaty of 
1547. 7. Expedition of Rama Raya against Sao Thome, in 1558. 
8. Trading in Sao Thome. 9. Trade between the cities of Goa 
and Vijayanagara. 

CONTEMPORARY SOURCES. 1. Hindu inscriptions and grants. 
Ferishta, Anonymous chronicler of Golkonda. 3. Commentaries 
do Grande Afonso Dalboquerque, Barros, Couto, Faria y Sousa. 4. 
Sousa, Oricnte Co nqnistado, Anonymous Life of St. Francis Xavier 
5. Travels of C. Frederick. 6. Arquivo da Torre do Tombo, 
Lisbon, Tratados, I. 7. Sivatattvaratnakara. 

WHEN studying the relations of Sadasiva with foreign 
nations, the flattery associated with the inscriptions and grants 
of the old Hindu Sovereigns is noteworthy. In a Tamil 
inscription at Madambakkam we are told that that Sadasiva 
'took every country' ] . A grant dated 1546 goes so far as to 
state that " he subdued all the enemies in Suragiri (Penukonda) 
and brought the whole land from Setu to Himadri into subjection 
to his commands" 2 . But this eulogy is probably inspired by 
the fact narated in the beginning of the second chapter, when the 
young Prince was rescued by Rama Raya and placed on the 
throne of Vijayanagara after the defeat and death of the 
usurper Salakam Timma. The early date of the inscription 
suggests this suspicion. That the Kamboja 3 , Bhoja 4 , 

1. Rangacharya, I, p. 397, 685. 

2. Ep. Cam., IV, Ng, 58. 

3. One of the sixteen pre-Buddhist kingdoms in the North of 
India, probably in the Punjab, mentioned in the Anguttara-Nikaya, I, 

4. Two Kings of Kaauj were called Bhoja, Mihira Bhoja (o. 840- 
90 A. D.), and Bhoja II (c. 908-10 A. D.). In Malwa there was one 
famous king of the Paramaras named Bhoja (1018-60 A. D.). More- 
over, there was in the 4th and 5th centuries a tribe of Bhoja, in 
&exar, whose sovereigns belonged to the Vakataka Dynasty. 





J 542 -1565 




















II. Tlu* Knijnrc i>f Vijayanasjjara under Sadasiva Kaya. 



Kalinga l , Karahata 2 and other kings acted as servants for 
his female apartments 3 , is even a less trustworthy boast, more 
akin to an exaggerated reproduction of the inscriptions of 
Krishna Deva Raya and Achyuta Raya, who are represented as 
being attended by the kings of Anga, Vanga and Kalinga 4 . 
It seems, however, that the king of Orissa, one of those con- 
quered by Krishna Deva Ray a, acknowledged the sovereignty of 
Sadasiva, as we may deduce from the grant of 1558 of Timma 
Raja, described as son of the king of Orissa 5 . 

On the other hand, we cannot doubt that many neighbouring 
Rajas and petty chiefs were brought under the control of 
Sadasiva, since we have the authority of the Muhammadan 
chronicler of Golkonda for stating that Rama Raya strengthened 
his power by the reduction of many troublesome neighbours 6 . 
The supreme Minister is called, in an inscription of the time 
of Venkata III, ' an ocean of valour ' 7 , a praise that 
appears confirmed in several grants either contemporary or of 
latter date, which specify, to some extent, the heroic deeds 
of the Regent. It is said in the Vellangudi Plates of Sadasiva 
that Rama Raya 'destroyed his enemies who were a pest to the 
world' 8 ; the Dalavay Agraharam plates of Venkata II state 
that he had 'slain in battle his enemies, who were a scourge of 
the earth' u ; the Kuniyur plates of Venkata III affirm that 
he ' killed in a battle all dangerous enemies in the world* 10 ; 
and a grant of Ranga III, dated 1645, records that 'all his 

1. The Chalukya kingdom of Rajahmundri. 

2. I was unable to indentify this kingdom. 

3. Ep. hid., IV, p. 3 ; Ep Cam., IV, Ng, 58 ; V, Hn, 7 ; IX, Cp, 18G. 

4. About 1533 Luigi Roncinotto, in the account of his travels 
through India, wrote that the Emperor of Narsinga, or Vijayanagara, 
" had 200 kings under him". Gubernatis, Storia, p. 127. 

5. Sewell, I, p. 75. 

6. Ferishta, III, p. 381. Cf. Correa, IV. p. 438. 

7. Ep. Cam., Ill, p. Nj, 198. 

8. Ep. Ind. t XVI, p. 319, w. 17-8. 

9. Ibid., XII, p. 186, vv. 13-40. 
JO. Ep. /*/., Ill, p. 252, v. 14, 


enemies, the thorns of the world, did the heroic Rama Rayaslay 
in battle' *. 

2. Who were these chiefs that were defeated and killed 
by Rama Raya ? Ferishta relates that Rama Raya ' had reduced 
all the Rajas of the Karnatik to his yoke* 2 . The whole 
Canara country south of Vijayanagara was the original 
Karnatik of those days. The Sivatattvarainakara of Keladi 
Basavabhupala confirms the statement of Ferishta in the 
description of a campaign planned by Rama Raya in the 
present Shimoga District. It says that the Regent sent 
Sadasiva Nayaka, the influential chief of the Keladi family, to 
subdue the barbarian Nayakas of Chandragutti ; the strong 
hill-fort was successfully captured by Sadasiva and the Dasyu- 
nayakas thereafter acknowledged the Emperor of Vijaya- 
nagara 3 . Accordingly, he is said in one of his inscriptions to be 
ruling over Araga 4 , the capital of one of the early 
Viceroyalties of Vijayanagara, comprising some districts of 
the present kingdom of Mysore and the Canara country 
from Goa to Mangalore 4 . 

Rama Raya's expeditions into the kingdom of Travancore 
will be dealt with in another chapter ; but we must here 
observe that Sadasiva is called ' the conqueror of all countries 
and Ceylon ' 6 , and in another inscription he is said ' to have 
looted Ceylon ' 7 , which probably refers to the invasion of 
Ceylon by Krishnappa Nayaka of Madura, as we shall narrate 
later on. No other traces of this campaign of Sadasiva in 
Ceylon have come to our knowledge ; but the anonymous 
chronicler of Golkonda supposes that Ceylon was under the 

1. Ep. Corn., X, Mb, 60. These phrases cannot be ascribed to 
the Muhammadans exclusively, because Rama Raya was finally 
killed in battle by them. 

2. Ferishta, I.e., p. 125. 

3. S. Krishnaswami Aiyangar, Sources, p. 195. 

4. M. A. D., 1923, P. 83. 

5. Cf. 3. Krishnaswami Aiyangar, Mysore and the Decline of the 
Vijayanagara Empire, Q.J. M. S., XIII, p. 621-2. 

6. 129 of 1905. 

7. 451 of 1905, 


sway of Vijayanagara, when, in narrating the battle of Raksas- 
Tagdi, he says "that Rama Raya summoned all his dependants 
from the banks of the Krishna as far as v the Island of 
Ceylon " '. 

3. Of the relations between Rama Raya and the Portu- 
guese we have quite authentic information. But for the better 
understanding of their intercourse, it will be convenient to 
narrate briefly the relations between Vijayanagara and the 
Portuguese from the time of their first appearance on the 
shores of India. To begin with, it seems that the origin of 
these relations must be looked for as far back as about 1507, 
when the first Portuguese Governor, Dom Francisco d* Almeida 
made the acquaintance of Timoja. This Timoja was practically 
and in effect the commandant of the Vijayanagara fleet entrust- 
ed with the task of waging perpetual war with Goa; which city 
had been captured some years before from the power of Vijaya- 
nagara by Yusuf Adil Shah of Bijapur 2 . When the 
Bijapur Sultan died in 1510, Timoja persuaded Alfonso de 
Albuquerque, the then Viceroy of the Portuguese possessions 
in the East, to attack Goa, a former possession of the Hindu 
Empire. In doing this, Timoja took advantage of the tender 
age of the new Sultan Ismail Adil Shah 3 . This enterprise 
was completely successful; and Timoja, who was then called 
the most faithful ally of Portugal 1 , helped Albuquerque by 
land when the city was taken so much so that the Sultan of 
Bijapur despatched a messenger to Vijayanagara complaining 
that Timoja had given his aid to the Portuguese fleet in the 
capture of Goa 5 . 

Before the conquest of Goa, Albuquerque had sent a 

1. Ferishta, 1. c., p. 413-4. When Luigi Barthema visited India, 
in 1507, Ceylon, or at least some of its kings, acknowledged the 
sovereignty of Vijayanagara. Gubernatis, o. c., p. 295. Faria y Asia 
1'ortuguesa, c, p. 183, says that in 1517 the threo largest kingdoms of 
Asia were Siam, China and Bisnaga. 

2. Danvers, Report ,p. 4; Lafitau, Histoiredes Decouvertes, I, p. 213-4. 

3. Furia y Sousa, I, p. 136. 

4. Ibid., p. 136-40. 

5. Commentaries do Grande Afonso Dalboquerque, IT, p. 100-11. Cf. 
Danvers, The Portuguese, I, p. 193, 



Franciscan Friar named Frey Luiz to the court of Vijayanagara, 
to get the Emperor's assistance in attacking the city of Calicut 
by land whilst the Portuguese operated by sea, with a view to 
avenging the violation of his promise by the Sovereign of 
that place l . It appears also that Frey Luiz invited Krishna 
Deva Raya to become a Christian and the Sovereign gave no 
negative answer to the priest's request. In an anonymous 
letter of a traveller written in Venice to ser Zuane di Santi, 
dated November 10th, 1511, and kept in the Biblioteca 
Magliabecchina of Florence, we read the following words : " It 
seems that King Narsinga was very near becoming a Christian 2 ." 
Frey Luiz remained at Vijayanagara, and was finally 
murdered there in 1511 by a Turk, it seems, by order of the 
Sultan of Bijapur :t . Albuquerque gives this piece of news 
to his Sovereign in a letter of April 1st, 1512, as follows : " At 
Bisnagar (Vijayanagara) one Rume (Turk) murdered Frey 
Luiz ; there is nothing extraordinary in this event " 4 . 

The result of this legation of Frey Luiz was an Embassy 
from Vijayanagara that reached Goa in the following year 

1511. Both the Commentaries and Faria y Sousa, that give this 
information, do not mention the name of the ambassador nor the 
nature of his business with the Viceroy. But we are sure 
that this was the origin of the official friendship between the 
two powers. In the anonymous letter mentioned above it is 
stated that "the King of Narsinga (Vijayanagara) has sent 
ambassadors in order to establish a perpetual friendship with 
the King of Portugal ; on the other hand, this King has done 
the same, for he also wished to establish this alliance " u . 
Moreover Krishna Deva Raya proposed, no doubt, through 
his ambassador to the Viceroy, his desire of getting horses 

1. Dos Santos, Ethiopia Oriental, II, p. 283; Lafitau, o. c., I, p. 262-3 

2. Gubernatis, Storia, p. 383-4. 

3. Commentatios, III, p. 46. 

4. From Alfonso de Albuquerque to Dom Manuel, Goa (?), April 1, 

1512, Costa, Historia das Relacoes Diplomaticas, p. 32. Cf. Hera 8. Early 
Relations Between Vijayanagara and Portugal. Q. J. M. S., XV, p. 67-9. 

5. Commentaries, III, p. 41-2. 

6. Gubernatis, Storia, p. 384. 


from Arabia and Ormuz, of which he was in much need for 
his campaigns against the Muhammadans l . As a matter 
of fact the second Ambassador sent by Albuquerque to 
Vijayanagara, Caspar Chanoca by name, was charged to 
inform Krishna Rayathat the Viceroy would willingly send him 
all the horses available at Goa, rather than to the Sultan of 
Bijapur -. 

The success of this Embassy encouraged the lucky Emperor; 
and in 1514 he sent another Legation, at the head of which, 
was one Retelim Cherim (Cheti), Governor of Bracelor (Basrur) 
who offered the Viceroy 20,000 for the exclusive right of buying 
1,000 horses. The ambassador was kindly received by Pero Mas- 
carenhas, Captain of the fortress, and an escort went specially 
to meet him ; but Albuquerque courteously declined the offer 
on the ground that such a privilege would destroy trade a . 
In spite of this, Vijayanagar and Goa remained as friendly as 
ever. For when in 1515, Krishna Deva Raya captured the 
fortress of Rachol, among his soldiers there was also a detach- 
ment of Portuguese soldiers under Christovao de Figueredo; 
who rendered great assistance in the storming of the fort 4 . 
The Hindu Sovereign was so grateful to the Portuguese on 
account of these events, that subsequently, perhaps in 

1. Cf. Comincntarios, III, p. 46. 

2. From A. de Albuquerque to Doni Manuel, Goa ('?), April 
1,1512, Costa, Historiadas Rclacoes Diplomaticas, p. 33. 

3. From A. dc Albuquerque to Dom Manuel, Canaiior, November 
37, 1514, Costa, o. c. p. 51 ; Commentaries, IV, p. 139-41 ; Carias be Simao 
Uotclho, Lima Felncr, Subsides^ p. 343 

4. Faria y Sousa, I, p. 196; Barros, p. 438-43; Maffei, Historiarum 
Indicamm, p. 320-1. I do not know why Mr. Sewell, p. 334-5 iden- 
tifies Rachol with Raichur ; perhaps because of Ferishta, III, p. 49, 
who represents the river Krishna as flowing in its neighbourhood. 
But I rely more upon the Portuguese historians who placed this city 
in the vicinity of Goa. Faria y Sousa, after relating the defeat of the 
Bijapur Sultan, says: " Ruy de Mello, who was then at Goa, seeing 
the Idalcao (Adil Khan) discouraged on account of that disaster and per- 
haps distracted while thinking how to recover from it; and besides 
knowing that many people were fighting and robbing the mainland 
(la fcVrniJfrm^aroiuid: he s&zed it at the bead of two hundred and fifty 


the following year, he presented the Portuguese Viceroy 
with the whole territory of Salsette as a free gift 1 . This 
friendship between both powers still subsisted in the year 1526, 
since Faria y Sousa affirms that Lope Vaz de Sampayo in that 
year forgave a rcbji city because it belonged to the territory of 
Vijayanagara 2 . 

4. But after the death of Krishna Raya, and when Sada- 
siva became King, the old alliance was no longer respected, at 
least by the Portuguese. Faria y Sousa narrates that in 1544 the 
governor Martim Affonso de Sousa thought of sending a fleet 
of 45 ships under 27 captains to the eastern coast to plunder 
the temple of Tremele (Tirupati) 3 , " that is in the kingdom 
of Bisnaga (Vijayanagara) ", in which, it was said, heaps of 

cavalry and eight hundred Kanarcse foot-soldiers " (1. c., p. 199). 
This writer, whose work appeared a whole century after these events, 
suppposcs Rachol located in an island, since he speaks of the ticrra 
firme around. How could it be Raichur, in the centre of the Deccan ? 
Moreover, we know that Krishna Deva Raya, probably in the follow- 
ing year, gave the whole territory ef Salsette, which had belonged to 
Bijapur just a little before, to the Portuguese for ever; and no other 
conquest of Salsete is mentioned in the old chronicles but this. 
Finally Anquetil du Poron, 1. c., p. 197, says clearly that Krishna 
Raya conquered the fortress of Rachol, that is in the island of Salsctte 
and refers to ' La Fitau, Conquete des Portngnes dans le Nouvfaus Monde, 
I, p. 587, and Botero, Delia Relation?, I, p. 304-6. (Rome, 1595) '. Dur- 
ing the Viceroy alty of Nuno da Cunhn, the Sultan of Bijapur sent two 
expeditions to Salsette in order to recover Rachol, but both failed. Cf. 
Doi Santos, Ethiopia Oriental, II, p. 2^7. 

1. Correa, II, p. 658. 

2. Faria y Sousa, I, p. 246. 

3. Tirupati was known to the Portuguese under the name of 
Tripati or Trepeti. Tremele, a corruption of Tirumala, sounds like 
Trepeti; and although the distance of twelve leagues from St. Thome 
given by Faria y Sousa is not suggestive, nevertheless the likeness 
of the name and the celebrity of that temple in the whole of southern 
India, inclines me to identify the place that Martim Affonso de 
Sousa contemplated plundering with Tirupati. Even Thevenot 
Travels, p. 92, wrote, in the second half of the 17th century 
that "the famous Pagod of not far from Cape 


gold and riches were stored. But the fleet did not achieve its 

The aim of this expedition was suddenly changed, and 
some temples of the kingdom of Travancore were plundered 
instead of that of Tremele. Correa says that the reason of this 
change of plan was because the governor had been informed that 
his purpose was known at Vijayanagara, and accordingly many 
soldiers had assembled at Tirupati to resist the Portuguese 
attack '. 

5. Nevertheless two years later the friendship was renew- 
ed by a treaty of February 26, 1546. The Emperor of Vijaya- 
nagara swore eternal friendship to the King of Portugal, 
confirmed the donation of the territories of Salsette and Bardez, 
and promised that he would never wage war against those 
Provinces -. And in the following year, Rama Raya on be- 
half of Sadasiva dispatched to Goa another ambassador, who 
was one of the most famous captains of his army, with a re- 
markable train of nobles and servants to confirm specifically 
this treaty of alliance. He went to Goa via Ancola (Ankola) 
whence he was fetched by two sloops sent there from Goa \ 
The then Governor of Goa, Dom Joao dc Castro, caused 
a great reception to be given to the ambassador. He was received 
by the Governor in a big hall with great pomp; and after the 
usual salutations, the ambassador gave the Governor the 
credentials of his King along with some precious jewels as 
royal presents. Nothing else was done that day, but on the 
next they had a long talk. The ambassador told the Governer 
that " the King, his Lord, was desirous of having perpetual 
peace an1 friendship with the Governor ; and that they were 
always ready to do everything for the Portuguese, provided it 
was just and honest, because the Kings, his predecessors, had 

1. Faria y Sousa, II, p. 135; Correa, IV, p. 300 and p. 324-8; 
Maffei, Historiamm Indicarum, p. 548. 

2. Archive da Torre do Tombo, Lisbon, Tratados, I, p. 116. Cf. 
Danvera, Report, p. 50. To crown this treaty Garcia dc Sa, Governor 
of Goa, concluded on August 22, 1548, another treaty with Ibrahim 
Adil Shah of Bijapur, who renewed the agreement, by which the 
teritories of Salsette and Bardez were to be the property of the King 
of Portugal for ever. Cf. Danvers, Report* p. 51. 

3. Correa, IV, p. 60J. 


always fostered this mutual peace and friendship with the 
former governors." The Governor replied that " he greatly 
appreciated the King Sadasiva Raya's desire to be a friend of 
the King of Portugal, his Lord. But as he, the Governor, was 
just then about to leave for some of the fortresses of his 
dominions, he would, in order to finish the business of the 
legation as soon as possible, be much pleased to depute 
the Veedor de Fazenda (Finance Member) and the Secretary, 
to treat with the ambassador on the matters concerned, and to 
come to a mutual agreement ; for he was very pleased to 
give all pleasure to the King of Vijayanagara". 

6. On the following days, the ambassador met the two 
officers appointed by the Governor more than once, and the 
result of these meetings was the following treaty : 

"Both parties, the King of Portugal and the King of 
Vijayanagara, oblige themselves to be friends of friends, and 
enemies of enemies, each of the other; and, when called on, to 
help each the other with all his forces against all kings and 
lords of India, Nizam Shah always excepted. 

"The Governor of Goa will allow Arab and Persian horses 
landed at Goa to be purchased by the King of Vijayanagara, none 
being permitted to be sent to Bijapur nor to any of its parts ; 
and the King of Vijayanagara will be bound to purchase all those 
that were brought to his ports on quick and proper payment. 

"The King of Vijayanagara will compel all merchants in his 
kingdom trading with the coast, to send their goods through Onor 
(Honavar) and Barcelor (Basrur) wherein the King of Portugal 
will send factors who will purchase them all; and the Governors 
of India will be forced to send the Portuguese merchants there 
in order to buy them. On the same way, the King of Vijayana- 
gara will forbid the exportation of iron and saltpetre into the 
kingdom of Adil Shah from any port or town of his own ; ana 
his merchants will be compelled to bring this merchandise to 
the harbours of the kingdom of Vijayanagara, where they will 
be quickly purchased by the Governors of India, not to cause 
them loss. \ 

1. Sewell, p. 187, note, misunderstood tUi* term of tbe treaty, 
which on the other band IB not given in full. ' 


" All the cloths of the Kingdom of Vijayanagara will not be 
brought over to the ports of Adil Shah, but either to Ancola or 
to Onor (Honavar); and in the same way the Governors will 
bind the Portuguese merchants to go there to purchase them, 
and to exchange them for copper, coral, vermillion, mercury, 
China silks and all other kinds of goods which come from the 
Kingdon ; and he, the King of Vijayanagara, will order his 
merchants to purchase them. 

"The King of Vijayanagara will allow no Moorish 
(Muhammadan) ship or fleet to stop in his ports; and if any 
should come, he will capture them and hand them over to the 
Governor of India, whosoever he may be. 

14 Both parties agree to wage war with Adil Shah; and all 
the territories taken from the latter shall belong to Vijaya- 
nagara, except lands to the West of the Ghats, from Banda to 
the Cintacora river, which lands did long ago belong to the 
ownership and jurisdiction of Goa, and will remain attached for 
ever to the crown of Portugal " 

On September iQth, 1547, the Governor Dom Joao de 
Castro, being now back at Goa, gave his signature and oath 
to all the items of this treaty ; so too did the ambassador of 
Sadasiva; then the treaty was published and announced 
throughout the city with much rejoicing by a flourish of 
trumpets. Dom Joao de Castro gave the ambassador a rich 
present of several beautiful horses and precious cloths for his 
Sovereign, and some other gifts for himself. Freirede Andrada 
in his Life of Dom Joao de Castro says that the league was 
intended by Rama Ray a to secure assistance from the Viceroy 
against his neighbour the Sultan of Bijapur, who, " understand- 
ing the Governor's resolution retired his inland garrisons, as 
if avoiding the blow of the first invasion, endeavouring to weary 
out the State with a sudden and incursive War " -. This state- 

1. Botelho, O TombodoEstado da India, Lima Felner, Subsidies 
p. 255-7 ; Couto, VI, p. 372 ; Faria y Sousa, II, p. 189. The treaty, or 
rather a copy of it, is preserved in the Archive da Torre do Tombo, 
Lisbon, Tratados, I, p. 118. Cf. Danvers, Report, 1. c.; Costa, Historic 
das Relaeoes Diphmaticas, p. 102. 

3, Freire de Andrada, The Life of Dom Joao de Castro, p. 226-7, 


ment of Freire de Andrada is confirmed by a letter of Dom Joao 
de Castro himself to King John III, dated December l6th 1546. 
According to it the Vijayanagara Sovereign wanted an alliance 
to wage actual war with Bijapur. Castro agreed to all the 
terms proposed by the ambassador, but was not ready to com- 
mence a compaign against the Sultan of Bijapur, with whom an 
alliance had recently been made ! . 

Another legation of Vijayanagara to Goa in 1549 is men- 
tioned by Faria y Sousa 2 , but no details are given. It was 
undoubtedly intended to revive the old friendship. 

7. We have no more information about the intercourse 
between the two nations until 1558, when a war suddenly broke 
out, on Rama Raya marching with an army against the 
Portuguese of St. Thome. A forged account of the discovery 
of the remains of the Apostle St. Thomas in the neighbourhood 
of the old Mailapura : <, was the cause of a Portuguese settle- 
ment in the eastern coast of Vijayanagara, in the year 1522 4 . 

1. '* Ha 25. de Junho me mandou El rey de Bisnaga hum 
Embaixador escreuendo-me muito apertadamente, que quizesemos 
eu e elle fazer ha querra ao Ydalcao, e leuantar Micale (sic) Rey 
dondome muntas (muitas) razoens pero (sic) iso. Eu me escuzei de ho 
faser per caso das pazes que ora nouamente tinba feito come o 
Ydalcao, e certos contra tos ; poreni lancei munto (muito) de suu 
amizade, e Ihe ofreci a minha pera de da uolta que tornase da guerra 
de Combaya nos tornassemos a escreuer t uisitar pera entao tratar- 
mos de muntas (muitas) cousas que pertenciao ha elle e a mjm. 
Eu Ihe concedi alguas das cousas que me mandou requerer, e com 
ellas e . minha resposta se tornou o embayxador nmy conteute " 
Obras Varias Mann scriptas, fol. 42. 

2. Faria y Sousa, II, p. 216. 

3. Mandelslo, a traveller and a native of Holtstein, who visited 
the Coromandel Coast is 1639, says that Mylupore was once the 
capital of the kingdom of Narsinga. He was, no doubt, misinformed 
by the Portuguese of the place who, believing in the existence of the 
old King of Mailapura, a contemporary of St. Thomas, thought he 
was one of the old kings of the Empire of Narsinga or Vijayanagara. 
Mandelslo, Voyages and Travels, p. 94. 

4. We cannot admit the authenticity of the account of the 
finding of St. Thomas' Tomb by the Portuguese in 1517, as given by 
Faria y Sousa I, p. 222-4, and by Fr, Francisco de Souza, 


It was an appreciable distance from Mailapura, known to the 
Portuguese as Meliapor, to St. Thome, although we believe that 
Faria y Sousa was wrong in stating that the distance between 

Conqnistado, I, p. 152. It obviously presents aJl the elements of a forgery. 
The inscription of the supposed tomb: "When Thomas founded that 
temple, the King of Mailapura granted him the rights over the goods 
which arrived at the city, that was ten per cent," evidently shows 
the intention of the Portuguese merchants to reclaim those rights 
given to one of their ancestors in the faith of Christ by the Sovereign 
of the place. 2. The very find of the relics and their description 
as white bones, next to a broken lance, may be regarded as the most 
barefaced imposture, because there is no doubt that the holy remains 
of the Apostle were removed to the city of Edessa, in Syria, before 
the 6th century, as stated by St. Gregory de Tours in his book 
DC Gloria Beatorum Afartyrum, a work revised in 590. Cf. Migne, PP. 
LL. t LXXf, p. 733. Another account states that his stick was also 
found next to the relics. Historia Chronologica, O Cabinet c Litierano 
das Fontainhas, I, p. 13. 3. The fact that his relics were put into a 
a China chest or into a silver box, according to others (Cf. 
Historia Chronologic^^ 1. c.) and hidden next to the altar, but never 
subsequently discovered, clearly shows that the forgery was care- 
fully concocted to explain the fact of the empty tomb carved by 
their care. 4. The account of thr martyrdom sounds like a pious 
legend of the middle ages, as well as the story of King Perumul of 
Ceylon going to adore our Lord in the manger at the request of the 
Indian Sybil. 5. Finally, the painting of the Blessed Virgin Mary, 
which is supposed to have boon brought over from Palestine by the 
aforesaid King Perumal, is another unmistakable sign of the forgery 
of this narrative. 

When St. Francis Xavier passed through St. Thome, in 1545, 
he was told that the body of the Apostle was kept in the place, 
but from his own letter we may conclude that he did not believe it: 
*' Ay en Santo Thomae mas de cien Portugueses casados : ui vna 
iglesia mui deuota,y todos tienen quo esta alii el cuerpo del glorioso 
Apostol ". (There are at St. Thome more than a hundred Portu- 
guese all married; they have a very devout church and all think that 
the body of the glorious Apostle is lying there). M. H. S.J., Mon. Xav., 
I, p. 387. The famous Dutch traveller Nieuhoff passed through St. 
Thome in 1662, and while describing the city, he says: "Here yo see 



the two cities was seven leagues l . Around the so-called tomb 
of the Apostle, the Portuguese built a small city not independ- 
ent but subject to the King of Vijayanagara ; " which Citie, 
(St. Thome)", says Frederick, "although it be not very great, 
yet in my judgement, it is the fairest in all that part of the 
Indies "2 

Although the reasons given by Fr. Sousa for the founding 
of the city are two, vis., the devotion to the Apostle, and the 
convenience of that locality for trading with the natives of the 
east coast of the Vijayanagara Empire 3 , nevertheless the 
main purpose of the settlement was commerce, just as was that 
of the other Portuguese settlements in India ; and, even in this, 
they were not allowed to build any fort, as William Finch, a 

also the famous church of St. Thomas : this Apostle, as the Portugueses 
pretend, Icing buried here ". (Italics are mine). Nieuhoff, Voyages and 

Travels, p. 198. Finally Mandelslo, who was at St. Thome during 
the same century, heard from the Portuguese another legendary 
account of the preaching of St. Thomas and his martyrdom at 

St. Thome, which may be read in his Voyages and Travels, p. 94. 

1. Faria y Sousa, I, p. 224. 

2. Purchas, o. c., p. 109. In a letter of one Fr. Froes to Fr. 
Quadros, both Jesuits, duted Goa, November, 1559 one year after 
Rama Raya's expedition we read the following lines : " Os 
enuiamos," says Froes, " las copias de ciertas prouisiones que un rey 
antiguo de Bisnaga, gentil, suscribio en fauor de la casa del glorioso 

Apostol S. Tomas sobre ciertos que alii dijo, las cuales copias 

enuio aqui el P. Cipriano algunos meses antes de su muerte " Nuovi 
avisi dell' Indie, f. 101 v. Were these pronisiones any grant of Rnma 
Raya to St. Thomas' church made on this occasion? The fact is that 
Manucci speaks of it some years later : " Up to this day ", said he in 
1688, "the Portuguese preserve one of these plates for a gift to them, 
by the said Ram Rajah, of the city of Sao Thome. " Storia do Mogor, 
III, p. 97. Was this goldenplate grant of Sao Thome made by Rama 
Raya when the Portuguese first settled in the place or after the ex- 
pedition we are going to relate ? Or was it perhaps a forgery of the 
Portuguese themselves ? The inscription on the memorial stone in 
the church of Nossa Senhora da Luz, according to which it was built 
by the Franciscan Friar, Fr. Pedro da Atougia in 1516, must be re- 
jected as not authentic. Cf. Davison Love, Vestiges of old Madras, 
I, p. 289-90. 

3. Sousa, I, p. 153, 3G, 


traveller of the beginning of the l6th century, informs us *. 
The town grew very rapidly ; St. Francis Xavier, in one of his 
letters to the Jesuits of Europe dated Malaca, November 10th, 
1545, says that in Sao Thome " there are more than one 
hundred Portuguese, all married " 2 . 

Against this Portuguese town, in the vicinity of Mailapura, 
marched Rama Raya in the year 1558, and the motive of this 
ex|>edition was this. The Franciscan Friars, who from the 
beginning were established at St. Thome and at Negapatam, 
caused several Hindu temples to be desecrated and the idols 
destroyed, building in their stead many Christian churches and 
chapels. In the year 1542, they had built at Negapatam two 
churches, one dedicated to St. Francis and the other to Nossa 
Senhora da Saude, and about three thousand people had em- 
braced the Catholic Faith :i . The Jesuits who came shortly 
after, followed the example of the Franciscans. The Brahmins 
naturally represented these facts to the Regent of the Empire, 
who took no action against the Portuguese, because, no doubt, 
of the necessity of their friendship to obtain horses for war pur- 
poses 4 . But, on this occasion a Portuguese fidalgo, a 
traitor to his nation and faith, whose name is not given in the 
Portuguese chronicles, invited Rama Raya to proceed against 
the Portuguese town, the inhabitants of which were * most 
rich ' he said, and from whom he would be able to get more 
than two millions of gold pagodas. Rama Raya was in need of 
money, on account both of the frequent wars with the Muham- 
madans and of his imperial designs. This invitation he soon 
accepted ; and after collecting an army of more than five 
hundred thousand soldiers and a great deal of ammunition, set 
out from Vijayanagara towards Sao Thome. 

We fortunately have a short contemporary description of 
the town and population of Sao Thome at the time of Rama 
Raya's attempt. The anonymous author of the life of St. 

1. Foster, Early Travels in India, p. 182. 
2. M. H. S.J., Mon. Xav.,l, p. 387. 
3. Historia Chronologica^ O Gabincte Littcrario das 
p. 86. 
4. The account of Sewell, p. 193-4, is not accurate. 



Francis Xavier quoted above says that Sao Thome " is a very 
rich and noble city, inhabited by Portuguese, who, being tired of 
the hardships of military life, retired to that place, wherein they 
found great convenience and opportunity for earning their life. 
Thus the city was formed which, besides the wealth and food 
that the land produces, is nicely fitted for trading and sending 
its goods to any part of the world " l . 

When the news of the approach of Rama Raya reached 
the inhabitants of the city, Pero de Taide Inferno, a noble 
merchant from Goa, who happened to be in Sao Thome at the 
time, assembled ail the chief men of the town, and tried to 
persuade them to resist Rama Raya and his army; an enterprise 
he thought pretty easy as the enemies were short of cannon. 
Moreover they had the additional advantage of the sea. But 
most of the inhabitants of the town thought otherwise, because 
the town being in the kingdom of Vijayanagara, they were not 
allowed to offer resistance to their Governor and Regent of the 
Empire ; and further, they were unable to stand a long siege. 
This annoyed Pero de Taide, who at once left the city and made 
for Goa in a ship that had just then come from Bengal. 

Four of the principal inhabitants of the town were then 
deputed to receive Rama Raya even before he reached the 
place ; they were to welcome him and offer him a present valued 
at about four thousand cruzados. The Regent was delighted with 
this gift from the Portuguese. In the meanwhile the streets of 
the city were decorated, and the windows and balconies festoon- 
ed with rich-coloured cloth. 

When Rama Raya came within sight of the cily he 
encamped on a vast plain, and dispatched several of his captains 
with orders to bring to his presence all the inhabitants of the 
town, men and women, old and young, bond or free. When they 
came they were entertained by his order in a separate place, 
while other captains were sent to the city to search for all the 
riches of the town ; these were brought over to him, all furniture 
not excluded. Couto says that the value of the whole property of 
the inhabitants of Sao Thome would not have reached the sum of 
a hundred thousand pardaos. Rama Raya was furious on realiz- 

1. M. H. S. /., Man. Xav., I. p. 59. 


log that he had been deceived by his friend, the Portuguese 
fidalgo, and determined to inflict a severe punishment upon 
him. But the shrewd fidalgo made good his escape from the 
army. He was finally found in the town of Calcture, at a 
distance of six leagues. Brought before the Regent, he 
was put to death and trampled on by elephants. 

Then Rama Raya decided to send the citizens back to the 
town after exacting a tribute of a hundred thousand pagodas ; 
half to be given at once, and the other half a year later. Fifty 
thousand pagodas were paid down to him on the spot, and he 
took with him five of the chief citizens as hostages for the other 
half. Then, before leaving, he caused all the property to be 
returned to their owners. A silver spoon was found missing. 
Such diligent enquiries were made by his command, -that the 
spoon was finally discovered and returned to its owner. This 
episode is mentioned by the two chroniclers who relate the 
history of this campaign '. 

Rama Raya at once left for his capital. On reaching Vijaya- 
nagara he released the five hostages and sent them back to Sao 
Thome, in recognition of their services during the retreat. Such 
was the end of the expedition, which would have been fatal to 
the town of Sao Thome if the advice of Pero de Taide Inferno 
had been followed -. 

8. This was only a passing cloud brought on by the 
cupidity of Rama Raya; for the intcrcoiibe between Vijaya- 
nagara and Portugal continued in the following years as friendly 
as ever. Caesar Frederick, who was an eye-witness of the trading 
of the Portuguese in the city of Sao Thome at the end of 
the reign of Sadasiva, says to this effect : " It is a marvellous 
thing to them which have not scene the lading and unlading of 
men and merchandize in Saint Tome as they doe : it is a place 

1. With these details, given by both Couto and Faria y Sousa 
the account of Fr. Quoyroz, ConqinsltJ dc Ccylao, does not agree. 
According to it Rama Raya robbed the Catholic Cburch of St. 
Thomas (p. 309) and even stole the very relics of the holy Apostle 
(p. 310). 

2. Couto, VII, p. 51-60 ; Faria y Sousa, II, p. 327-8 ; Lafitau 
Histoirc des Decouvcrtcs, TI,p. 553-4. 


so dangerous, that a man cannot be served with small Barkes, 
neither can they doe their business with the Boates of the ships, 
because they would be beaten in a thousand pieces, but they 
make certain Barkes (of purpose) high which they call Masadie, 
they be made of little boards ; one board being sowed to another 
with small cordes, and in this order are they made. And when 
they arc thus made, and the owners will embarke any thing in 
them either men or goods, they lade them on land, and when 
they are laden, the Barke-men thrust the Boatc with her lading 
into the streame, and with great speed they make haste all that 
they are able to row out against the huge waves of the Sea that 
are on that shore untill that they carric them to the ships : and 
in like manner they lade these Masadies at the ships with 
merchandise and men. When they come ncerc the shore, the 
Bark-men Icape out of the Bark into the Sea to keep the 
Barke right thai shee cast not thwart the shore, and being 
kept right, the Suffe of the Sea setteth her lading drie on land 
without any hurt or danger, and sometimes there are some 
of them that arc overthrowen, but there can bee no great 
losse, bacausu they lade but a little at a time. All the 
Merchandise they lade outwards, they emball it well with Oxe 
hides, so that if it take wet, it can have no great harme" ! . 

The anonymous author of the life of St. Xavier quoted above 
informs us that Sao Thome traded specially with the kingdoms 
of Pegu and Bengal : with the first in gold and sealing-wax, 
and with the second in eatables, particularly sugar. The 
trade of Sao Thome was also famous throughout Portugal for 
the beautiful cloths of different kinds coming from the 
Coromandel Coast. In the month of September they used to 
send to Malacca a ship laden with these coloured cloths, for 
which they obtained yearly great quantities of money 2 . 

9. Trade continued to flourish between Goa and Vijaya- 
nagara itself. In 1585, the Italian traveller Philippo Sasseti 
sent from Goa to Giambatista Strozzi, at Firenze, the following 
information on the Portuguese commerce between both cities 
previous to the battle of Raksas-Tagdi. He says that before 

1. Purchas, o. c., p. 109. 

2. M. H. S.J., Mon. Xav., I, p. 59. 


that disaster, Vijayanagara "had such great traffic going 
through its streets that it was beyond imagination, 
and that there dwelt in it very rich people not as rich 
as the people of our country but as Cresus and other 
rich of days gone by. Large quantities of goods that came from 
our possessions via Alexandria and Soria were then consumed, 
and all the cloths and linen, which were made in such a large 
quantity, could be disposed of there. The traffic was so great 
that the road going from here (Goa) to that town was always as 
crowded as the roads leading to a fair, and the profit was so 
sure that the only trouble was to bring the goods there. Any- 
thing that was carried there by the merchants after a fortnight 
of walking, was sold there with a profit of 25 or 30 per cent. 
Besides they came back with other merchandise, and what a 
merchandise ! diamonds, rubies, pearls. In these things the 
profit was even greater 1 . And finally the tax on the horses 
that came from Persia to go to that kingdom yielded in this 
town a hundred and twenty or a hundred and fifty thousand 
ducats " ] . 

There were always Portuguese merchants at Vijayanagara. 
Frederick says that they used *' to sleepe in the streets, or 
under Porches, for the great heat which is there, and yet they 
never had any harme in the night" ~. The same traveller 
gives a list of the different kinds of cloths and other goods that 

1. A letter of Simao Botelho, Veedor de Fazenda, to the King 
of Portugal, dated Cochin, January 30th, 1552, confirms this informa- 
tion of the Italian traveller; " O visorei", says he, '* detremina 
mandur hum aluaro mendoz ourivez, que dizem que entende em 
pedraria, que de la veo o annopassado, a bisnaga (Vijayanagara), aai 
para vemder alguas joias das que se ouuerao em ceilao, por non serem 
pera mandar a Rainha nosa senhora, segundo a todos qua pareceo, e 
poderem ae vender por muito mais em bisnaga, por serem da laya que 
eles muito costumao e ystimao, porque sao topazios e olhos de gato, 
e tambem pera do dinheiro disto se averem alguns diamaes bons 
pera vosa alteza: o aluaro mendez promete fazer nisto grandes 
services, e pede que Ihe faca merce de feitor da pedraria ; la o devem 
de conhecer se he ele para ysto ; e avendo laa de ir alguen, milhor he 
portugues que estrangeiro, e comtudo ha d ir com ele bum bomem 
bonrado, e de confianza, for scripvao. Cartas tl? Sitnao Bvtellio, Lima 
Teiner, Subsidies, p. 39. 

8, Purchas, o. c., p. 98. 


were commonly sold at Vijayanagara by the Portuguese 
merchants : " The Merchandize that went every yeere from Goa 
to Bezeneger were Arabian Horses, Velvets, Damaskes, and 
Sattens, Armesine of Portugal!, and pieces of China, Saffron 
and Scarlets : and from Bezeneger they had in Turkie for their 
commodities, Jewels, and Pagodies which be Ducats of gold." l 
Of all these goods, the horses from Arabia and Persia were 
the merchandise most profitable to Goa, as they were absolutely 
necessary to the imperial army. Again the author of the life of 
St. Xavier mentioned above, who was a contemporary of these 
events, says that " this King (of Vijayanagara) is on friendly 
terms with the state of His Highness (the King of Portugal) on 
account of horses. For all the horses that are sent to his country 
from Ormuz pass through Goa, and as both cities belong to His 
Highness, he cannot get them if the Viceroy of India is not 
pleased ; and this is the reason why all the Portuguese do 
safely go from Sao Thome to Goa, that is, they cross one 
hundred and fifty leagues, almost all of which belonging to 
him 1 ' 2. 

1. Ibid., p. 99. 

2. M. II. S.J.. Mon. Xtiv., T, p. 615. 



SUMMARY. 1. Policy of Rama Raya with the Muhammadans of 
the Deccan. 2. First encounter of Venkatadri with Ibrahim 
Adil Shah. 3. Bijapur and Ahmadnagar against Vijayanagara 
and Bidar. 4. Successful campaign of Rama Raya against 
Ahmadnagar. 5. Bijapur attacked by Vijayanagara, Ahmad- 
nagar and Golkonda. 6. Capture of Kaliyani by Vijayanagara 
from Bidar. 7. Friendship between Rama Raya and Ibrahim 
Qutb Shah. 8. Last expedition, of Vijayanagara and Ahmadnagar 
against Bijapur. 9. First campaign of Vijayanagara and Bija- 
pur against Ahmadnagar. 10. Second campaign. Siege of 
Ahmadnagar. Depredations of the Hindus in Muhammadan 
territories. 11. Rama Raya's intervention against the preten- 
sions of Abdulla Adil Shah to the throne of Bijapur. 12. End of 
the friendship between Rama Raya and Ibrahim Qutb Shah. 
13. Rebellion of the Naigwaris against the Sultan of Golkonda 
fostered by Rama Raya. 14. Concerted plans of the Muham- 
madans against Vijayanagara. Rama Raya's preparations. 

CONTEMPORARY SOURCES. 1. Ferishta, Anonymous Chronicler of 
Golkonda, Bnrtmn-i-Ma'asir. 2. Couto, Faria y Sousa, Souza. 
3. Rtnnarajiyamu, VasucharitramUi Annals af Handc Anantapuram. 

THE policy of Rama Raya in his relations with the 
Deccani Muhammadans was that of a shrewd diplomatist of 
the modern type. He always tried to keep his opponents divi- 
ded so as to weaken their power. To attain this, he used to 
ally himself now with one, now with another sovereign, for the 
purpose of waging war against the rest ; so that during the 
twenty three years of his rule, he successively made war 
against all the Sultans of the Deccan, and always returned 
home victorious over the followers of the Prophet. 

The Vasticharitramu states that "the Nizam (of Ahmad- 
nagar), Kutupasahi (Kutb Shah of Golkonda) and the Sapada 
(Adil Shah of Bijapur) fled to the forests before his march" '. 
And in the Svarawelakalanidhi it is said that with his brothers* 

1. S. Krishnaswami Aiyangar, Sources, p. 216, 


aid he 'conquered all Parasikas ', that is the Muhammadans *. 
The British Museum plates of Sadasiva state that " the dust 
raised by his armies appears like smoke that drives away those 
gnats", viz., the Muhammadans 2 . And probably also his 
wars with the Mussulmans inspired the statement of the 
Mangalampad grant of Venkata II that " Rama Raya had 
slain in battle all his enemies" 3 . 

2. The struggle between Vijayanagara and the Muhamma- 
dans started early in the reign of Sadasiva, almost on the very 
day of his coronation. Ferishta -says that when Ibrahim Adil 
Shah of Bijapur heard of the revolution that took place in 
Vijayanagara to dethrone the usurper Salakam Timma Raju, 
and of the subsequent election of Sadasiva as Emperor of 
Vijayanagara, he thought it a good opportunity, and despatched 
Asad Khan with the bulk of his army to reduce the important 
fortress of Adoni. No sooner did this news come to Vijaya- 
nagara, than Rama Raya likewise sent his brother Venkatadri 
with a strong force to relieve the fort, which was on the point 
of surrendering. On his approach Asad Khan raised the siege 
and moved towards him. A sharp engagement ensued and the 
Muhammadan general, finding that he was likely to have the 
worst of the action by reason of the vast superiority of the 
enemy, retreated in good order, followed by Venkatadri at a 
distance of about twenty one miles. In the evening Asad Khan 
encamped, and Venkatadri, with a view to obstructing furthei 
retreat, halted likewise at a distance of about eight miles. On 
the following day before sunrise, Asad Khan with four thousand 
chosen horse surprised the camp of Venkatadri, whose self- 
confidence had thrown him wholly off his guard against this 
manoeuvre. The Muhammadans penetrated the Hindu tents 
before the alarm was given. Venkatadri had scarcely time to 
make his escape, and left his treasures, family and elephants in 
the hands of the victors 4 . 

1. Ibid., p. 190. 

2. Ep. /<*., TV, p. 3. 

3. Butterworth, I, p. 29, v. 16. Rama Raya's campaigns against the 
Muhammadans are recorded in the Rama Raya Cheritra. Cf. Wilson, 
The Mackenzie Collection, p. 268. 

4. This defeat is perhaps the one referred to by Correa, IV, p. 440. 


At daybreak Venkatadri collected his scattered troops, and 
drew them up as if to give battle; but seeing Asad Khan 
prepared to maintain his advantage, and growing apprehensive 
of the consequences to his wife and children, he declined battle, 
and retiring some miles away, pitched his camp there. From 
thence he wrote to Rama Raya, told him of his disaster and 
requested reinforcements. The Regent at once sent supplies of 
men and money, and gave out his intention of carrying on the 
war. He privately informed his brother, at the same time, that 
he had reason to think Ibrahin Adil Shah had not been induced 
to besiege Adoni of his own accord ; but that he suspected the ze- 
mindars of that quarter had urged him to make war, and that 
many of Venkadri's officers were likewise secretly in the enemy's 
interest ; therefore, he finally advised him to exercise prudence, 
by making peace with the Mussulmans for the moment and 
obtaining the release of his wife and family from Asad Khan. 

In consequence of this advice, and having procured the 
mediation and influence of Asad Khan himself by means of a 
heavy bribe received for this purpose from his brother Rama 
Raya, Venkatadri made overtures to Ibrahim Adil Shah for 
peace. This was at once granted. The terms of peace were 
settled to the satisfaction of both states. Ferishta does not 
specify these terms. After this, Asad Khan joined his master, 
the Sultan, and proceeded to Bijapur whilst Venkatadri retired 
to Vijayanagra after the rescue of his family l . 

3. But not long after he had reached the capital, Ibrahim 
Adil Shah, invited by Burhan Nizam Shah of Ahmadnagar, enter- 
ed whole-heartedly into a confederacy with him against Bidar 
and Vijayanagara. It was then agreed that the Ahmadnagar 
Sultan should invade the country of Amir Barid Shah, and 
leave the Sultan of Bijapur unmolested in any attack he might 
choose to make on the territory of Vijayanagara. This scheme 
was soon carried out. Burhan Nizam Shah attacked and car- 
ried by storm the fort of Kandahar, whilst the Bidar Sultan, una- 
ware of the secret treaty formed between Ahmadnagar and 
Bijapur, left a strong garrison to defend Bidar and fled to his old 
ally Ibrahim Adil Shah, by whom he was seized and kept 

1. Ferishta, III, p. 85-7. 


prisoner. The Sultan of Bijapur then marched to the south to 
accomplish the second part of the treaty. Ferishta says that he 
succeeded in adding greatly to his territories by conquests from 
the Hindu state of Vijayanagara 1 ; but we are sure there is 
great exaggeration in this statement, because, for one thing, 
we are not aware of any territorial loss to Vijayanagara about 
this time and, secondly, because we find ^ Rama Raya engaged 
in a war with Ahmadnagar, subsequent to these events. 

4. Rama Raya perhaps suspected that the real 
promoter of the war waged by Adil Shah was the Sultan 
of Ahmadnagar. Hence he left Bijapur alone and, being resolv- 
ed to establish division between these two allies, marched 
against Burhan Nizam Shah. To reach his dominions, how- 
evert he had to cross the states of Golkonda and Bidar ; so, 
to be prepared for any emergency, the Regent divided his 
army into three sections. Rama Raya took command of the 
section sent to attack the Sultan of Golkonda ; his brother 
Tirumala was at the head of the troops despatched against the 
Sultan of Bidar ; and Hande Hanumappa Nayudu of Sonnala- 
puram was sent with the rest of the army against Ahmad- 
nagar '-. The actions in this war are recorded in the Hindu 
poems: the capture of the city of Kaliyani, a pitched battle between 
the Muhammadans and the Hindus, and the sack and destruc- 
tion of the city of Ahmadnagar. The Vasucharitramu does not 
give any information about the capture of Kaliyani, which 
belonged to the Sultan of Ahmadnagar y ; but the Annuls of 
Hande Anantapuram give a short but precise account of the 
battle. It seems that the three sections of the army were again 
united that day, while the three Sultans had likewise joined their 
forces. The battle resulted in a tremendous defeat for the 
allies ; the three Sultans fled from the battle-field after seeing 
the rout of their troops, while the Hindu army followed in 

1. Ferishta, III, p. 387. 

2. It is evident from the sources that we shall refer to that the 
object of the campaign was the defeat of the Sultan Of Ahmadnagar, 
the war against the other two Sultans being a necessary means to 
reach Ahmadnagar state. 

3. 8. Krishnaswami Aiyangar, Sources, p. 216. 


pursuit in the course of which Hande Hanumappa Nayudu 
took Burhan Nizam Shah prisoner l . After such a disaster the 
city of Ahmadnagar could not resist the might of the victorious 
army. It was probably then that Rama Raya captured the 
capital of the Nizam Sultans, razed it to the ground and sowed 
castor seeds there, a fact recorded in the Ramarajiyamu 2 . On 
account of this victory, Rama Raya is given in the same poem 
the title of 4 Destroyer of the fortifications of Ahmadnagar ' '*. 

After this Burhan Nizam Shah, now in the hands of Rama 
Raya, was forced to repudiate his alliance with Ibrahim Adil 
Shah of Bijapur 4 . This was the main object of the Regent 
of Vijayanagara for the time being. As a result of this, Burhan 
Nizam Shah was promptly set at liberty. 

5. And he kept his promise to Rama Raya very faithfully; 
because Ferishta informs us that at the end of 1543 or in the 
beginning of 1544, that is shortly after these events, Burhan 
Nizam Shah appointed Shah Tahir ambassador to the court 
of Jamshid Qutb Shah of Golkonda, in order to make private 
overtures to induce him to form a league with Rama Raya of 
Vijayanagara against the state of Bijapur 5 . The pretext given 
by Nizam Shah was his desire to recover from Bijapur the five 
districts he had been compelled to relinquish to Adil Shah, 
probably in his previous alliance. The three princes agreed to 
wage war against Bijapur: Rama Raya was to. attack the Bijapur 
territories on the South, the Sultan of Golkonda on the East, 
while Nizam Shah, with his own army and with troops of Ali 
Barid and Kwaja Jahan, was to invade them on the North- 
East. Shortly after he entered the Bijapur territory, laid 
waste many districts, and on more than one occasion defeat- 
ed the troops of Adil Shah. In the meanwhile the Golkonda 
Sultan entered Bijapur on thj East, seized the whole district of 

1. Annals of Handc Anantapuram, 1. c. 

2. 8. Krisbnnswami Aiyangar, Sources, p. 182. ^^ /-^ Q - 

3. Ibid., p. 183. ^X^X^^J?^ 

4. Vasucharitramu, S. Krishnaswami A i y a ngaECTyfe // 'id i ff er^ 
from the opinion of Dr. S. Krishiiaswami AiyangaBf ^KcKthinks that* 
the Ibharam mentioned in the poem is Ibra*" A -* u en-^Vkv 
Golkonda. li I ^ p 

5. Ferishta, III. p. 230. \\GlX V? ' 


Kakni, in which he built a strong fort, occupied the whole 
country up to the walls of Gulburga, and laid siege to the 
fortress of Etgir, near the city of Sagar. Finally Rama Raya 
deputed his brother Venkatadri to reduce the fort of Raichur; 
and he defeated the Sultan near the river Bhima, and 
drove him from the field. This action is recorded in the 
Narasabupuliyamu 1 . 

The kingdom of Bijapur, thus attacked simultaneously by 
three powerful armies, was really at stake. Ibrahim Adil Shah 
at once sent for his best counsellor, Asad Khan, who was in Bel- 
gaum, and asked his advic j. This experienced general suspected 
that the Sultan of Golkonda was the real enemy who had insti- 
gated the others to hostility; and that if he could be removed, the 
rest would be easy. He therefore advised that peace should be 
concluded with him, by resigning the five districts dependent on 
Sholapur which had furnished the pretext for the war. At the 
same time he recommended that separate overtures should be 
made to Rama Raya, offering him presents to propitiate his 
friendship. He stated finally that when free from the attacks of 
these two enemies, Asad Khan would himself undertake the 
chastisement of Qutb Shah, and promised that in a short time 
he would recover all the places the Sultan of Golconda had 
taken from Bijapur. 

Ibrahim Adil Shah acted upon this advice, and peace was 
concluded separately with Burhan Nizam Shah and Rama Raya. 
Asad Khan then marched against Jamshid Qutb Shah, who was 
finally defeated in a severe action under the walls of Golkonda. 
Such was the end of the first campaign of the allies against 
Bijapur 2 . 

But this peace did not last long. " Some time after this 
campaign ", says Ferishta without recording the exact date, 
" Burhan Nizam Shall was instigated by the same Rama Raya 
to march for the purpose of reducing Gulbarga, and naturally 
Ibrahim Adil Shah moved from Bijapur to oppose him. After 
a campaign of several months, in which both armies lay inactive 
for a long period in sight of each other, with the river Bhima 

1. S. Krishnaswami Aiyangar, Sources, p. 224. 

2. Ferishta, III, p. 92-4. 


between them, the Nizam's army was totally routed with heavy 
loss" '. Thus the purpose of the Machiavellian policy o. 
Rama Raya was obtained : it was to weaken the Muhammadan 
power by fostering wars among the Mussulman Sovereigns. 

6. During the following years Vijayanagara was not en- 
gaged in war with the Muslim powers of the Deccan. But 
about the end of 1548 or the beginning of 1549, Burhan Nizam 
Shah, as soon as he was made aware of the death of Asad Khan, 
the great general and counsellor of the Sultan of Bijapur, des- 
patched ambassadors to Rama Raya, inviting him to a con- 
federacy with the purpose of making another attack on the Bija- 
pur dominions. Rama Raya was much pleased with the proposal, 
so dear to his heart, and accordingly presents and professions 
of good will were interchanged between him and the Ahmadna- 
gar ambassadors. News of this alliance came to the ears of 
Ibrahim Adil Shah, who on that account treated the ambassa- 
dors of Vijayanagara resident at his court with marked dis- 
respect ; hence they quitted his capital with great indignation, 
without even taking any leave 2 . On arriving at Vijaya- 
nagara, they told Rama Raya about the behaviour of Ibrahim 
Adil Shah after the league between Vijayanagara and Ahmad- 
nagar; and concluded by saying that had they not made their 
escape, they would probably have been put to death. Rama 
Raya, enraged at this affront, at once wrote to the Sultan of 
Ahmadnagar that as AH Barid Shah of Bidar had preferred 
the alliance of Ibrahim Adil Shah to his, it would be desirable to 
take from him the fort of Kaliyani which had been recovered by 
him after the campaign narrated above. 

We have two different versions of the siege of this fortress : 
the narrative of Ferishta and the minute account of the Hindu 
poem Sivatattvaratnakara. But neither does Ferishta say a 
word concerning the deeds of Rama Raya and the Hindus 

1. Ferishta, III, p. 94-5. 

2. This conduct of the Bijapur Sultan was a tacit reply to 
the treatment given by Rama Raya to his own ambassador who 
went to Vijayanagara for the tribute requested by Adil Shah, 
Correa IV, p. 601, relates that the Muslim ambassador was stoned 
to death by order of Kama Raya. 


during this action, nor does the Hindu writer even mention the 
part taken in the capture of the fort by the Sultan of Ahmad- 
nagar *. From both accounts we shall presently draw 

Both allies moved without delay towards Kaliyani. Burhan 
Nizam Shah was at the head of his troops ; while Rama Raya, 
being unable for the present to command his own army, 
placed it under Sadasiva Nayaka, the Ikeri ruler. The Sultan 
of Bijapur sent his army against the Hindus to oppose their 
entry into his territory ; but Ibrahim Adif Shah's forces were 
defeated and driven from the field by the valour of Sadasiva 
Nayaka, who captured the valuable spoils of the enemy's 
army. It seems that after this battle Rama Raya met his 
troops, and under the two chiefs, the Vijayanagara army proceed- 
ed towards Kaliyani 

The allies met under the walls of this fortress and, having 
surrounded it, effectually cut off all comunications from without. 
Ibrahim AdilShah himself then marched to relieve it and, advan- 
cing within sight of the allies, pitched his camp and entrenched 
himself. The allies, unwilling to raise the siege, also fortified 
their lines. The Bijapur Maratha horse were employed 
to block the roads leading to the allies' camp and to 
cut off their supplies ; and they were so successful that they 
caused the greatest distress, through want of provisions to the 
Vijayanagara and Ahmadnagar troops. A council of the nobles 
of the allied armies was held at this stage. Some of them pro- 
posed to raise the siege, and that they should retreat and make 
peace ; while others recommended a sudden and vigorous attack 
on the enemy. Ferishta mentions two Muhammadans who 
supported this opinion, Shah Jafar and Qasim Beg ; and we are 
sure that Sadasiva Nayaka was one of the Hindus who sided 
with them encouraged as he was by the victory he had obtained 

1. It is very strange of Ferishta to say that Rama Raya was 
invited to this war by Burhan Shah, and to record their mutual agree- 
ment, and yet not speak at all of the Hindu chief while relating the 
happenings of the campaign ; this shows Ferishta's hatred towards 
the Hindus. After a eareful examination of both sources, it is 
evident that these two different accounts need reconciling. 


a few days earlier over the Bijapur army. The latter opinion 
prevailed. The allies surprised at dawn the army of Ibrahim 
Adil Shah. The Sultan himself, who was then in a warm bath, 
had scarcely time to make his escape, and to fly towards Bir 
and Parenda ; while his troops were so completely surprised 
that they deserted their tents, baggage and artillery, all of which 
fell into the hands of the victors. 

At the same time an attack was made on the fortress, which 
surrendered without much opposition. There is no doubt that 
Sadasiva Nayaka greatly distinguished himself in this final 
attack; but the achievements narrated by the author of the 
Hindu poem evidently bear all the signs of a poetic episode in- 
troduced to extol the figure of the old ancestor of the poet's 
chief. 1 . The capture of the city of Kaliyani by Rama Raya 
is recorded, without of course mentioning the Sultan of Ahmad- 
nagar, in the Padmaneri grant of Venkata II 2 ; and in the 
Ramarajiynmu, the glorious Regent of the Vijayanagara Empire 
is given the titles of ' capturer of the fort of Kaliyani' 3 and 
1 ruler of the city of Kaliyani ' 4 ; from which we may conclude 
that Rama Raya remained in possession of the captured 

7. In the following year, 1550, a sudden event took place 
that influenced for several years the relations between Rama 
Raya and the Deccani kingdoms. Jamshid Qutb Shah, the 
Sultan of Golkonda, had been for two years in a failing .state 
of health. On this account his temper grew worse, his dis- 
position become morose, and he put many persons to death on 
the most trivial charges. His cruelty excited the terror of his 
subjects ; his two brothers, Haidar Khan and Ibrahim, fled to 
Bidar, where Haidar Khan, the eldest, died shortly after. 
It happened that not long after the demise of Haidar Khan, 
somewhat before 1550, the Sultan of Bidar, Qasim Barid Shah, 
was engaged in a war with the Sultans of Ahmadnagar and 

1. Ferishta, III, p. 233-5 and 102-3. S. Krishnaswami Aiyan- 
gar, Sources, p. 195. 

2. Ep. In </., XVI, p. 293. 

3. S. Krishnaswami A iyangar, o. c., p. 183, 

4. hid., p. 182, 


Golkonda; and while in retreat before the advance of his 
enemies, he took advantage of the situation of Prince Ibrahim, 
but so far forgot the rights of hospitality as to attempt to seize 
the elephants and private property belonging to that Prince. 
The latter, discovering his intention, immediately left him, 
retreated to Vijayanagara and claimed the friendship of Rama 
Ray a. 

When Ibrahim reached Vijayanagara he was accompanied 
by Syud Hye, by an Abyssinian called Raihan, who bore the 
title of Hamid Khan, by a Brahmin named Kanaji, and by a 
few personal attendants. The Prince was received in Vijaya- 
nagara according to his rank, and treated with the utmost 
respect and attention. Rama Raya, whose power had at this 
time considerably increased by reason of the imprisonment of 
Sadasiva, realized at once that his friendship with the brother 
oftheSuhan of Golkonda could be employed as a valuable 
means for attaining his political aims. Hence he assigned 
for the support of the Prince an estate, which was at that time 
possessed by Ambar Khan the Abyssinian, an officer in Rama 
Raya's pay. And this was precisely the cause of a singular 
duel, in which Ibrahim showed what a skilful swordsman he was. 

It would appear that Ambar Khan, much enraged at the 
alienation of his estate, once met Prince Ibrahim in the streets 
of Vijayanagara and charged him with depriving him of it. 
Ibrahim replied that monarchs were at liberty to dispose of 
their own property, and that Rama Raya had chosen to give 
him the estate. The Prince proceeded on his way, whereupon 
the Abyssinian called him a coward for refusing to dispute his 
title with the sword. Ibrahim Qutb Shah warned him of his 
imprudence ; but the Prince's coolness only added fury to the 
anger of Ambar Khan, who proceeded to abuse him all the more. 
At this the Prince dismounted and drew; the Abyssinian rushed 
upon him ; but Ibrahim killed his antagonist. The latter's 
brother, standing by, insisted on taking up the cause, and he 
also fell a victim to his temerity. J . 

1. The anonymous chronicler of Golkonda instances another duel 
of Ibrahim Qutb Shah in the streets of Vijayanagara. Cf. Ferishta, 
III, p. 382. Perhaps both facts are the same, although some of the 
circumstances vary, 


In the year 1550 Jamshid Qutb Shah died ; and the nobles of 
the court elevated his son Subhan Kuli, a tender child J , to 
the throne, under the regency of Saif Khan Ain-ul-Mulk, at the 
request of his mother the Dowager-queen. The nobles however 
were not pleased with the appointment of the Protector, a man 
who had been exiled to Ahmadnagar by the late Sultan. They 
finally became so obstreperous that Mustafa Khan, the 
Prime Minister, immediately wrote to Ibrahim Qutb Shah 
at Vijayanagara, inviting him to court. On receipt of this 
letter his two friends in adversity, Syud Hye and Hamid 
Khan, advised him to proceed instantly to the capital and 
proclaim himself king. He also consulted his friend Rama 
Raya, who not only acceded to Ibrahim's wishes, but even 
offered to send his brother Venkataclri with ten thousand 
cavalry and twenty thousand infantry to support him -. 
Ferishta says that Syud Hye and Hamid Khan advised the 
Prince to decline this large force, which might in his name 
effect anything to favour the views of Rama Raya, even the 
usurpation of Government, if it chose. But the Narasabupali- 
yamu states openly that Rama Raya ' helped him (Qutb 
Mulk, viz., Ibrahim Qutb Shah) to get back his lost kingdom* -. 
Knowing the tendency of Ferishta, we are inclined to believe 
that the Qutb Prince left Vijayanagara accompanied by Ven- 
katadri's forces 4 ; during the journey he was advised by his 
friends to dismiss the Hindu troops and he actually did so; 
perhaps on reaching the town of Pangul, where he was met by 
Mustafa Khan on whom he bestowed the office of Mir Jumla 

1. Ferishta says ho was ten yours old, but according to the 
anonymous chronicler he was seven. 

2. We cannot admit the story of Ferishta who says that in the 
beginning Rama Raya "would by no means consent to his quitting 
his service to set up vague pretensions (as ho termed them) to the 
throne of Golkonda." Such a statement disagrees with the character 
and policy of Rama Raya and with the subsequent events. 

2. S. Krishnaswami Aiyangar, Sources, p. 224. 

4. The emphasis of Ferishta on this point is striking: "The Prince 
Ibrahim, therefore, having left Vijayanagara without any Hindu auxili- 
aries proceeded" etc. This emphasis strengthens my doubt as to his 
veracity in the matter. 


and a dress of honour. Here he was shortly after joined by 
Salabat Khan, with three thousand foreign cavalry and many 
other officers who now deserted the infant King. On his arrival 
at Golkonda, Ibrahim Qutb Shah was enthroned without oppo- 
sition ; in consequence says Ferishta of the extreme i>opul- 
arity of his minister Mustafa Khan l . 

8. After the last campaign of Vi jayanagara and Ahmad- 
nagar against Bijapur, apparently no peace was established ; for 
as a matter of fact, by the end of the same year 1551 the Sultan 
of Bijapur began to make preparations for retaking the fort of 
Kaliyani. Burhan Nizam Shah, on receiving intimation of this 
design, sent ambassadors to Rama Raya, who agreed to meet him 
in the vicinity of Raichur in order to concert a plan of operations 
for the ensuing year. Rama Raya accordingly moved with a 
considerable force to that place, where it was resolved that the 
forts of Raichur and Mudgal should be conquered for Rama 
Raya, and that he should aid in reducing the city and depend- 
encies of Sholapur and the town of Gulbarga. The allies took 
Raichur; and on its failing into their hands, the garrison of Mud- 
gal also surrendered without opposition. Then Rama Raya left 
his younger brother Venkatadri with an army to assist Burhan 
Nizam Shah, and returned to Vijayanagara. The Sultan of 
Ahmadnagar, with Venkatadri's aid, captured Sholapur in a 
short time, and having strengthened it returned to his capital. 
Ferishta, in the history of the Sultans of Bijapur, makes no 
mention of the purpose of the allies in conquering Gulbarga; 
but in the history of the Sultans of Ahmadnagar he states that 
Nizam Shah could not conquer the city, because he was 
abandoned by his Hindu ally. Possibly some misunderstand- 
ing arose between the Sultan and Venkatadri. The latter having 
left for Vijayanagara, Nizam Shah could not accomplish his 
desires, and as he died shortly after, his successor, Husain Ni- 
zam Shah, Concluded peace with Ibrahim Adil Shah of 
Bijapur 2 . 

L Ferishta, III, p. 327-9 ; Anonymous chronicler, Ferishta 
1. c., p. 380-3 and 392 ; Burhan-i-Ma'asir, Ind. Ant., L, p. 4-5. 

2. Ferishta, III, p. 104-5 and 235; Burhan-i-Ma'asir, Ind. Ant., 


In one of these campaigns with Ahmadnagar, Rama 
Raya captured the fortress of Turkal l . This was the 
last expedition in which Rama Raya joined the Sultan 
of Ahmadnagar against the Sultan of Bijapur. On account 
of all these campaigns he is said, in the Narasabupaliyamu, 
to have helped the Sultan of Ahmadnagar 2 ; and 
in the Ramarajiyamu, he is called ' the terror of the city 
of Bijapur* 3 . But we shall presently see the Regent of 
Vijayanagara in close alliance with the Sultan of Bijapur 
against the Sultan of Golkonda. 

9. This happened in the year 1555, when the Sultan of Ah- 
madnagar, Husain Nizam Shah, and the Sultan of Golkonda, 
Ibrahim Qutb Shah, met in the vicinity of Gulbarga, and Kutb 
Shah promised to aid the army of Ahmadnagar in capturing 
that fort. "The fort of Gulbarga ", says Ali ibn Aziz, 
" although built on the plain, is yet very strong, and is 
surrounded by a deep and broad ditch full of water. It is so 
constructed that the walls cannot be damaged by artillery, for 
the ground at the top of the counterscarp of the ditch rises so 
high that all shot fly above the walls ; while the depth of the 
ditch a -id the fact that is always full of water prevent running.* ' 
The old Bahmani capital was accordingly besieged after a 
while, but it resisted every effort of the allies for a whole month. 
Then at last, after two breaches had been effected, an assault 
was made in which, after the loss of many of the best officers 
of the Ahmadnagar army, the allies were repulsed. " The fight- 
ing before the fortress and in the breaches continued not only 
throughout the day, but for a whole month more. At length the 
garrison were reduced to great straits ; and having no more 
strength to fight, sent a messenger to Adil Shah setting forth 
their desperate circumstances." The Sultan of Bijapur, to whom 
Gulbarga belonged, unable any longer to cope single-handed 
with the united forces of the allies, sent an ambassador with 
magnificent presents to Vijayanagara, to beg the aid of Rama 
Raya, who immediately marched in person at the head of his 

1. Ferishta, III, p. 135. 

2. S. Krishnaswami Aiyangar, Sources, p. 224. 

3. Ibid., p. 182. 


army to the assistance of Ibrahim Adil Shah. On the way he 
addressed the following letter to Ibrahim Qutb Shah, preserved 
for us by the anonymous chronicler of Golkonda, who perhaps 
saw the original in the archives of the court : 

" Be it known to Your Majesty, that it is now many years 
since the two courts of Bijapur and Ahmadnagar have been in 
constant state of warfare ; and that the balance of power bet- 
ween them was so equal, that although every year each 
of thes'j Sovereigns had been in the habit making a cam- 
paign on the other's frontiers, yet no advantage accrued to 
either. It now appears that Your Majesty (whose ancestors 
never interfered in these disputes) has marched an army to 
turn the scale in favour of Husein Nizam Shah without having 
any cause of enmity against Ibrahim Adil Shah of Bijapur, who 
has accordingly sought our alliance. As a friendship has long 
subsisted between our court and Your Majesty, we have thought 
fit to lay these arguments before you, to induce you to relin- 
quish the offensive alliance which Your Majesty has formed ; 
and by returning peaceably to your capital, show a friendly 
disposition towards both parties, who will afterwards conclude 
a peace, and put an end to this long protracted war." 

Such was the letter of Rama Raya to his old friend and pro- 
tege, Ibrahim Qutb Shah, who also received letters from Ibrahim 
Adil Shah himself at the same time. "The letter and the 
news of Sadasiva Raya's (Rama Raya's) approach," says the 
BurJian-l-Ma'asir, "reached Ibrahim Qutb Shah at the same time." 
Then he heard also that Tirumala, the brother of Rama Raya, with 
a body of cavalry accompanied by some of the Bijapur officers, 
was laying waste the Pangal district. Accordingly the above 
mentioned work states that Ibrahim Qutb Shah at once violated 
the solemn treaty with Husain Nizam Shah and left Gulbarga 
for Telingana in the middle of the night. The news of his 
flight was brought to Husain Nizam Shah in the morn ing... [who] 
perceived that it would be unwise to tarry any longer and so 
marched to Ahmadnagar" l . 

1. Anonymous chronicler of Golkonda, Ferishta, III, p. 396-7 ; 
Burhan-i-Ma'asir, Ind. Ant., L, p. 101-2. The account of the flight of 
Ibrahim Qutb given in the work seems more reliable than the 


After this, Rama Raya again helped the Sultan of Bijapur by 
sending him his brother Venkatadri with a considerable force 
to expel from the Bijapur territory Ain-ul-Mulk, who had 
rebelled against the Sultan. This chief was thoroughly defeated 
and, having fled to Ahmadnagar, was put to death by Husairi 
Nizam Shah *. 

10. Shortly after this meeting, in the year 1557, Ibrahim 
Adil Shah died and was succeeded by his son AH AdilShah, then 
a youth. The new monarch, intent on adding to his dominions 
and repairing the losses sustained by his father, entered into 
close alliance with Rama Raya. But it happened that Husain 
Nizam Shah, suddenly taking advantage of the youthfuiness of 
the Bijapur Sultan, invaded his dominions with a great force. 
Ali Adil Shah, unable to defend himself, evacuated his capital 
and, attended only by a small body-guard of one hundred 
horse, proceeded in person to the court of Vijayanagara. 

It is mentioned by Ferishta that about this time Rama 
Raya had lost one of his sons ; and that the young Sultan of 
Bijapur took the opportunity of offering him his condolence 
in person, thus hoping to get immediate reinforcements to 
oppose the victorious army of Ahmadnagar. Rama Raya 
received him with the greatest respect. The Sultan " with the 
kindest persuasion," says Ferishta, " prevailed upon him to 
lay aside his mourning." The wife of Rama Raya, on this 
occasion, adopted the Sultan as her son ; and at the end of 
three days spent in an interchange of friendly professions and 
presents, Rama Raya was induced to march with his whole 
army, accompanied by Ali Adil Shah, towards Ahmadnagar tj . 
They at once invaded the territory of Nizam Shah, "with 
an army more numerous than the raindrops," says the Bitrhan- 

narrativc of the Golkonda chronicler evidently concocted to please 
the Sultan. 

1. Ferishta, 1. c., p. 110-1. 

2. Ferishta relates that Ali Adil Shah left Vijayanagara 
alone and that Rama Raya did not attend him out of the city, 
for which the Sultan of Bijapur was offended and treasured up the 
affront in his mind. This is evidently a slandering statement of the 
Muhammadan writer against the Hindu chief, whose subsequent 
conduct cannot satisfactorily be explained if we grant the truth of 


i-Ma'asir. They laid waste the invaded kingdom so thoroughly 
that for miles not a vestige of population was left. Husain 
Nizam Shah, declining any opposition in the field, retired to 
Paithan ; and after some time, purchased peace by giving the 
fort of Kaliyani to AH Adil Shah. Nevertheless Sadasiva 
Nay aka, one of the chief officers of the army of Vijayanagara, 
seems to have once been severely defeated by the Ahmadnagar 

Now the allies had no sooner retired from Ahmadnagar 
than Husain Nizam Shah entered into an alliance with Ibrahim 
Qutb Shah, and marched to retake the fort he had just surren- 
dered. AH Adil Shah, on receiving intelligence of this league, 
again despatched Kishwur Khan and Abu Turab to Vijayana- 
gara to solicit aid from Rama Ray a, who marched at once 
1 with a mighty army ' to join the Bijapur Sultan. Then the 
two Sovereigns sent a letter to Ibrahim Qutb Shah, calling upon 
him in pursuance of the late treaty to join them. Ibrahim Qutb 
Shah, however unwilling to act against Husain Nizam Shah, 
considered it politic not to incur the imputation of a breach of 
treaty, and thus perhaps draw on himself the vengeance of the 
allies. He accordingly joined them at the city of Gulbarga ; 
when the whole army including Ali Barid Shah, the Bidar Sultan, 
who had also joined the allies, marched to Ahmadnagar. The 
Vijayanagara troops laid waste all the towns and villages on 
their route. Husain Nizam Shah, unable to resist their united 
forces left a strong garrison and plenty of provisions in his 
capital and retired to Junar '. In the meantime, Ibrahim 
Qutb Shah wrote to him privately, informing him of the politi- 
cal necessity which had induced him to join the allies ; but at 
the same time he assured him that he would endeavour to assist 
him, and would do all in his power to induce his enemies to 

this statement. The Narasabupaliyamu states that Rama Raya left 
his kingdom to Adil Shah on his agreeing to pay him tribute. 
This information probably refers to this occasion. Cf. S. Krishna- 
swami Aiyangar, Sources, p. 224. 

1. The anonymous chronicler of Golkonda says that Husain 
retreated to Daulatabad. I prefer the authority of both Ferishtu 
and Ali ibn Aziz, who wrote their works in Ahmadnagar itself, 


retreat and abandon the war. He also made the same com- 
munications to the officer commanding the fort of Ahmadnagar, 
advising him to make every possible resistance, and to hold out 
till the last. The allies besieged the place with vigour for two 
months. The garrison were beginning to lose their spirits, 
when Ibrahim Qutb Shah with seasonable donations bought 
over some of the principal nobles of Vijayanagara and induced 
them to propose the return of the troops to their respective 
capitals ; specially now that the rainy season was approaching 
and they were very far from Vijayanagara. Rama Raya, 
convinced of the truth of their remonstrances, consented to 
retreat ; bat Ali Adil Shah, who knew that the besieged were 
suffering from lack of provisions, had a conference with Rama 
Raya, and begged him not to think of withdrawing till the 
place fell. He promised to cede to him the district of Indgy if 
he would only continue the siege for a month longer. Ferishta 
states that the Sultan of Bijapur * suspected the causes of the 
obstinacy of the besieged. ' Rama Raya consented. The siege 
was prosecuted with redoubled vigour. Meanwhile Ibrahim 
Qutb Shah permitted supplies for the garrison and a number of 
artillery-men from Ahmadnagar to pass through his camp into 
the fort. But the approaches of the allies were brought closer 
to the walls, and the speedy reduction of the fort appeared so 
certain that Ibrahim Qutb Shah was induced to try, if possible, 
to avert that extreme evil. He accordingly deputed his minister 
and commander-in-chief, Mustafa Khan, to wait on Rama Raya, 
and to endeavour to persuade him to raise the siege ; if he did 
not succed in this, he was to inform him that the Golkonda 
troops had to return immediately to their capital. Mustafa 
Khan in his conference with Rama Raya made use of every 
argument he could devise in order to gain his end. He also 
engaged secretly, on behalf of the king his master, to cede the 
fort and district of Condapilli to Rama Raya, if the latter 
would return to his capital. This last motive was perhaps the 
most weighty. For Rama Raya immediately consented to 
retreat, and sent a message to AH Adil Shah to that effect. 
The three Kings then retired to their respective capitals ! . 

1. Ferishta, III, p. 117-22 ; Anonymous chronicler of Qolkonda, 
Ferishta, 1. C M p, 402-5 ; Biirtian-i-Ma'usir, hut Ant., L, p. 104-f>, 141-2. 


But, in the following year 1558, the Sultan of Ahmadnagar 
deputed ^laulana Inayatullah toGolkondato effect a marriage- 
allianc^ with the family of Qutb Shah. It was agreed that the 
two Kings should meet the following year for that purpose 
in the neighbourhood of Kaliyani ; and that after cele- 
brating the proposed marriage, their armies should proceed to 
recover that fortress from the hands of AH Adil Shah. Accor- 
dingly, at the stated period Husain Nizam Shah and Ibrahim 
Qutb Shah collected their respective forces, and met at Kaliyani, 
where the former gave his eldest daughter Bibi Jamalli in 
marriage to Ibrahim Qutb Shah ; and after one month employ- 
ed in celebrating the nuptials, the Kings laid siege to Kaliyani. 
AH Adil Shah upon hearing this proceeded to Vijayanagara, 
and again solicited the aid of Rama Raya, who marched with 
his army to his support. On the road he was joined by AH 
Barid Shah of Bidar and Burhan Imad Shah of Berar, who had 
been invited by him to enter the confederacy. In the meanwhile 
the Sultans of Ahmadnagar and Golkonda had marched, with 
seven hundred pieces of ordinance of different calibres and five 
hundred elephants, to within twelve miles of Kaliyani. It 
happened that they had scarcely encamped, when a violent 
storm came on which blew down all the tents, the rain pouring 
down in torrents ; cattle and heavy guns, in particular, were 
rendered almost useless, for the latter were immoveable in the 
heavy black clay on which the camp stood. At the same time, 
on the approach of the allies, Ibrahim Qutb Shah received in- 
timation that Rama Raya, taking advantage of his absence, had 
sent his brother Venkatadri, accompanied by Jagdeo Rao and 
Ain-ul-Mulk, at the head of fifteen thousand cavalry and thirty 
thousand infantry, to invade his southern districts. On receipt 
of this news Ibrahim Qutb Shah consulted Husain Nizam 
Shah. It was resolved that they should raise the siege of 
Kaliyani and return to their respective capitals l . Husain 
Nizam Shah however deputed Qasim Beg and Maulana Inaya- 
tullah to Rama Raya to sue for peace. This was granted on the 
following conditions : 

1. Ferishta here relates another siege of Ahmadnagar, but as 
the anonymous chronicler does not say a word about such a siege 


First, that he should cede the fortress of Kaltyani to AH 
Adil Shah. 

Secondly, that he should put to death Jahangir Khan, 
the commander of the, auxiliary troops of Duria Imadul- 
Mulk, who had been extremely active against the enemy. 

Thirdly, that Husain Nizam Shah should submit to pay 
Rama Ray a a visit and to receive a pan or aromatic leaf from 
his hands in token of the superiority of the donor. 

The Sultan of Ahmadnagar, to save his kingdom, accepted 
the terms, and fulfilled the second article by employing a band 
of assassins to put to death Jahangir Khan in his tent. "Thus," 
Ferishta says, " at the instigation of an infidel he murdered 
one of the faithful, and verified the proverb, that 'there is no 
faith in princes." Then he proceeded to the camp of Rama 
Raya, who rose on his entering his tent and took him by the 
hand. Husain Nizam Shah, who was very haughty, called for 
a basin and ewer and washed his hands as if they had been 
polluted by the touch of the Hindu Sovereign ; who, according 
to Ferishta, on seeing that said in his own language : " If he 
were not my guest, I would cut off his hands and hang them 
round his neck"; and calling for water he also washed his 
hands ; and such was the bad feeling which prevailed that a 
tumult nearly occurred on the spot. The treaty of peace was 
concluded by Qasim Beg and Maulana Inayatullah on the part 
of Ahmadnagar and by Tirumala and Venkatadri on the part of 

Ferishta relates that during these two expeditions of the 
Vijayanagara army through the territories of Ahmadnagar, the 
religious feelings of the Muhammadans were much excited on 
account of the damage done by the Hindu soldiers to their 
mosques and sacred objects. " The infidels of Vijayanagara," 

during this second campaign, it may be a chronological mistake on 
the part of that author. The treaty of peace, the terms of which, 
as given by Ferishta, may be read somewhat lower down, must be 
placed after the second campaign; because neither Ferishta nor the 
chronicler of Golkonda speaks of any treaty at the end of the firat. 
Moreover, such humiliating terms cannot be conceived at a time 
when the allies* armies were retiring from Ahmadnagar, not having 
captured this city. 


says he, "who for many years had been wishing for such an 
opportunity, left no cruelty unpractised. They insulted the 
honour of the Mussulman women, destroyed the mosques, and 
did not respect even the sacred Kuran. They committed the 
most outrageous devastations: burning and razing the buildings, 
putting up their horses in the mosques, and performing their 
abominable idolatrous worship in the holy places" l . 

II, At about the same time, the intervention of Vijayan- 
agara put an end to a long family dispute that had annoyed 
the Sultan of Bijapur. During the reign of Ibrahim Adil 
Shah the Prince Abdullah 2 , having effected his escape to 
Goa from the harsh treatment of his brother, was induced, by 
the advice of some of the nobility who attended htm, to pro- 
claim himself Sultan of Bijapur. One of those nobles was 
Asad Khan, the lord of the fortress of Belgaum, the most 
powerful subject of Adil Shah :{ . This chief entered into 
correspondence with the Captain of Goa, Dom Garcia, who was 
governing in the absence of Dom Martim Affonso de Souza, 
then in the South. Asad Khan offered to give to the Portu- 
guese the whole of the Konkan that belonged to him if Garcia 
would dare to fetch Prince Abdullah who had retired to the 
kingdom of Gujarat, and set him up against the power of 
Ibrahim Adil Shah as the real Sultan of Bijapur. Dom 
Garcia was much pleased with this proposal and at once sent 
a lateen to Cambay, in which Abdullah with the whole of his 
family reached Goa some time after. He was received as a 
king, and entertained by the Captain in a magnificent house near 
the Jesuit College of St. Paul. Dom Martim Affonso de Souza 
reached Goa shortly after. Ibrahim Adil Shah at onco 

1. Ferishta, III, p. 120-1, 239-43 and 331; Anonymous chronicler, 
Fcrishta, 1. c., p. 406-7. The Burhan-i-Ma'asir does not say a word on 
this treaty so humiliating to the Sultan of Ahmadnagar. 

2. This Prince is always called by the Portuguese Meale or 
Meale Khan, and they call him nephew of the Sultan. I prefer 
Ferishta's authority in this case. 

3. Ferishta states that the Sultans of Ahmadnagar and 
Golkonda fostered the ambition of Prince Abdulla and invited 
Asad Khan to join him. 


despatched ambassadors to him to renew the old friendship, 
and to ask for the expulsion of his brother from Goa. But, at 
the same time Asad Khan, too, sent his messengers to the 
Governor and renewed his old offer. There was hot discussion 
on this question in the Council of State. At last it was decided 
not to join the cause of Abdullah, on account of the old 
friendship with the reigaing Sultan. But Ibrahim was not 
fully pleased. The presence of his brother at Goa was a 
continuous menace to him : so he wished Abdullah to be 
handed over to him ; but as this prince was a guest of the 
Portuguese State the Governor promptly refused to do so. 
Again the Sultan insisted, and asked that at least his brother 
should be sent to some distant country where he could not 
endanger the peace of his kingdom. The Governor then agreed 
and Abdullah was sent to the fort of Cananor. It was then 
that the Sultan of Bijapur, on August 22, 1546, declared thai 
the territories of SalsL'tte and Bardez should be the property of 
the King of Portugal for ever ! . But Abdullah re-appeared 
in Goa after a while ; aid although the Governor promised the 
Sultan to send him in exile to Malaca, this was never 

Some years after, while Dom Pedro Mascarenhas was the 
Viceroy, Burhan Nizam Shah, the Sultan of Ahmaclnagar, pro- 
posed to him to proclaim the unfortunate Prince at Goa Sultan 
of Bijapur, and to win for him the fortress of Penda. Nizam 
Shah was already meditating the ruin of his neighbour of 
Bijapur. This idea appealed to the Viceroy; and he at once 
ordered a majestic stage adorned with cloth of silk and gold, to 
be put up in the square in front of his palace. There in the 
presence of a great multitude of Portuguese and Goans and of 
many nobles of Bijapur, his partizans>hc crowned with his own 
hands Prince Abdullah Adil Shah Sultan of Bijapur. The new 
King, as a mark of his thankfulness, resigned at once all his 
rights over the territories of Salsettc and Bardez. After this 
ceremony, the Viceroy despatched an army of three thousand 
foot and two hundred horse to conquer the fort of Penda, which 
was then in possession of the real Sultan. The cavalry was 

1. Of. Ch. IV, No. 6. 


sent first under the command of Gaspar de Mello, Captain of 
Goa ; the rest of the army followed, led by the five captains : 
Fernando Martins Freire, Martini Affonso de Miranda, 
Dom Fernando de Monroy, Dom Antonio de Noronha and 
Sebastiao de Sa. The garrison of that fortress was unable to 
resist for long. Its surrender was communicated to the Viceroy 
after some days. He went there accompanying Abdullah 
Adil Shah with great ceremony. The new Sultan took posses- 
sion of the fort, and set out at once to conquer the whole king- 
dom ; leaving in the fort a detachment of six hundred men 
under the command of Dom Antao de Noronha, while Mascare- 
nhas returned to Goa where he died shortly after. Dom 
Francisco Barreto succeeded him as Governor in 1555, and 
continued the policy of his predecessor towards Abdullah. 
The King of Portugal was much pleased on hearing this news, 
as he wrote to that effect to the City of Goa in a letter dated 
Lisbon, March 20th, 1557 l . 

In the meanwhile Abdullah, aided by the Portuguese, was 
advancing triumphantly-towards Bijapur ; so that even in this 
city many of the nobles openly declared themselves partizans 
of the new Sultan. Ibrahim Adil Shah had already died by this 
time, and his son Ali Adil Shah again sent ambassadors to 
Rama Raya begging his protection. 

The Hindu chief sent him a body of fifteen thousand 
soldiers, with whom Ali Adil Shah so completely defeated his 
rival uncle that the latter had to flee and take refuge in the 
kingdom of Ahmadnagar. But this Sultan of Ahmadnagar, who 
had concluded a treaty of peace with Rama Raya and Ali Adil 
Shah a little before, caused Abdullah to be imprisoned in the 
hills of Brula. After the demise of Durban Nizam Shah, 
Abdullah was given his freedom at the request of the Sultan of 
Golkonda, and went back to Goa where he died. In 1611 a 
grandson of his, who had become a Christian, was still living 
in the same city 2 . 

1. Archivo Portuguez-Oriental, Fasc. I, p. 42. 

2. Ferishta, III, p. 98-100 ; Couto, V, 11, 8; Faria y Sousa, II, p 
251-2, 298 and 300 ; Sousa, Oricnte Conquistado, I, p.72-7 ; Maflfei, Histo- 
riarum Indicarum,p.ttQ-3. Some years before Rama Ray ahad requested 


12. The second campaign of Vijayanagara and Bijapur 
against Ahmadnagar, which we have related just above, marks 
also the end of the friendship between Rama Raya and 
Ibrahim Qutb Shah of Golkonda. "Although at times they 
had to espouse the cause of hostile powers", says Mr. G. Yaz- 
dani, " yet, owing to their friendship and mutual regard, they 
refrained from fighting against each other and effected a 
reconciliation between the powers whom they joined" l . 
But when Rama Raya despatched his brother Venkatadri 
along with Jagdeo Rao and Ain-ul-Mulk to invade the southern 
districts of Golkonda, the old friendship was considered broken 
for ever. Ibrahim Qutb Shah after retiring from Kaliyani 
deputed Mujahid Khan with a force to oppose them. An 
action took place in the neighbourhood of Torkal which lasted 
for several] days ; but it was not decisive. Rama Raya at the 
same.time^sent Sida Raya Timapa, chief of Kandbir, with 
fifty thousand horse, against Condapilly and Masulipatam ; 
and his son-in-law, Jotumraj, with twenty thousand horse 
against Dewurconda and Indraconda ; while his own forces 
were employed in plundering the neighbourhood of Golkonda. 
Several skirmishes took place near the gardens of the Sultan 
and the village of Bijwara. Four months were occupied in 
these operations, till Jagdeo Rao induced the Naigwaries of 
Pangal, Rovilconda and Ganpura to deliver up those forts to 
Rama Raya. At the same time Kasi Rao made over the keys 
of Indraconda. 

The southern territories of Golkonda were then ail 
attacked by the allies of Rama Raya. The Raja of Kandbir 
attacked Kondapalii ; the Setupati and Vidiadri from Raja- 

the aid of the Portuguese Viceroy for defending the rights of Prince 
Abdullah against the Sultan of Bijapur. Cf. Ch. IV, No. 5, note. 
Lafitau, Histoire des Decouvertes, II, p. 532-3, says that the Emperor 
of Vijayanagara requested by the Sultan of Bijapur offered a shelter 
to Prince Abdullah and his nobles. Some of these were killed and 
the Prince was retained as prisoner, though "traite avec la dignite 
qui convenoit son rang." 

1. Yazdani, Inscriptions in the Golkonda Tombs, Ep. lndo-Moslem^ 
1915-6, p. 23. 



mundry attacked the fort of Ellore ; Chinnapa Naidu, Raja of 
Venkatagiri, and his two sons Nayanappa and Timma distin- 
guished themselves in capturing the fort of Gandikota. The 
Sultan thus confined to his capital resolved to march out in 
person and attack the confederates at Tarpalli ; when a 
messenger most opportunely arrived from AH Barid Shah, one 
of the confederates, proposing* that Ibrahim should send his 
minister, Mustafa Khan, to camp, in order to negotiate for 
peace. Mustafa Khan received secret instructions to conciliate 
Jagdeo Rao, without whose good-will he despaired of obtaining 
terms. Through his means Mustafa Khan held a conference 
with Ali Adil Shah, and was accompanied by him to the tents 
of Rama Ray a, who agreed with reluctance to retreat to 
Vijayanagara, on condition of being allowed to retain the 
forts of Ganpura and Pangal. The confederacy now broke up, 
and the allies returned to their capitals ! . 

13. Ibrahim Qutb Shah then considered that his situation 
during the last war had been very grave. For the garrisons of 
all the forts in the kingdom were composed of Naigwaris ; 
and when their chief Jagdeo Rao received the approval of Rama 
Raya in his rebellion against Ibrahim, they all became disloyal. 
The King resolved by degrees to reduce the power of the 
Naigwaris. His first step in this matter was the execution of 
Kasi Rao, one of their chiefs, who had been concerned in the 
late rebellion. Suria Rao, the commandant ,of the Naigwaris 
in the fort of Golkonda, discovering the Sultan's intention, 
entered into a plot with the chiefs of the other garrisons. It 
was resolved that, on a pre-arranged signal, when the King went 
out to hunt in the country, they were to secure all the forts, and 
Suria Rao was to seize the treasury of the capital and put all 
the Muhammadans to the sword. This plot -was communicated 
to Rama Raya, who undertook to send a force to aid in the 

Acordingly, when the hunting season came on, the 
Sultan gave orders for his troops and camp to be pitched on 

1. Anonymous chronicler of Golkonda, Ferishta, III, p. 407-9 . 
Viilugutivjru Vamsavali, Wilson, The Mackenzie Collection, p. 274 Cf, 
Vadivelu, The Ruling Chiefs, I, p. 490. 


the plain. After some days he left Golkonda, at about two 
o'clock in the morning, to proceed to his camp and make his 
first move out. As soon as he had quitted the fort, the gates 
were closed, and the Naigwaris began to attack the Muslims. 
Two of the latter made their escape and informed the King of 
the circumstance. Ibrahim, on hearing this, gave orders to 
return to the capital and to attack the fort with the troops that 
were with him. The mutineers, at daylight, seeing the whole 
of the army around the fort, appeared upon the ramparts. They 
said they were willing to return to their duty if the King would 
give up his minister, Mustafa Khan, whom they accused of 
maltreating the Naigwaris of the out-garrisons ever since his 
accession to power : they added they were afraid that the same 
treatment might fall to their own lot. The King sent for Mustafa 
Khan, and related to him the state of affairs brought on during 
his administration. The minister replied that, if the Sultan 
thought his death necessary for the good of the state, he was 
ready to surrender himself into the hands of the mutineers. 
Ibrahim then refused to accede to the demand of the Naigwaris, 
who after some days, with Suria Rao at their head, were com- 
pelled to give in. Every one of them was executed, as an exam- 
ple to the disaffected Naigwaris in the other garrisons l . 

14. All these expeditions and depredations of Rama Raya 
against the Muhammad an kingdoms, although they occasion- 
ally were temporary allies of his, finally caused every one of the 
Deccani Sovereigns to join in a common alliance to put an end 
to the unbearable arrogance of the Hindu Monarch. Such 
was the origin of the confederacy of all the Muhammadans of 
the Deccan against the Hindu Empire. The result was the so- 
called battle of Talikota, a battle that had such a dire influence 
on the future of Vijayanagara. We shall relate all these events 
in one of the following chapters. 

Rama Raya, however, was not blind in his arrogance. He 
had long foreseen a future attack of the Muhammadan powers 
on his capital. In order to repulse this danger, early in the first 
year of the reign of Sadasiva he had constructed another 

1. Ferishta, III, p, 409-11. 


bastion in the walls of Vijayanagara under the superintendence 
of Era Krishnappa Nayaka, the head of the Belur family, who 
obtained the title of bearer of Sadasiva's betel-bag 1 . More- 
over he had fortified the hills of the northern frontier in the 
Beilary and Cuddapah Districts, by erecting new forts and re- 
pairing the old ones built in the time of Krishna Deva Raya 2 . 
But all these preparations proved useless before the terrible 
onslaught of combined Muhammadan power. 

1. M. A. D. 1920, p. 38. 

2. Of. Gribble, Manual of Cuddapah, p. 87. 



SUMMARY.1. Muhammadan conquest of Madura. 2. Vira Ballala 
Ill's war against tho Muhammadans. 3. Foundation of Vijaya- 
nagara. Rcconqucst of Madura by Kumara Campana. 

4. Restoration of the Pandyas. Expeditions of Harihara II. 

5. Lakkana and Madana instal the Pandya heirs on the Madura 
throne. 6. Campaign of Narasa Nayaka. 7. Krishna Deva 
Raya's conquests in the south. 8. The King of Travancore in- 
vades the Pandya country. 9. Achyuta's expedition against 
Travancore.^-10. Results of this campaign. 11. The Paravas 
of the Fishery Coast put themselves under Portuguese protection. 
12. Nagama Nayaka and his son Visvanatha Nayaka. 13. Vis- 
vanatha's first Viceroyalty in Madura. 14. Nagama Nayaka's 
campaign against Vira Bokhara Chola. 15. Visvanatha rein- 
states Chandra Sekhara Pandya on the throne of Madura. 
16. Second Viceroyalty of Visvanatha in Madura. 17. Visva- 
natha Nayaka appointed King of Madura. 

Contemporary Sources. 1. Hindu inscriptions and grants. 2. Pandy- 
an Chronicle ; Tanjavuri Andhra Rajula Charitra ; Mrtyunjaya MSS.; 
Supplementary MSS. ; History of the Karnaiaka Governors ; The Royal 
Line of the Kwnataka Princes ; Desct iption of the Karnataka Lords. 
3. Amir Khusru, Tarikh-i-Alai ; Travels of Ibn Batuta. 4. St. 
Francis Xavier's letters. 5. Nuniz's Chronicle; Sousa, Oriente 
Conquistado ; Du Jarric, Thesaurus ; Nieuhoff, Travels. 6. Jai- 
mini B karat amu ; Saluvabhyudayam ; Ramabhyudaya ; Achyutaraya- 
bhyudayam ; Varadambika Parinayam. 

IN reviewing the history of the Telugu domination over 
the South of India, the climax of which was reached during the 
fourth Dynasty of Vijayanagara, it is now opportune to give a 
.brief account of the early Telugu expeditions into the southern 
dominions, which will enable us to understand bet^ 
quent military exploits of the Aravidu Emc 
subordinate Telugu chiefs in those regions. 

The city of Madura, which was the catiaLnhe 
of the Pandyas several centuries before 


fallen into the hands of the Muhammadans in the beginning of 
the I4th century. In or about 1310, the Sultan of Delhi, Alau-d- 
din Khilji, sent an expedition to the South under the command 
of his Minister Malik Kafur, at the request of Sundara Pandya 
who had been driven from his kingdom by his rival half brother 
Vira Pandya l . When Malik Kafur arrived at the city of 
Madura, he found it empty. Vira Pandya had abandoned it on 
hearing of the approach of the Muslim army 2 . It seems 
however that Malik Kafur set out from Madura in pursuit, and 
at last succeeded in capturing Vira ; for the Pandyan Chronicle 
and the Supplementary MSS. say that Paracrama-Pandyon- 
dever (Vira Pandya) was seized by the Muhammadans and 
sent to Delhi 3 . The Muhammadan historian says that after 
some months, Malik Kafur accompanied by his army returned 
to Delhi with all the plunder 4 . But we are sure that part of 
the military garrison remained in Madura; as the Pandyan 
Chronicle states that three years after the conquest of Malik 
Kafur, "all things were conducted in the Muhammadan manner; 
men were in dread of showing themselves to each other ; ail 
things were in strife and disorder". Subsequently several 
Muhammadan governors are mentioned 5 . 

We may take it, however, that the native rulers of the 
South, some years later, defeated the Muslim usurpers . For 
Ferishta informs us that in the year A. H. 727, corresponding 
to our 1327, the Sultan of Delhi, Muhammad Tughlak, " sub- 
dued the whole of the Karnatik both in length and breadth, even 
to the shore of the sea of Oman ", that is the Indian Ocean 7 . 
But it seems that the Muhammadan general who led this 

1. Amir Khusru, Tarikh-i Alai, Ellioit, III, p. 88. 

2. Ibid., p. 91. 

3. Pandyan Chronicle, Taylor, 0. //, MSS., I, p. 33 ; Supplcmnetary 
MSS., Ibid, p. 203. 

4. Elliot, 1. c. 

5. Pandyan Chronile, 1. c. 

6. Dr. Krishnaswami Aiyangar, in his Introduction to R. Sathya- 
natha Aiyar's History of the Nayaks of Madura, p. 5, mentions a '* tem- 
porary turning out of the Muhammadan garrison by the Malabar 
ruler, Bavi Varman Kulasekhara, in 1316. " 

7. Ferishta, I, p. 413. 


expedition into the south, knowing the difficulties of the Sultan 
in the North, broke allegiance with the Sovereign and declared 
himself independent Sultan of Ma'bar. Ibn Batuta only says 
that " those parts (Ma'bar) were seized by theSherif, Jalal-ud-din 
Hasan Shah " l . We are told that this happened when he killed 
the lieutenants and agents of his sovereign, and struck gold and 
silver coins bearing his own name 2 . Now the earliest date of 
the coins of Jalal-ud-din is 1335, while coins of Muhammad 
Tughlak have been found in Madura bearing the dates of 1330, 
1333 and 1334. We may conclude from these dates that the 
rebellion of the Sherif of Madura took place at the end of 1334 
or in 1335. Ibn Batuta, who was the brother-in-law of the first 
Madura Sultan, states that Jalal-ud-din Hasan Shah reigned for 
five years. Before his death he appointed one of his Amirs, 
Alai-ud-din, as his successor, who was, however, soon after 
accidently killed by an arrow during a sally. He was succeed- 
ed by Qutb-ud-din, his brother's son; but he too was killed, in 
consequence of his bad conduct. Then another Amir of Jalal-ud- 
din was elected named Ghiath-ud-dm, who married a daughter 
of the same Jalal-ud-din ; *. 

2. The Muhammadan conquest of Madura naturally had 
very bad consequences for the Hindu population. The Pandyan 
Chronicle says that " the proper tutelary god of Madura went 
into the Malayalam country. Then the wall of the temple, the 
fourteen towers on it, and the streets inside were destroyed. 
The shrine of the god, the small choultry and the great choultry 
escaped" 4 . 

The old Pandya rulers, enfeebled by previous internal 
disensions, were unable to resist the fanatical power of the 
Muslims. But there was another Hindu Monarch in the South 
who ventured to uproot the followers of the Prophet from the 
soil ; and although he did not succeed himself, yet he paved the 

1. Defremery, Voyages d' Ibn Batoutali, IV, p. 189. 

2. Elliot, III, p. 618. There is one of theso coins in tho British 

3. Defremery, 1. c. 

4. Pandyan Chtaniele, Taylor, 0. H. MSS., I, 35. 


way for his successors, the Emperors of Vijayanagara, who 
finally obtained a triumphant victory over the Muhammadans. 
This monarch was the Hoysala King Vira Ballala III. 

This sovereign, whose army amounted to one hundred and 
twenty thousand men, had been at constant war against the 
Muslims. In one of his campaigns he even reached the 
southern point at Rameswaram. At the entrance of its bridge 
he set up a pillar of victory. l . 

Ibn Batuta speaks of one of the battles that took place at 
Madura between Vira Ballala and Sultan Ghiath-ud-din in 1342. 
This was the last battle fought by the brave Hoysala Monarch. 
He says that Vira Ballala made an attack on the town of Cob- 
ban 2 , which belonged to the Madura Sultan and was garrisoned 
with six thousand soldiers. Having defeated them, he invested 
the town. " This was reported to the Sultan ", says Ibn Batu- 
ta, " and the town was nearly lost. He then marched out with 
his forces amounting to seven thousand, every man of whom 
took off his turban and hung it upon the neck of his horse, 
signifying that they were bent upon death. They then made a 
charge upon the infidel king, while his men were taking their 
midday repose ; and routed them thoroughly. The greater 
majority were killed ; not one escaping except the cavalry and 
some of those who concealed themselves in the woods, escaping. 
The Sultan (vis. King Vira Ballala) was taken prisoner, 
his wealth seized, himself afterwards killed, and I saw his body 
hanging against a wall in the town " ;{ . 

3. Such was the glorious end of Vira Ballala III. His 
rival, the Madura Sultan, died shortly after and was succeeded 
by his nephew Nasir-ud-din, whom Dr. S. Krishnaswami 
Aiyangar makes responsible for the murder of Vira Ballala 4 . 
We know several coins of some of his successors, during whose 

1. Ep. Cam., X, Mr, 82. 

2. Lee. The Travels of Ibn Batuta, p. 193, roads Kiar Dr. 
S. Krishnaswami Aiyangar, South India, p. 238, says that Cobban may 
be read Koppam, and identifies it with Kannanur-Koppam, a little 
north to Srirangam. 

3. Defremery, o. c., p. 195-8. 

4 S. Krishnaswami Aiyangar, Smith India, p. 186. 


time the Madura Sultanate became every day more and more 
enfeebled. This period witnessed the separation of the south- 
ern provinces from the old kingdom of Madura. Qn the 
eastern coast particularly the extensive districts of Ramnad and 
Marava had given up all allegiance both to the Pandyas and to 
the Muhammadans l . 

When the Hoysaia Empire became extinct, as a result of 
this continuous fighting with the Muhammadans, five princes 
feudatory to that family retired northwards. They wished 
to oppose any Muslim invasion coming from the Deccan, in 
order to isolate the Muhammadans of Madura. Thus " through 
the influence of Vidyaranya, the Kingdom of Anaikhondi 
(Vijayanagara) was established" 2 . Prince Bukka, by the 
foundation of Vijayanagara, became " an elevator of the 
Hoysaia Empire" 3 . This glorious event may be placed about 
1340. The Vijayanagara Empire had inherited from the Hoysaia 
Emperors the war traditions against the Madura Muhamma- 
dans, and faithfully carried them on. 

One of the founders, Bukka, sent his son Kumara Kampana 
Odeyar towards the South in order to drive the Muhammadans 
from Madura 4 . We know from lithic records that this 
prince 5 conquered Tondai-mandalam 6 , took possession of 

1. Wilson, Historical Sketch of the Kingdom of Pandyas, The Madras 
Journal of Literature and Sciences, VI, p. 199. 

2. Koyilolugu, Ep. Ind., VI, p. 323. Cf. S. Srikantaiya, The Hoysaia 
Empire, Q.J. M. S., VIII, p. 74; S. Krishnaswami Aiyangar,S0w/// India, 
p. 181 ; the same author in his Introduction to Satbyanatha Aiyar's 
History of the Nayaks, p. 1 ; Krishnamacharlu, The Origin, Growth and 
Decline of the Vijayanagara Empire, Ind. Ant., LI, p. 233 ; H. Krishna 
Sastri. The Hoysalas in the Chola Country, A. S. L, 1909-10, p. 159. 

3. M. E. R., 1918, sec. 47. 

4. Sewell, p. 27, and, after him, Hemingway, Trichinopoly 
Gazatteer, p. 48, say that Bukka conquered all the kingdoms of the 
South : but Nuniz, whose authority Sewell refers to, only says that 
14 he conquered many lands which, at the time of the destruction of 
that kingdom, remained rebellious". Sewell, p. 300. Were these lands 
the southern kingdoms? If so, perhaps these words of Nuniz also refer 
to the conquest of Kampana. 

5. Dr. S. Krishnaswami Aiyangar, in his Introduction to Sathya- 
natha Aiyar's History of the Nayaks, p. 3, says that the local chronic- 
les of Madura assign him the task of 'door-keeper of the last great 
Hoysaia King, Vira Ballala.' 

6. Ep. Cam., Ill, Nj, 117 ; IV, Yl, 64, and Gu, 32. It seems that at 
Kanchivaram and Tiruvannamalai there are inscriptions confirming 
the same. Cf. Francis, South Arcot Gazetteer, p. 36, 


the kingdom of Rajagambhira, (the Pandya kingdom) l , and 
captured a portion of the Ramnad zamindari. This is stated 
in two inscriptions of his in the old temple of Vishnu at Tirup- 
pullani 2 . The Kamparayacharitam, a historical poem written 
by Ganga Devi, one of the wives of Prince Kampana, informs 
us that, while proceeding to the South, he reduced the city 
of Kanchivaram, after defeating the forces of the Tamilian King 
Chanparaya and killing him in a duel. The poem likewise 
states that, in the battle with the Muharamadans previous to 
the capture of Madura, the Sultan ruling in the place was also 
killed 3 . The Pandyan Chronicle also gives a very interesting 
account of the conquest of Madura and of subsequent events. 
It says : " Kampanuduaver (Kampana Odeyar), a native of 
Karnata, having conquered the Muhammadans,took possession 
of the kingdom. He opened the Siva and Vishnu temples, 
which had been locked up. He opened the god's temple at 
Madura, and obtained a personal view of the god. Things were 
found precisely as on the day when the temple was shut ; the 
lamp that was lighted on that day, the sandal wood powder, 
the garland of flowers, and the ornaments usually placed on 
the morning of festival days, were now found to be exactly as 
it is usual to find them in the evening of such festival 
days 4 . The general seeing this miracle was glad, struck his 
eyes, and with great piety made the customary offerings ; he 
gave many villages to the temple and many jewels, and estab- 
lished ordinances for the regular perfomance of worship. " 5 . 

The Supplementary MSS. inform us that he removed the 
covering of sandal paste from the images of the Siva and Vishnu 
temples. Since the time of the Muhammadan invasion the 
performance of pujas had been discontinued 6 . 

1. 18 of 1899. Of. Ep. Ind., VI, p. 324, and Ind. AoL* XX, p. 289. 

2. Sewell, I, p. 301 and 302. 

3. S. Krishnaswami Aiyangar, Sources, p. 23-4; Ramabhyudaya, 
Ibid., p. 32. 

4. Evidently these facts are exaggerated by the chronicler. 

5. Taylor, O. H. MSS., I, p. 35-7. 

6. Ibid., p. 205, 


The Hindu cult was likewise restored in Srirangam as a 
result of Kampana's campaign. In the Prapannamrtam it is 
related that when Gopanaraya, Prince Kampana's minister l 
and Governor of Jinji, learnt of the progress of his master in 
the Pandya country, he went to Tirupati, took with him the 
idols of the god Ranganatha and of his two queens, which had 
been sent there from Malabar and Mysore 2 , and proceeded 
to his own town of Jinji, where for a time he kept the idols in 
a rock-cut temple at Singavaram. Staying at Jinji he obtained 
information as to the strength of th^ Muhammadans, and at a 
favourable moment set out for Srirangam with his army. The 
Muslim forces were defeated by Gopana, who replaced the 
three images in their shrine at Srirangam, after re-con stc- 
rating the god and his two consents 3 . Saluva Mangu, one 
of the ancestors of Saluva Narasimha, the founder of the second 
Dynasty, was also one of the generals who took part in this 
expedition against the South. He was an intimate friend of 
Prince Kampana 4 . 

As to the date of Kampana's expedition Dr. S. Krishna- 
swami Aiyangar r> puts it prior to [358. Certainly, if the 
date of the inscription referred to by the lear.ietl Professor, and 
those of the above mentioned inscriptions at Ramnad are 
correct, we must perforce assign that early date to the 
military exploits of the son of Bukka 1. But since this is not 
yet proved, we cannot explain how, if he and his successors 
were Viceroys in Madura, the Muhammadan Sultans could 
have struck money in the same capital. We have coins of the 
last Sultan Ala-ud-din Sikandar Shah, dated A. H. 779, which 

1. 250 of 1901. 

2. An inscription on the Ranganatha temple at Tiruvasi states 
that Gopanaraya himself recovered the linages of Ranganatha and his 
consorts from the Muhammadans. 55 of 1892. 

3. S. Krishnaswami Aiyangar, Sources, p. 35-6. Cf. Ep. Ind., VI 
p. 322-3. 

4. Jaimini Bharata?n 1 S. Krishnaswami Aiyangar, o. c., p. 29 ; 
Saluvabhyudayam, Ibid., p. 30 and p. 90; Ramabhyudflva, Ibid., p. 32. 

5. South India, p. 182. 



corresponds to A. D. 1377 l . And since we know that 
Kumara Kampana drove out of Madura the followers of the 
prophet, we think it reasonable to assign this final date 
for the completion of his conquest in the South 2 . 

After his conquests Prince Kumara fixed his residence at 
Madura. He ruled all over the South as a semi-independent 
Viceroy. We know from epigraphical records that " he was 
pleased to conduct the rule of the earth on a permanent throne" :{ . 
His prime minister Somappa is mentioned in two ot his 
inscriptions :il Melpadi 4 and at Achcharapakkam 5 . He 
was succeeded by his son Jammana Odeyar f \ called 
sometimes Embana Udeiyar 7 . or Ommana Udaiyar K . It 
seems that his brother-in-law, Porkasa or Prakasa succeeded 
him, and he ceased to reign in I404 9 . During this length of 
time the Emperors of Vijayanagara always remained the 
over-lords, as a Srirangam inscription of Harihara II, dated 
1379 or 1399, evidently shows 10 . 

4. One of the most transcendental acts of Kumara 
Kampana in the South was the restoration of the Pandya 
monarchs. He made inquiries concerning persons of their 
race and their respective rights. The result of these inquiries 
was the coronation of Soma Sekhara Pandya as the Pandya 

1. Brown, The Coins of India, p. 82. 

2. Mr. Rangachari, The Life and Times of Sri-Vcdanta-Desika, 
J.B.B.R.A.S., XXIV, p. 308, states that the whole conquest of 
the South was over in 1365. The fact that the date assigned for the 
restoration of the sacred images to Srirangam was 1371-2, according 
to a local inscription, does not prove that the conquest was finished 
at that time, since such a restoration could take place before the 
final conquest of the whole country. 

3. 18 of 1899. 

4. Ibid. 

5. 250 of 1901. 

6. Hultszch,S0w/A Indian Inscriptions, T, 72. 

7. Nelson, Madura Country, III, p. 82. 

8. Ep. Ind., VI, p. 325. Cf. Pandyan Chronicle, Taylor, O. H. 
MSS., I, p. 35 -7. 

9. Nelson, 1. c., Sewell, II, p. 223, 
10. 29 of 1890, 


sovereign. The Supplementary MSS. mention fourteen of his 
successors until the conquest of Visvanatha Nayaka J . 

These Pandya chiefs were probably content to be depend- 
ent on Vijayanagara. They maintained a modified subordinate 
authority in at least a part of their dominions. But when the 
dynasty founded by Kampana was tottering, they began to think 
of independence, and actually, more than once, it seems, tried to 
expel from their country the officials of the Emperors of 
Vijayanagara. There is good evidence of a successful Pandya 
inroad as far as Kanchivaram in 1469 fj . This explains the 
subsequent military expeditions sent by the sovereigns of 
Vijayanagara from time to time. 

The Alampundi Plate of Virupaksha informs us that this 
Prince, son of Harihara II, conquered the kingdoms of Tundira, 
Chola and Pandya in the beginning of his father's reign and 
brought the booty to him :{ . And this same Prince in his 
poem Narayanivilasam calls himself the governor of the 
Karnata, Tundira, Chola and Pandya Mandalas, and even 
claims to have set up a pillar of victory in the island of 
Ceylon 4 . 

5. Two officers of the Empire were again governing in 
Madura during the reign of Devaraya II. Their names were 
Lakkana and Madana. The Pandyan Chronicle gives forty- 
seven years as the period of their governorship. In this case, 
the time of their rule lasted more than the reign of the afore- 
said Emperor. We may take it, however, to be a mistake on 
the part of the Chronicle ; since it is quite evident that the dates 
and especially the figures given are inaccurate. Probably 
Madana died before Lakkana or was deprived of his post 
earlier, because the Chronicle says that Lakkana, " having 
brought the children of a Pandya King by his (the King's) 
concubine, one Abirami, a dancing girl of the Kali temple, he 
crowned them, paid them homage, and delivered over the 

1. Taylor, O. H. MSS., I, p. 205. 

2. Cf. Hemingway, Trichinopoly Gazetteer, p. 49. 

3. Ep. Ind., p. 53, v. 6. 

4. S. Krishnaswami Aiyangar, Sources, p. 53. 


kingdom to them, they being children of the Pandya ; and they 
reigned". Madana is not mentioned at all on the occasion of 
this ceremony, viz. the installation of the Pandya heirs on the 
ancestral throne by a representative of Vijayanagara. This 
perhaps means that their task in the South was either to subdue 
the country which had rebelled against the Pandyas, or to put 
an end to a family fight springing from a lack of legitimate 
offspring; for the Pandyas finally enthroned by Lakkana were 
the sons of a concubine. This fact would perhaps indicate 
that, from this time, the legitimate descent of the Pandya 
family was at an end. Some years later Achyuta Raya learnt 
from Nagama Na\aka that Chandra Sekhara Pandya, the King 
of Madura, who had been deposed by the Chola King, and whom 
he had to re-instate, also was an illegitimate heir of the Pandya 
kingdom 1 . The Pandyas raised by Lakkaria to the throne 
were, according to the Chronicle, Suntara-tora-mavili-vanathi- 
rayer, Kaliyar-somanar, Anjatha-perumal and Muttara-satiru- 
mali-mavili-vanathi-rayer 2 . 

6. The expedition led about a century later by Narasa 
Nayaka, the founder of the third dynasty, was supposed to be 
against a Pandya sovereign named Manabusha. This is based 
on the Krishnapuram plates of Sadasiva. Manabusha was 
probably allied with a chief of Nadu-nadu, Sundarattoludaiyan 
Mavalivanadarayan, who was in possession of the city of 
Madura :i . Narasa Nayaka was then a great general of 
the army of Vijayanagara. The Varahapuranam extols him as 
the generalissimo of all the forces of the Empire, and in great 
favour with king Saluva Narasimha 4 . But his expedition 
to the South was somewhat earlier, because the Pandya King 
Manabusha, who must be identified with Arikesari Parakrama 

1. Tanjavuri Andhra Kajula Charitra, S. Krishnaswami Aiyangar, 
Sources, p. 320. 

2. Taylor, O. H. MSS., 1, p. 37. 

3. Gopinatha Rao, Inscriptions of Litter Pandyas, T. A. 5'., 
I, p. 53. 

4. 8. Krishnaswami Aiyangar, o. o., p. 87-8. 


Pandya bearing the surname of Manakavacha *, ruled till 
about 1466. This date brings us up to the reign of either 
Mallikarjuna or Virupaksha, during which this general's 
glorious achievements in the South must be placed. 

In the Krishnapuram plates of Sadasiva, it is stated that 
the Pandya king and his confederates of the South were forced 
** to bear his commands (vh. Narasa Nayaka's) on their heads 
as flowers on their crowns " 2 . This clearly indicates a 
victory on the part of the Vijayanagara general. But the 
Achyuiarayabhyud.yam gives a full account of the campaign. 
According to it, Narasa Na> aka captured the fort of 
Manava (Manuva?) Durga from its Muhammadan ruler and 
gave it back to him. Laying a bridge across the Kaveri, 
he captured Srirangam and after defeating and killing the 
Marava ruler, finally seized the city of Madura. Then in 
another battle he defeated a chief called Konetiraja, who 
opposed him with his elephant forces, :{ . 

It seems certain that there were many rebellious princes in 
the South at or about this time. Thj Varadambika-Parinayam 
gives a more minute account of the campaigns of Narasa, and 
more than once mentions kings defeated by him. Marching 
across the Tondat-mandalam Narasa approached the Chola 
kingdom whose king had been opposing his troops and harassing 
the country, then crossed to the South of the Kaveri and awaited 
the arrival of the enemy who prepared to h'ght. But in the 
iierce battle that ensued Narasa imprisoned the Chola chief and 
took possession of his capital, probably Tanjore. Then the 
Vijayanagara general entered the town of Madura and was pre- 
sented by its sovereign with valuable articles. He proceeded to 
Rameswaram across the sea. This means probably that the 
Pandya King declared himself tributary to Vijayanagara, with- 

1. Cf. Gopinatha Rao, o. c. t p. 52, and Ind. Ant., IX, p. 330. 
Dr. S. Krisbiiaswami Aiyangar. in his Introduction to Sathyanatha 
Aiyar's History of the Nayaks, p. 7, says that the expedition took place 
in the period of the usurpation of Saluva Narasimha. 

2. Ep. Ind., IX, p. 340, vv. 9-11. 

3. S. Krishnaswami Aiyangar, Sources, p. 108. 


out opposing the army of Narasa. But before reaching Rames- 
waram he had to defeat and kill the Marava ruler, according 
to the other poem referred to above. Thence he proceeded 
against Seringapatam. It was easily reduced, after construct- 
ing a bridge across the Kaveri which was then in flood. The 
Seringapatam ruler surrendered with all his relative's. Narasa 
forgave him and restored his kingdom to him l . 

These vicissitudes of the Vijayanagara power and the power 
of the Pandyas over the kingdom of Madura are also mentioned 
in the Pandyan Chronicle, which states that before Krishna Deva 
Raya "the kings who ruled over the Mathurai-mandalam were 
for a part of this period of the Pandya race. In some portion 
of it, some of the afore-mentioned kings (of Vijayanagara) 
expelled the Pandyas and ruled themselves. During all this " 
adds the same chronicle, 4t twice they (the Pandyas) took refuge 
in other villages " 2 . 

7. During the reign of Krishna Deva Raya we find a 
great expedition of this King, probably into the Tamil country. 
We say 'probably* because the town mentioned by Nuniz while 
narrating this campaign has not been hitherto identified. He 
narrates that, after having finished the war with the king of 
Orissa, Krishna Raya "made ready a large army and prepared to 
attack Catuir, which is the land of a lord who had been in revolt 
for fifty years ; this land is on the Charamandel (Coromandel) 
side. And he marched against it, and laid siege to one of the 
principal cities where the lord of the land was ; and it is 
called. ...(Unfortunately there is here a blank in the original) 
and is surrounded with water". 

"Now at the time when Crisnarao attacked this city, " con- 
tinues Nuniz, " it was winter, for which cause the river that 
surrounded it was so swollen, and carried down so much 
water, that the king could do no hariti to the place. * And King 
Crisnarao, seeing this, and seeing that time was passing away 
without his attaining his desire, commanded his men to cut 
many new channels in order to be able to attack that principal 

1. S. Krishnaswami Aiyangar, Sources, p. 170-1. Cf. Pandyan 
Chronicle, Taylor, O. H. M 85., I, p. 37. 

2. Pandyan Chronicle, Taylor, O. //. MSS n 1, p, 32. 


(river) which had opposed itself to the fulfilment of his wishes. 
And this was done in a short time, since he had many 
soldiers; and after the (new) water-courses were finished and 
brought to where the water should go, he opened mouths in the 
river, the water of which very soon flowed out so that the 
bottom could be seen ; and it was left so shallow that it enabled 
him to reach the walls of the city ; and the river was thus 
diverted into fifty different bods. Inside the city were one 
hundred thousand foot-soldiers and three thousand cavalry, 
who defended themselves and fought very bravely ; but this 
availed little to prevent Crisnarao from entering in a few days 
and slaughtering all of them. He found large treasures in this 
city, including a million and six hundred thousands pardaos in 
ready money, besides jewels and horses, which were numerous, 
and elephants. And after he had finished the capture of this 
land Crisnarao divided it amongst many of his captains, giving 
to each one what was necessary for him : and the chief who 
lived in the city and who was lord of the land was taken 
captive and carried to Bisnaga, where he died in the King's 
prison " *. 

The account of Nuniz is supplemented by a more recent but 
not less trustworthy work. In the beginning of the IQth 
century, Colonel William Macleod, acting Commissioner in 
Arcot, requested a learned man of Jinji, named Narayen, to 
v/rite a history of the Karnataka country. Narayen making 
use ot the old traditions as well as of the available documents, 
produced the Karnataka Rajakal Savistara Charitnun. Section 
eight of this work is all devoted to the history of Jinji. There 
he narratLS that during the reign of Krishna Deva Raya, the 
Jinji country was divided among several petty chiefs who did 
not acknowledge the authority of the emperors of Vijayanagara. 
In order to reduce them, Krishna Raya sent a considerable 
army into the Karnatik, which is said to have consisted of 
100,000 men, under the command of four chiefs named Vaiyap- 
pa Nayaker, Tubaki Krishnappa Nayaker, Vijaya Raghava 
Nayaker and Venkatappa Nayaker. The army encamped near 

X, Sewell, p. 320-2, 


Vellore. No battle or attack on the fort is there mentioned 
but the submission of all the chiefs of the surroundings seems 
to point to a victory of the imperial army. Narayen says that 
the chief of Chittoor and other petty rulers of the Tondaman- 
dalam country had an interview with Vaiyappa Nayaker, who 
seems to have been the generalissimo. One of the chiefs 
mentioned is Bomma Reddi of Calastri. On this occasion 
Vaiyappa fixed their rate of tribute. From Vellore the imperial 
army proceeded to Jinji. Hear another meeting was held- 
with the chiefs of the Chola mandalam, and their tribute was 
also settled. In the meantime, while in Jinji, he despatched 
the subordinate generals towards the South to levy tribute on 
the Pandya, Chola and Chera Kingdoms. They were respects 
fully received by the rulers of these kingdoms, arid the tribute 
was paid. Krishna Deva Raya derived three crores of rupees 
from the eastern Karnataka. For the administration of these 
newly acquired dominions, he divided the whole country into 
three parts under three Viceroys. The first extended from 
Nellore to the river Colerun ; this was placed under Tubaki 
Krishnappa Nayaker, who fixed his capital at Jinji. The 
second was the fertile country washed by the Kaveri river, and 
was governed by Vijaya Raghava, who resided at Tanjore. 
Finally the third was the whole country South of the said 
Kaveri river, and this was assigned to Venkatappa Nayaker, 
who eventually settled at Madura ] . 

1. Taylor, Catalogue Raisonncc, III, p. 39. Both expeditions, the 
one of Nuniz and this of Narayen seem to refer to the same oveut, 
for the aim of both was the same, viz. the subjection of the eastern 
Karnatik. After both expeditions the country was divided among 
the generals of Krishna Raya. Moreover Catuir may be a corruption 
for Chittoor. Finally the first city that fell into the hands of the 
imperialists seems to have been, according to Narayen, Vellore. Now 
Sewell, p. 320, note, identifies the unnamed city captured by Krishna 
Deva Raya in Nuniz's chronicle with this city of Vellore: "The 
description of the town answers to Vellore in North Arcot, the fine 
old fort at which place is surrounded with a deep moat. According to 
tradition, this place was captured by Krishna Deva Raya from a 
Reddi chief". An apparent objection to the identification of these 
two campaigns may bo the fact that the expedition mentioned by 
Nuniz was led by the same sovereign, who is not mentioned in 
Narayen's account. But if we consider that the capture of Vellore 
seems to have been omitted by the latter, we may also conclude that 
the fact of Krishna Deva Raya not being mentioned cannot afford a 
valid argument against our theory. 


Moreover Paes says that Krishna Raya " has five kings, 
his subjects and vassals" J , and Nuniz gives a fuller informa- 
tion ; " The kings who are subject are these," says he, " besides 
this king of Bsngapor, namely the king of Gasopa (G *rsoppa) 
and the king of Bacanor (Barkur) and the king of Calecu 
(Calicut) and he of Batecala (Bhatkal) and these, when they 
come to the court of Bisnaga, are not held in higher esteem 
than any other captains, either by the king or by the other 
nobles 1 ' '*. 

No more information concerning the south is given 
during the time of Krishna Deva Raya ; but from a fact 
narrated in the beginning of the reign of Achyuta, we note 
that a rebellion took place in the Tamil country at the end 
of the reign of Krishna. This forced Achyuta to prepare a 
new expedition into the south on the first day after his 

8. One of the subordinate governors of Krishna in the 
South, named Sellapa, had revolted against him. He was 
defeated by an imperial army, fled from his province, and took 
refuge in the kingdom of Travancore. What province was 
the one ruled by Sellapa is not quite clear ; but it seems 
probable that Sellapa was the same ruler of the Chola kingdom 
whom the Achyutaniyabhyud<iyam speaks of a little later on 3 . 
Travancore was supposed to be at this time tributary to 
Vijayanagara, 4 . Its king not only received *he fugitive 
under his protection, but made an alliance with him. Both 
invaded the Pandya kingdom, waged war against its ruler 
and drove him from his ancestral dominions \ 

There had been occasional lights between Travancore 

1. Sewell, p. 281. ~~~ 

2. Ibid., p. 374. Naturally Nuniz mentions only the king of 
Kanara who was in the vicinity of the Portugucs? forts. 

3. Canto VI, S. Krishnnswumi Aiyangar, Sutures, p. 159. 

4. Faria y Sousa, I, p. 81, while relating the history of the 
year 1506 says: " Aqui empitvu el do Travancore, a que llainamos 
Grande, por ser mayor de los Malabares; y es sujeto al deNarsinga". 

5. Achyutarayabhyudayamt canto IV, S. Krishna swumi Aiyangar 
Sources, p. 158-9. 



and the Pandyas from the beginning of the fifteenth century. 
In the first half, Chera Udaya Marthanda Varma had 
captured all the south-eastern possessions of Travancore 
on the Tinnevelly side which, he said, had been taken from 
his predecessors by the Pandya king. This Chera Udaya often 
resided at Valliyur and Chera Maha Devi, in the newly 
conquered territories 1 . The Balabhagavatam records the 
campaign of another Raja of Travancore against the Pandya 
kingdom in which he was aided by Chinna Timma, a Prince 
of the Aravidu family who received the title of Tiruvadi 
Rajyasthapanacharya 2 . The monarch of Travancore who 
received in his territory the insurgent Sell a pa and afterwards 
invaded the Pandyan dominions, was Bhutala Sri Vira Udaya 
Marthanda Varma (1494-1535) of the Tirupattur branch. He 
had previously exacted tribute from Ceylon, and used to keep a 
corps of three hundred female archers 3 . With the aid of 
Sellapa and taking advantage of the decease of the Emperor, 
which Nuniz speaks of, 4 Marthanda Varma over ran a 
large part of the Pandya country consisting practically of the 
whole present district of Tinnevelly 5 . The Tumbichchi 
Nayaka Kumaralinga, (1502-1535), whose rebellion is recorded in 
these years, probably joined the invaders against the neigh- 
bouring Pandya G . This unfortunate ruler was Srivalla- 
bhadeva, the son of f Ahavarama 7 . He was unable to 
challenge the allies and retreated without giving battle to the 
enemy. No encounter is mentioned anywhere between these 

1. Shungoonny Menon, A History of Travancore, p. 94 
8. Paramcswara Aiyar, Travancore and Vijayanagar, C. C. A/., XXII, 
p. 181. 

2. S. Krishnaswami Aiyangar, Sources, p. 205. 

3. Nagam Aiya, Travancore Manual, I, p. 297. 

4. Sewell, p. 336. 

5. Nagam Atya, o. c., p. 295. 

6. Cf. Rangachuri, The History of the Naik Kingdom, Ind. Ant. 
XLIII, p. 189. 

7. Cf.Gopinatha Rao, Vcllangudi Plates, />. Ind., XVI, p. 303, 
and Inscriptions of Later Pandyas, T.A. S., I, p. 55-6. Rangachuri, o.c.p. 
190, thinks that the Pandya ruling at tins time was Srivallabha's 
father Ahavarama. 


parties. But he appealed at the same time to the Vijayanagara 
Emperor for help. 

When this news reached the capital, Krishna Deva Raya 
was probably near the last days of his life, and consequently 
nothing was said to him. But as soon as Achyuta Raya 
arrived from Chandragiri and was crowned at Vijayanagara, 
his minister informed him of the affairs of the Empire, and 
reported to him the rebellion of Sellapa and the war of the 
Travancore sovereign against the Pandya. Achyuta Raya 
consequently resolved upon making war against Sellapa and 
king Marthanda Varma, and ordered his brother-in-law, 
the Mahamandalesvara Salakaraja Chinna Tirumalayyadeva- 
Mahawja, 1 whom he appointed generalissimo, to be ready 
with his army to march southwards after some days. 

9. The King in person commanded the expedition. Achyuta 
started from Vijayanagara after a while and went straight to 
Chandragiri in a few days. "There he stationed his troops," 
says the Achyutarayabhyudayam, which gives a full account of 
this campaign, " and went to Tirupati to worship the god at the 
place. He presented to the god a pair of earrings, a padaka 2 
and a jewelled crown, and stayed there for a few days. 
He then went to Kalahasti, worshipped the god at the place 
and gave him large grants. From there Achyuta proceeded 
with his army to Kanchi. There the King weighed himself 
against pearls, which were distributed in charity. While at 
Kanchi, several forest-kings (or chiefs) waited upon him with 
tribute and presents. Accompanied by them, he proceeded 
farther south and went to Arunasaila (Tiruvannamalai). After 
worshipping the god of the place, he entered the Chola country 
and, after a few days march, reached Srirangam." Achyuta 
Raya did not proceed further ; either lured to stay there by 
the pious and lonely character of the place, or persuaded by the 
generalissimo that in subduing and capturing such a misera- 
ble rebel as Sellapa his presence was unnecessary. So the 
poem mentioned above tells us that the Emperor remained at 

1. 51 of 1912. 

2. 'A jewelled medallion hung on the necklace and worn on the 
breast*. 3. Krishnaswami Aiyangar, Sources, p. 159. 


Srirangam and his army went from there southwards under 
the command of Salakaraja Chinna Tirumalayyadeva. 

After passing the city of Madura, the imperial army encam- 
ped on the banks of the Tamraparni. Thence Salaka Chinna 
despatched one of his subordinate officers to march against the 
confederates. The Travancore King with his army advanced 
against him near the mountains. There a great battle was 
fought. Having been defeated in this battle Marthanda 
Varma, with the remnant of his troops, approached the gen- 
eral, acknowledged his own defeat, and handed over to him 
the fugitive Sellapa. He also made him presents of 
elephants and horses. The general accepted these presents on 
behalf of his Sovereign and, accompanied by the King of 
Travancore, proceeded to Trivandrum, to worship the god of 
the place. Hence in a few days he returned to Srirangam, 
where the Emperor had stayed and was spending his time 
in the company of poets and scholars. The general presented 
to him the King of Travancore and the other prisoners, and 
submitted to him a report of the expedition. Achyuta order- 
ed Marthanda Varma, who had invaded the Pandya territories, 
to be punished, and the Pandya King to rule over his ancestral 
territories. Thence Achyuta returned to Vijayanagara, 
marching along the Kaveri and passing through Seringa- 
patam l . 

10. The effects of this campaign greatly influenced the 
future of the South of India in its relations with Vijayanagara. 
The King of Travancore professed himself a tributary of the 
Emperor of Vijayanagara. We suppose this to be the punish, 
ment inflicted by Achyuta. We have this information from an 
inscription of Bhutala Vira Rama Varma at Suchindram in 
Travancore 2 . As to the Pandya King, he remained very 
grateful to Achyuta for restoring his old territory to him. An 
inscription at Kanchivaram states that, after this campaign 
the Emperor married a daughter of the Pandya King ;{ . 

1. Achyutarayabhyudayam, cantos V-X, S. Krishnaswami Aiyangar, 
o.c.,p. 159-60. 

2. 64 of 1896. 

3. 49 and 50 of 1900 ; M. E. /?., 1900, p. 27, 


This shows the latter's gratitutde and his desire to cement 
the friendship between the Emperor and himself. With 
the aid of Vijayanagara, he "brought back the Pandya 
kingdom to its pristine glory ". On account of that, in the 
Pudukkottai Plates of Srivalabha and Varatungarama Pandya, 
he is given the title of " Pandya-rajyasthapanacharya " that is 
* establisher of the kingdom of Pandya ' 1 . 

But he is not the only person who bears this title. Achyuta 
Raya himself is honoured with it in the Achyutarayabhyudayam -. 
The Krishnapuram plates of Sadasiva also give the same 
title to the Nayaks of Madura : * ; most probably some of their 
ancestors took part in this campaign of Achyuta. But as a 
matter of fact, we know from other sources that Nagama 
Nayaka, the father of the first Nayak of Madura, was one of 
the generals in this campaign. It seems that he lived in 
Kanchivaram, while holding the military command over the 
Tondai-mandalam. He would therefore have been taken by 
Achyuta when the latter went to Travancore. For Nagama was 
naturally able to give first class advice, on account of his 
familiarity with the Tamil people and their language 4 . 
Nagama's son Visvanatha was also probably in the imperial 
army "'. Another in the army was probably the powerful 
magnate called Nagappa 6 . 

The Pandyan Chronicle records that the Viceroy of Madura 
at the time of the expedition of Achyuta was Aiyakarai Vai- 

1. T. A. S.. I, p. 54. 

2. S. Krishnaswami Aiyangar, Sources, p. 165. 

3. Ep. Ind., IX, p. 341, vv. 46-57. 

4. Cf. Ep. Ind., XVI, p. 303, and T. A. S., I, p. 56. 

5. Padmaneri grant of Venkata II, Ep. Ind., XVI, p. 297, vv. 
58.59 ; Vellangudi plates of Venkata II, Ibid., p. 320 ; M. E. /?., 113 of 
1988 ; 1905-6, App. A, copper-plate 14; 1909, p. 119. The Tintppani- 
malai says also that Visvanatha defeated Tiruvadi in battle and 
compelled him to pay tribute. Cf. Ep. Ind., XVI, p. 305. Gopinatha 
Rao, Vellangudi Plates, o. c., p. 303, thinks that Visvanatha was not 
in this campaign, but in some other later on, perhaps in that of 

6. M. E. R., 1900, p. 119. 


yappa '. Very little is known of the Madura Viceroys previous 
to Nagama Nayaka and Visvanatha. The Pandyan Chronicle 
gives a list of six of them from the time of Narasa 
Nayaka up to 1535 2 , reproduced by N^son and Seweil 3 ; 
the above mentioned Aiyakarai Vaiyappa appears ruling in 
the last period before Visvanatha's first rule, from 1530 to 1535. 
during which the expedition of Achyuta to Travancore took 
place. All seem to be Telugus excepting one, Narasa Pillai, a 
Tamilian, who ruled from 1515 to I5IQ. Pandit Subramania 
Sarma gives another namews. Tirumal Nayaka as ruling in 
Madura before the re-establishment of the Pandyas by 
Visvanatha Nayaka 4 . 

II. About the same time, when Achyuta and his generals 
were waging war with the sovereign of Travancore in favour of 
the Pandya king, several events took place in the Fishery Coast 
that occasioned many disagreeable encounters between the 
Nayaks of Madura and the inhabitants of that coast. Many 
influential Muhammadans had retreated there after their 
expulsion from Madura. They had practically become the ulti- 
mate owners of the pearl fisheries. Their tyranny over the poor 
Paravas, who for a long time had been the sole masters, was 
without limit. They would not allow the Paravas to fish 
without their permission, and they claimed the monopoly in 
dealing in pearls. The oppression of the Muhammadans had 
excited even the quiet poor people of the coast, when in 1532 a 
fight between a Parava and a Muslim occurred, from which the 
former emerged badly^ wounded and with one of his ears torn. 

That was an unbearable offence to the whole Parava caste; 
who, after some days of secret plotting, suddenly attacked the 
Muhammadan quarters of Tuticorin and killed a great number 
of Muslims. The|rest had to commit themselves to their little 
boats and fly from the city for their lives. 

1. Pandyan Chronicle, Taylor, O. H. MSS., I. p. 137 

2. Ibid. 

3. Seweil, p. 385, note. 

4. Subramania Sarma, A Short History of the Pandya Kingdom, p. 7, 


The revenge of the Muhammadans was terrible. They 
collected an army, made an alliance with all the petty rulers of 
the neighbourhood dependent on the Viceroy of Madura, and 
together advanced against Tuticorin by land and sea. The 
Nayaks of Bembar (Pedambur?) and Vaipar (Viranar ?), far from 
joining this confederacy with the Muhammadans, even defended 
the Paravas' territories. The poor Paravas of Tuticorin and its 
vicinity were pitilessly massacred on this occasion. The 
persecution lasted for some considerable time. 

It happened that a Christian Malabarian named Joao da Cruz, 
who had been in Portugal as an ambassador of the Zamorin of 
Calicut, found himself on the Fishery Coast at this time. He 
advised the Paravas that since they could not expect help from 
the Viceroy of Madura, as the past events showed, they must 
go to the Portuguese Captain of Cochin who would willingly 
help them. Accordingly, fifteen of the most influential Paravas, 
whom Fr. de Sousa calls F\ilcHg<itif, accompanied by da Cruz 
proceeded to Cochin. The Captain of that place was then 
Dr. Pero Vaz de Amaral, who received them in a very fatherly 
way and promised to take up arms against the Muhammadans, 
and to take the Paravas under the protection of the Portuguese 
nation on condition of their all becoming Christians. To this 
they gladly consented, and being instructed in the Christian 
faith by Fr. Miguel Vaz, Vicar General of India, who was 
then at Cochin, they were brp.U:J so.ns days after l . 

1. Sousa, Orientc Conyuistado, I, p. 129-30 ; Du Jarric, Thesaurus > 
1, p. 447-50; Juvencio, Epitome Historiac Societal is Jcsu, I, p. 489; 
Maffei, Historiarum Indicant in, p. 538 ; Nieuhoff, Voyages 
and Trawls, p. 225 and 246. Cf. Besse, Li Mission du Madurc, p. 370; 
D'Sa, History of the Catholic Church in India* II, p. 31. I have read 
in a recently published book the following : 4t The Paravas, the 
fisher-folk along the coast, were being rapidly converted to Chris- 
tianity, and such conversions were interpreted as involving a change 
of allegiance of the inhabitants from tlieir Indian rulers to the King 
of Portugal". No reference is there given to any historical source. 
How far it is from tho truth, our mrrative, based on contemporary 
sources shows. Nieuhoff,. o. c., p. 225 says: " To shew their grati- 
tude, they (the Paravas) received baptism immediately." He adds 
thu't 20,000 Paravas wore then baptized. The right of tho Portuguese 


In the meanwhile a fleet came from Goa, commanded by the 
Governor-General, Dom Nuno da Cunha, who proceeded 
personally to chastise the Muhammadans. About this St. 
Francis Xavier wrote from Tuticorin to St. Ignatius ten years 
later ; " When the Governor received this information, he 
went personally with his fleet to chase the Moors (the Muham- 
madans), and overtaking them, made a great slaughter. He 
dispersed ail, and captured all their boats without exception, 
and even those which they had taken from the Christians of 
this country J . He gave back all these boats to the 
Christians. To those who had none nor means to acquire 
them, he handed over the boats captured from the Moors. It 
was certainly a great victory, and of happy remembrance. 
There are no Moors at all in that country at present" 2 . 

John Nieuhoff while relating in his Travels the events of 

possession over the Fishery Coast proceeded from the fact that they 
protected from the oppression of the Muhammadans the poor folk, 
who were abandoned to their tyrants' hands by their rightful lord, 
the Nayak of Madura. Even if we suppose that the Nayak could not 
have defended the Paravas because 1 he was at war with the 
Travancore king or with any other rebel, the right of lordship 
over the Paravas would still remain with the Portuguese. The 
Paravas had been abandoned by the Nayak of Madura and had 
willingly selected the Portuguese us their protectors and owners of 
their country. How the latter accomplished their task may be 
deduced from the following extract of a letter of a French Missionary 
of the South, Fr. P. Martin, who on the 1st of July, 1700, wrote from 
Caima Naiken Patty : "The freedom of trading with their neighbours, 
that the Paravas enjoyed under the Portuguese, was the causo of 
their being rich and powerful ; but since they had been deprived of 
their protection, they have been again oppressed and reduced to 
an extreme provcrty". Bertrand, La Mission dc Madure, IV, p. 
34. In the same letter Fr. Martin relates that the Portuguese 
protection was given on condition that they should become 

1. When the boats were taken there were no Christians ; 
St. Francis Xavier means those who became Christians after the 

2. From St. Francis Xavier to St. Ignatius, at Rome, Tutu- 
curia, October 28, 1542, in Af. a. S./., Mon. Xav. t I, p. 275. 


the year 1533, says : "After all the Nayak of Madura, having 
found means to get possession of this country, left the 
Portuguese in full possession of their jurisdiction over the 
Paravas and of the free exercise of their religion" 7 . If 
this is true, the Nayaks of Madura did not fulfil such 
an agreement, as we shall see in the following chapter. 

12. We have already mentioned Visvanatha Nayaka and 
his father Nag a ma Nayaka, and now propose to deal with 
them in the rest of this chapter and in the following one. 

Nagama Nayaka, a descendant of the Kasyapa gotra 2 , 
was born at Kanchivaram 3 . He had been Tosekhana 
Adhikari, or officer of the treasury 4 , and is said to have 
founded a village on the hill at Tirukkachchur for the merit of 
the king B . He was much in favour with the founder of the 
Saluva dynasty, and was called, in two different inscriptions, 
"the foremost of the servants of the Saluva King Narasimha 
Ray a" 6 . His birudas may be seen in the Krishnapuram 
plates of Sadasiva 7 . There is an inscription about him of 
the time of Saluva Narasimha in one of the gopurams of the 
temple at Virinjipuram. Another inscription at Chidambaram 
seems to mention him also p . 

The Kuniyur plates of Venkata III say that Visvanatha 
was the fruit of the severe austerities and many virtues of 
his father, granted by the god Visvesvara 9 . We do not know 
whether among these austerities we must account the 
traditional pilgrimage of Nagama to Benares 10 . The 
Mrtyimjaya MSS., say that Visvanatha used to accompany 

1. Nieuhoff, Voyages and Travels, p. 246. 

2. Kuniyur plates of Venkata III, Ep. Ind., Ill, p. 254, v. 49 ; 
Vellangudi plates of Venkata II, Ep. Ind., XVI, p. 320. 

3. Krishnapuram plates of Sadasiva, Ep. //?</., IX, p. 330. 

4. Tanjavuri Andhra Rajuta Charitra, S. Krishnaswami Aiyangar, 
Sources, p. 319. 

5. 318 of 1909. 

6. Ibid and 391 of 1912. 

7. 48 of 1887. 

8. 331 of 1913. 

9. Ep. /**., III, p. 254, v. 49. 

10. Mityiinjaya AfSS., Taylor, 0.//.A/SS., II, p. 105, 


the King in his hunting excursions when he was sixteen years 
of age, and relate, alon#withthe Tanjavuri Andhra Rajula Chart- 
ira and the History of the Karnataka Governorf^hat once he des- 
troyed a wild bison that was advancing upon Krishna Raya, 
with a single stroke of his sword 1 . When already of age 
he was deputed by that Emperor to march against several 
princes of the north, who disputed their subjection as tributaries 
to the Emperor. The Mrtyunjaya MSS. say that these kings 
were the sovereigns of Anga, Vanga, Kalinga, Casmira and 
Nepala, 2 , which is nothing but an empty boast. They were 
probably the Kings of Orissa and some petty Rajas of the 
surroundings. Visvanatha " having successfully warred 
against them", says the History of the Karnataka Governors, 
"took them prisoners, appointed proper persons for the manage- 
ment of the conquered countries, and returned triumpantly to 
the Rayer, with the captives, elephants, camels, horses 
and all the treasure belonging to them. The Rayer was so 
well pleased with the bravery and success of Visvanatha, that 
he forthwith honoured him with distinguished tokens of 
approbation and favour, in bestowing on him all the banners 
or trophies which belonged to the refractory tribu- 
taries" 3 . 

13. On account of these military exploits of the young 

1. Mrtyunjaya MSS. o. c., p. 107 ; Tanjavuri Andhra Rajula 
Charitra, o. c. p. 321; History of the* Karnataka Governors,Tay\oT o. c., II, 
p. 7. Sewell, p. 327, note 3, says that the Nayaks of Madura 
"descended, so Barradas tells us, from the ' Page of the betel* 
of the King of Vijayanagara"; but on p. 230 referred to by 
Sewell, Fr. Barradas does not say anything of the kind. Prof. 
Sathyanatha Aiyar, History of theZNayaks, p. 44, relying upon Bar- 
radas's misgiven testimony, supposes that when Nuniz tells us that 
the "page who served the king with betel, had fifteen thousand foot 
and two hundred horse, but he had no elephants'* he is 'dealing with the 
early career of Visvanatha. That may be so; but as far as the ancient 
authorities show, we cannot accept such a statement. Hence we 
are not able to affirm that he was present at the battle of 

2. Taylor, O.H.MSS., II, p. 107, 

3. Ibid., p. 9, 


Visvanatha, he "was honoured on earth as the foremost of 
of great heroes". This is stated on the Kuniyur plates of 
Venkata III 1 . These exploits were the beginning of his 
illustrious career in the South as Viceroy of Vijayanagara and 
founder of the Nayak Dynasty of Madura. The Madurailtala- 
varalaru records three different periods of his viceroyalty 2 . 
According to the Pandyan Chronicle, Visvanatha's rule in 
Madura lasted two years and four months :{ . This must 
be a reference to the first period of his governorship; the 
copyist, after copying at length the first, probably forgot 
the other two, and passed straight to the reign of Visvanatha's 
successor. The other two periods must be counted within 
the length of 26 years assigned to him by the History of the 
Karnataka Governors 4 ; thus the second period will extend 
from his appointment as Viceroy of Madura, after the 
deposition of his father, to the demise of the old Pandya, 
when he took royal rank. The third period will date from 
this, ending with the accession of his son. 

As to the first period of his rule, there is no doubt that 
he was in charge of the government of Madura as early as 
!535- This is borne out by an inscription of this year already 
calling him 'Visvanatha Nayaka' 5 . This inscription at 
Tirupattur, Ramnad, records a gift of the village of Varaguna- 
puttur for the merit of Visvanatha Nayakkar, son of Nagama 
Nayakkar 6 . It seems that there were at Madura at this 
time, the Mavaii Vanada Rayar chieftains, who had been in 
the country from the time of Kumara Kampana 7 . The 
Padmaneri grant of Venkata II, 8 and the Vellangudi plates 

1. Ep. Ind., III, p. 254, v. 49. 

2. Cited by Sathyanatha Aiyar, History of the Nityaks, p. 46. 

3. Pandyan Chronicle, Taylor, o. c., I, p. 38. 

4. Taylor o. c., II, p. 26. 

5. 113 of 1908. Rangachari, History of the Naik Kingdom, Ind. 
Ant., XL! II, p. 218, and S. Krishnaswumi Aiynngar, ,b>wr$, p. 18 put 
also in this year the beginning of Visvanatha's rule. 

6. 113 of 1908. 

7. Of. Rangachari, 1. c., p. 219. 

8. Ep. Ind., XVI, p. 29V, W. 53-59. 


of the same monarch l inform us that Visvanatha defeated 
their head Vanada Rayar, and that this was probably the 
occasion when the newly appointed Viceroy expelled this 
Vanada Rayar from Madura and its surroundings for alleged 
plotting against the Empire. 

We know nothing further of the first viceroyalty of 
Visvanatha in the South, nor of the reason of his removal. 
Probably his removal encouraged the Chola king in his 
ambitious projects against the Pandya. This was the indirect 
cause of the final return of Visvanatha to rule over the Ma- 
dura kingdom ~. 

14. The King of Tanjore was then Vira Sekhara Chola, 
who was entertaining the ambitious project of extending his 
territory and authority. He seized the opportunity of the 
removal of Visvanatha from the city of Madura, to invade the 
Pandya country ; and marching at the head of a formidable 
army against its sovereign, Chandra Sekhara Pandya, defeated 
him, thus establishing his rule over both the Chola and the 
Pandya kingdoms. Having now been deprived of his kingdom 
Chandra Sekhara effected his escape, together with his son, 
and fled to Vijayanagara to inform the Emperor of his 
distress 3 . 

1. Ibid., p. 320. 

2. The fact that it has always been taken for granted, that 
Visvanatha's rule was never interrupted, has created much confusion 
and started many theories to explain his first appointment to the 
viceroyalty and his war against Nagama Nayaka. 

3. The sources of this and the following number are the 
Tanjavuri Andhra Rajula Charilra, S. Krishnaswami Aiyangar 
Sources, p. 319-23; History of the Karnataka Governors, Taylor, O.H. AfSS.. 
II, p. 9-15, and several other documents to which we shall refer in the 
course of our narrative. The Tanjavuri Andhra Rajula Charitra 
mentions Krishna Deva Raya as the Emperor of Vijayanagara at 
the time of this and the following wars, and Prof. Sathyaaatha 
Aiyar follows this opinion inhis History ofthcXaydks^ p. 44-9 ; but I am 
sure that the Emperor was then Achyuta Raya, and iiot merely in 
the beginning of his reign. When tho latter ascended the throne th* 
king of Travancorc bad just entered the Pandya country, taking 
po'saossion of some of its forts and cities. No mention ie then made of 


Achyuta, in great anger, summoned his general Nagama 
Nayaka, and ordered him to muster an army and march to the 
South, to chastise the refractory Chola and to reinstate the 
Pandya on his throne. Accordingly Nagama Nayaka set out 
against Vira Sekhara Chola, and defeated and killed him near 
Tanjore. He then proceeded to Madura and -drove out the 
garrison stationed there by the Chola l . Nagama Nayaka 
then offered the kingdom to the dispossessed Pandya. But 
the old Chandra Sekhara considered himself unable to rule 
over so turbulent a province (for there was not perfect order 
throughout the country, and several villages had not sent 
their revenues regularly to the treasury). So he answered that, 
since he had no legitimate son to succeed him as king, he 
would be content if Nagama Nayaka should rule the kingdom 
and give him an adequate allowance. Nagama closed with the 
Pandya's proposal. But later on, finding the allowance too 

Visvunatha,who must have been in Madura according to the Tanjavuri 
Charitra\ and although it seems possible that Visvanatha was in that 
expedition, some authors think that he did not take part in it at all. 
Cf. p. 117, note 5. Even supposing this, how could Visvanatha 
tolerate the incursions of the Travancore sovereign into the terri- 
tories belonging to his jurisdiction? Moreover, after the execution 
of Vira Sekhara Chola the Tanjore country was annexed to Madura ; 
and Visvanatha was ruling for a time over the Chola and Pandya 
countries till the appointment of Scvvappa as Nayak of Tanjore. 
Nevertheless, if we suppose those events to have occurred in Krishna's 
reign, after the extinction of the Chola dynasty, another Chola 
appears in the reign of Achyuta invading the Madura country. Cf. 
above, No. 11. All these difficulties disappear at once if we suppose 
a mistake on the part of a copyist while writing, or a subsequent 
wrong addition. The other sources do not give the name of the 
emperor. As to the date of these events, it is evident that the war 
of the Chola against the Paiidya took place after the removal of 
Visvanatha , and that was after two years and four months of 
administration ; hence we cannot suppose that the war of the Chola 
wag prior to 1539. Therefore, the appointment of Visvanatha as 
Viceroy of Madura in this second period toolf place at the end of 
Achyuta'* reign. 

1. This conqilcst of Madura is also mentioned by the Supple* 
mettary MSS., Taylor, MSB., I, p. 205. 


meagre, he considered his agreement with Nagama as already 
broken, and again fled to Vijayanagara and informed Achyuta 
that Nagama Nayaka, instead of restoring him to his 
throne, had usurped it himself. The Emperor at once despat 
ched an imperial mandate reprimanding Nagama for his 
conduct, and commanding him to restore the kingdom to the 
Pandya. This order was entrusted to the Pandya himself, 
who was thereupon dismissed. 

In the meanwhile Nagama had established order in the 
South, and brought under subjection many refractory places 
which had not rendered submission to any ruler for a consi- 
derable time. An inscription at Tittagudi, South Arcot, refers 
to a dispute between two factions in that village which had 
lasted for several years, and which had been finally settled by 
the agent of Nagama Nayaka ! . This valiant general, on 
receiving the order, wrote back to his sovereign saying that 
the Pandya, after he was re-installed had, till then, no hope of 
bringing back all the parts of his kingdom under his control 
Specially "five illegitimate sons of his grandfather who had 
taken to themselves the title of Pancha Pandavas, and were 
possessors of Kayattaitur with the neighbourhood, had given 
him great trouble, and would continue to do so if he held 
the kingdom" 2 . Moreover, the Pandya was content to 
wait till the whole province came under subjection, if he 
would receive a pension as a maintenance. This pension had 
already been handed over to him. Nagama added that 
if the kingdom were once more given to the Pandya, the 
Emperor would not be able to collect even the quit-rent 
from the province. Finally Nagama stated that he himself 
had spent, in addition to the money belonging to the 
treasury, a large sum out of his own sources in order to 
re-conquer that country :j . 

1. 6 of 1903. 

2. Genealogy of Ramabhadra Nayaka of Pcriyakulaw, Taylor, 
Catalogue RaisQnnc, III, p. 376. 

3. Gopinatha Eao, Vdlangudi Plates, Ep. Ind., XVI, p. 3p4, says 
that the tradition of Nagama Nay a ka's rebellion cannot be uphold; 
attd Sathyanatha Aiyar, History oftlic Kayaks, p. 50, also tries to defend 


On receiving this despatch Achyuta was thoroughly roused 
to anger, and calling all his counsellors and generals together, 
asked which of them would immediately march against Nagama 
Nayaka and bring back to him that rebel's head. The whole 
assembly heard this demand in silence. Thereupon Visvana- 
tha Nayaka rose up and approaching the Emperor said : 

" If you will give me leave, I will go and bring it 
to you." 

" What," replied the Emperor in great fury, "will you go 
and join your father?" 

But Visvanatha peacefully answered : 

" As I eat your food, your service is my duty, and before 
the service of my master, make light the duty to my father : as 
you command I shall act, and in no other manner." 

Accordingly after extolling Visvanatha's loyalty to his own 
person, the Emperor gave him permission. Visvanatha 
collected an army at once and set out for Madura with his 
own contingent of two thousand horse and six thousand 

15. When he reached the territory of Madura he halted 
in one of the districts; and from thence sent word to his father, 
announcing that at the command of the Emperor he had come 
with a great army to force him to obedience, should he refuse to 
restore the territory to the Pandya. Both the Tanjavuri 
Ctiaritra and the History of the Karnataka Governors here 
describe Visvanatha's father as a real rebel, who waged war 
with his own son and was defeated. We cannot admit this 
story. It stands in evident contradiction with the previous 
conduct of Nagama and with the subsequent events in the 
court of Vijayanagara. This episode is evidently a concoc- 
tion of the poet, thrust into this narrative for dramatic effect. 

him. Really the conduct of Nagama, as related hitherto by the 
TiiHjavuri Andhra Rajttla Charitra, cannot be called rebellion at all ; he 
acted as the most faithful servant of the Emperor. If Achyuta sent 
an army against him, it was due to a temporary access of fury stirred 
by the strange and perhaps criminal accusations of the Pandya. But 
the History of the Karnataka Governor^ describes Nagama as a real 
rebel chief, making partisans among those who camp with htm, 


I am sure that, after receiving his son's letter, Nagama Nayaka 
proceeded to meet him; and that this meeting between father 
and son was the solution of the misunderstanding between 
Achyuta and his general. 

Visvanatha then went to Madura, and by the special 
command of Achyuta, reinstated the Pandya on his ancestral 
throne. The old king was so overcome with joy at this event 
that the Description of the Karnatdka Lords puts in his mouth 
the following words addressed to Visvanatha : 

" Your father once settled the difference between me and 
the Chola by vanquishing him, and now you have overcome 
your father on my behalf and have given me the kingdom ; 
what fair return shall I make you ? As my family is diminish- 
ed, and I have no heir, the Chola after my death will take 
forcible possession of my kingdom. You therefore are my 
adopted son, and to you I wish the kingdom to descend after 
me." i. 

After this he conducted him to the temple of Minakshi, 
where, in the presence of the goddess, he had him invested by 
the Pattar, or chief Brahmin, with the crown, dagger, sceptre, 
seal and fish-umbrella, just as if the goddess herself had deli- 
vered them to him. 2 . 

This ceremony over, Visvanatha, accompanied by his 
father and Chandra Sekhara Pandya, returned to Vijayanagara. 
The Emperor was much pleased with Nagama's submission; 
and when the general related the series of events and the 
whole of his transactions with the Pandya, Achyuta expressed 
his anger at the latter, but was appeased by Visvanatha. Then 
the Pandya himself, in the presence of the Emperor, said that, 
even at that stage, he had no objection to give over his 
kingdom to Visvanatha according to the agreement. 

Some days later the Emperor summoned both the Pandya 
and Visvanatha before him. He asked the Pandya whether, as 
he had no heir to succeed him, he still adhered to the agree- 

1. Accordingly the Tiruppani-malai states that Viivanatha 
saved the Pandya. Cf. Ep. lnd.,XVI, p. 305. 

2. Taylor, O. H. MSS., II* p. 109 ; The Royal Line of the Kama, 
taka Princes* Ibid., p. 117, 


ment by which he gave the kingdom over to Visvanatha. 
Chandra Sekhara Pandya replied that he had absolutely no 
objection to it ; whereupon the Emperor informed Visvanatha 
that he would appoint him the Viceroy of the Pandya 

16. Visvanatha left Vijayanagara for Madura at the head 
of a large army. On reaching the capital of his new 
viceroyalty, he devoted himself earnestly to the task of 
repairing the fort, by building eight gates and seventy-two 
bastions J . He likewise built the fort of Trichinopoly, after 
exchanging this place for Vallam, which was given to the 
newly appointed Nayak of Tanjore. He built in this new 
place a double-walled fort around the city and dug out an 
extensive ditch in front ; then he erected dwelling houses inside 
and caused a teppakulam, or sacred tank, to be dug. He built 
a palace, had the jungle- wood on both sides of the river 
Kaveri cleared away, laid out new fields for tillage, and engaged 
new inhabitants to cultivate them -. He also ordered the 
restoration of the temples of Minakshi and Sundaresvara, 
adding new structures as enlargements to the old temples. 
One of these improvements was to throw down the small 
Pandya fort which surrounded the temple 3 . Instead of this 
he built " an extensive double-walled fort." 

\In these enterprises he was considerably helped by 
riyanatha Mudaliar, his prime minister, of whom we shall 
speak at length further on, and by Kesavappa Nayaka, the 
commander of his forces. 

We cannot say how long the period of this second vice- 
royalty of Visvanatha in Madura lasted ; we may only affirm 

1. Description of the Karnataka Lords, Taylor, O.H.MSS., II, p. 
111. This was really one of the first acts of Visvanatha on his 
arrival at Madura; because from the account of Ramabhadra Nayaka 
of Periyakulam it is evident that he lived for more than twenty 
years after the erection of these bastions. Cf. Taylor, Catalogue 
Raisonne, III, p. 376-8. 

2. History of the Karnataka Governors, Ibid., p. 15-7. 

3. Sewell, I, p. 293, says that " the sanctuary of the great 
temple is attributed to Visvanatha Nayaka", 



that it lasted but a few months. The Tanjavuri Andhra Rajula 
Charitra says expressly that " as the Pandya was very old, he 
lived for only a few months and died. Then Visvanatha be- 
came the sole ruler of the Pandya and Choia kingdoms". The 
other chronicles seem to agree with this statement. Therefore 
it appears probable that when this event took place, Achyuta 
was still reigning in Vijayanagara. 

17. On the demise of Chandra Sekhara Pandya, the 
Emperor summoned Visvanatha to the court in order to 
appoint him King of the Madura country. A durbar was 
probably held on this occasion; and it was then that Achyuta 
solemnly before his court bestowed the Southern Kingdom 
upon Visvanatha : 

" All that country was, as you know," said the Sovereign, 
" under your father's control : and now, as there is no heir to 
the throne, through defect of posterity to the Pandya ; and 
seeing that you, in a public emergency, killed the wild buffalo, 
and by offering it to the Goddess Durga, prevented the 
occurrence of public calamity ; moreover, as you conquered sev- 
eral northern Rajas when they revolted and refused to pay 
tribute, making their countries to become fully our own by 
right of conquest ; and besides when your father disobeyed our 
commands, you considered the right of your sovereign as 
entitled to precedence over those of your father and brought 
him here ; further, as you must remember, when we formerly 
gave you a throne like our own, we promised you also a 
kingdom. And since the Pandya adopted you, as his adopted 
son, giving you the kingdom and the seals, the government 
will be yours. Therefore now be the King of the Madura 
country " l . 

1. Taylor, O.H.MSS., II, p. 13 and 109. 



SUMMARY 1. Idea of the Nayakship of Madura. -2. Erection of 
the Palaiyams. 3. War against the five Pandyas. 4. Officers 
of Visvanatha. 1 His minister Ariyanatha Mudaliyar. 5. Rama 
Itaya Vitthala appointed Viceroy of the South. His campaign of 
1544 against Travancore. 6. St. Francis Xavier stops the Telugu 
army. 7. Consequent friendship between St. Xavier and the 
Travancore ruler. 8. Peace between Travancore and Vijaya- 
nagara. 9. First expedition of Vitthala to the Fishery Coast. 
10. Vitthala's Viceroyalty in the Souta. Relations with Visva- 
natha Nayaka. 11. Campaign of 1549 against Coromandel. 
Murder of Fr. Criminal!*. 12. Campaigns of 1551 and 1552. 13. 
A combined attack with the Muhammadans of Calicut against 
Punney Kayal in 1553. 14. Conflict of Travancore and Vijaya- 
nagara on the Fishery Coast. 15. End of Vitthala's Viceroyalty 
A criticism of it. 16. An expedition of Visvanatha against 
Punney Kayal in 1560. 17. Accession of Krishnappa Nayaka I 
and death of Visvanatha. A criticism of his reign. His rela- 
tions with the Empire. 18. Krishna ppa's wars against Turn- 
bichchi Nayaka and the King of Kandi. 

CONTEMPORARY SOURCES 1. Hindu inscriptions and grants. 2. Tay- 
lor's Telugu Manuscripts, Singliala dvipa ditha. 3. Letters of St. 
Francis Xavier, Select ae Indicarum Epistolac. 4. Proccssus dc 
Sunctitatc ct Virtutc S. Francisci Xavet //, Chronicon Societatis Jcsu, 5, 
Sousa, Oricntc Conquistado ; Bartoli, L' Asia ; Du Jarric, Tliesarus ; 
Guzman, Historia de las Misioncs ; Tursellini, DC Vita Sti. Francisci 
Xaverii ; Maffei, Historianun Indicantm Libri jtVL 6. Couto, 
Faria y Sousa. 

THE foundation of the Nayak kingdom of Madura was 
laid by the Emperor Achyuta Raya of Vijayanagara towards 
the end of his reign, when Visvanatl% Nayak had become " the 
master of the kingdom of Madura", as the Vellangudi plates of 
Venkata II read l . Accordingly his full title was to be in time 

1. Ep. /</., XVI, p. 320. I do not know why the date 1558-9 is 
assigned for tho foundation of the Nayak or somi -independent rule 
in Madura. This theory invented by Nelson, The Madura Manual, 


to come "Maharaja Mahnie Raja Sri Visvanatha Naayane 
Ayelugaru". The Krishnapuram plates of Sadasiva inform us 
that his Queen was named Nagama l . His kingdom extended 
from Urrattur and Valikondapuram in the North to Cape 
Comorin in the South, and from Coimbatore, Erode and Dhara- 
puram in the West to Remeswaram and the sea in the East 2 . 

It has been asserted that " the Nayak regime developed 
first into a governorship which become hereditary, and then 
into what was practically a hereditary monarchy " :{ . This is 
incorrect. Visvanatha was, after Chandra Sekhara Pandya's 
death, appointed by Achyuta real King of Madura, subject to 
the empire. This subjection practically consisted only in the 
payment of an annual tribute of 30 to 45 laks of rupees 4 . The 
Pandya King himself had nominated him his successor, as he 
had no legitimate offspring ; and Visvanatha himself wanted to 
be considered as the rightful successor of the Pandyas. One of 
his coins, in the Bangalore Museum, shows on the obverse a 
sceptre between two fishes, the racial sign of the Pandyas, and 
above them the Tamil legend, Pandiyan ; on the reverse it bears 
the name Visvanatha, in Tamil-Granlha characters. 5 . 

2. One of the first acts of Visvanatha after taking posses- 
sion of his new kingdom was to divide it into Palaiyams or 
counties, for the better administration of the country and to 
repay the faithful services of many of his officers who had help- 

p. 87, and followed by Scwell and his successors, is perhaps concocted 
to explain the appointment of Vitthala as Viceroy in the South in 
1543-4. When the time of his governorship was over, then, they sup- 
pose, Visvanatha's rule began. But the above mentioned chronicles 
say that the Pandya died a few months after Visvanatha's expedition 
against his father, and that Visvanatha was then appointed king. To 
my mind the foundation of the Nayakship dates from the last year 
of Achyuta Raya. 

1. Ep. fnd., LX, p. 341, y^ 46-57. 

2. Mrtyunjaya MSS., T^lor, OM.MSS., II, p. 117. 

3. Ep. Ind. y XVI, p. 90. 

4. From Fr. A. Vico to Fr. A. Laor&io, Madura, August 30,1611 
Bertrand, La Mission dc Madurc, IT, p. 124. 

5. Hultzsch, South Indian Copper Coins, Ind. Ant., XXI, p. 325 
No. 16. 


ed him in his former campaigns. There is no doubt that this 
was one of the first deeds of Visvanatha after his accession to 
the throne ; because the History of the Karnataka Governors re- 
cords that the reign of Visvanatha lasted twenty-six years after 
this settlement *. The towns and the villages belonging to each 
of these Palaiyams were specified from the beginning, in order 
to avoid quarrels among their petty lords. These Palaiyams 
were held in military tenure, and the Palaiyakaran, or Polegar 
as he was afterwards called, was responsible for the defence of 
each of the seventy-two bastions of the Madura fort : the very 
title of Palaiyakaran shows the basis which the power of these 
chieftains rested upon, because it means 'a holder of an armed 
camp'. The Palaiyakarans were theoretically at the disposal ot 
their sovereign 2 . 

Prof. Sathyanatha Aiyar seems to question the number of 
Palaiyams created by Visvanatha n ; but the said History cate- 
gorically states that Visvanatha * 4 divided the whole of the 
countries acquired into seventy -two Palaiyams". 

Again the same History shortly after : " In case of attack 
or siege, these seventy-two Palaiyakkarans were each one to 
have charge of a particular bastion with a connected portion of 
the wail, and to defend the same with his retainers against all 
assaults 1 ' 4 . One of the Mackenzie MSS., translated and pub- 
lished by Taylor, gives a List of the seventy-two Palaiyams ap- 
pointed to guard the bastions of the Pandyan Capital, as they were 
in the time of Tirumala Nayaka. They are divided into nine 
sections, of which the first contains the kingdom of Malayalam 
(Travancore), and the principalities of Ramnad, Sivaganga and 
Pudukkottai. " These three last," says the list," are like adopt- 
ed children of the Madura government". Then the second 
section, without heading, contains the Palaiyams of Ayalur- 
Naiaar, Tura,jyur-Rettiyar,' l lluiipiir, 'Kulattur, and Kattalur ; 
and thus, successively, the third section numbcfs* eight counties 
attached to the Manapadu Taluk ; the fourth gives the names of 

1. Taylor, O.H.MSS., II, p. 21. 

2. Ibid. 

3. Sathyanatha Aiyar, History of the Naynks t p. 58. 

4. Taylor, U. 


fourteen attached to the Dindigul Taluq ; the fifth has thirty 
nine, the rulers of which were called Kamban Gudalur Rajas ; 
the sixth contains one attached to Koyambutur ; then in the 
seventh come two Paiaiyams attached to the Salem District ; 
and finally two more, the Mannimai Palaiyam and the Raja 
Palaiyam, each forming a separate section by itself J . 

Although the system was not completely new, in asmuch 
as we find some Palaiyakarans in the southern country before 
the enthronement of Visvanatha-; nevertheless to him was 
due its institution as a permanent and efficient body for the ad- 
ministration of the country and for the defence of the capital, 
to which they had to pay their tribute annually Moreover, the 
fact that Tamil and Telugu chiefs were indiscriminately ap- 
pointed Palaiyakarans, was supposed to foster the necessary 
union for establishing a lasting peace between both the sub- 
jects and their foreign rulers. This was by far the most impor- 
tant political event of the time, in spite of the fact that it 
fomented ambitions in these petty chiefs and weakened the 
royal authority of Madura, of which they were too indepen- 
dent from the very beginning. Had they been more system- 
atically attached to, and dependent on, the central power, 
Madura might have been saved from many of the troubles 
caused by the Palaiyakarans. 

3. The first of these troubles came soon after. In the coun- 
try lying to the south there were five kings who had been 
tributaries to the Pandya. These now joined together and 
refused to pay tribute to the new foreign ruler at Madura. The 
History of the Karnataka Governors* does not say who these 
five kings were. The Mrtyunjaya MSS. call them merely "five 
independent princes of the South, who acknowledged no earthly 
superior" 4 . But according to the Genealogical Narrtaivc of the 
House of Appiya Nayak, the Palaiyakaran of Kannivady, (one 
of the MSS. of the Mackenzie Collection), they were collateral 

1. Taylor, o.c., II, p. 161-3. 

2. Cf. ch. VI, No. 9. 

3. Taylor, o. o., II, p. 17, 

4. Ibid, p. 111. 


descendants of the ancient Pandya race l . Who, then, were 
these five collateral descendants of the Pandya family? Mr. 
Rangachari seems inclined to believe that this uprising 
was headed by the Pandya of Tenkasi himself, Tirunelveli 
Kulasekhara Perumal 2 ; the other four Pandyas being 
four of his close relatives, who perhaps shared with him 
the honor of royalty :{ . But it seems to us more 
probable that the chief of this rebellion was the brother 
and predecessor of Tirunelveli Kulasekhara Perumal, named 
Perumal Parakrama Pandyadeva, alias Kulasekharadeva. He 
was crowned in Tenkasi in 1543, and his Singottai inscription 
of three years later calls him " the unrivalled hero of the world, 
the light of the Chaiidra-kula, the lord of the three worlds" 4 . 
These titles, so unusual in the inscription of the Pandyas of 
those days, do certainly bespeak a man who refused to acknow- 
ledge any earthly superior. In this case, the rebellion of 
Perumal Parakrama Pandyadeva with his four partners in the 
throne took place after the year 1546 ; and if we suppose that he 
was the Pandya finally killed by Visvanatha, we must place 
the war at about 1552, since his successor was crowned in 1553. 
On receiving the news of this revolt, Visvanatha sent his 
prime minister against the five Pandyas ; but this officer 'was 
not strong enough to meet them', says the History of the Kar- 

1. Ibid., p. 168. Subramania Sarma, Short Histor\ of the Panyya 
Kingdom, p. 9, says that they wore sons of Chandra Sekbara Pandya 
and Kamestri. 

2. Rangachari, History of the Ntiik Kingdom, Ind Ant., XLIV, p. 

3. It seems that there were five Pandyas actually ruling 
together from the most ancient times. The Mahavanso, ch 82, v. 23 
speaks of the five fierce Tamil tyrants routed in open battle by 
Vatta Gamani of Ceylon in about 200 B. C. Of. The Miihavanso 
(Translation of L. C. Wijesinha), p. 229 ; Diwan Bahadur L, D. Swami- 
kannu Pillai, New Dates on Pandya Kings, Ind. Ant., XLII, p. 166. 
According to the last Pandya ruler of Madura all the Pandyas of 
Tenkasi were illegitimate descendants of the former Pandyas. Cf. 
Tanjavuri Andhra Rajnla Charitni, S. Krisbnaswami Aiyangar, Sources , 
p. 322. 

4 t r. A, S. I, p. 104, 


natdka Governors l . The Pandyas were in the fortified town 
of Kayatattur, and for some time successfully resisted the 
Madura army. Ariyanatha and the Pal'aiyakarans who were 
with him were defeated, and " they actually retreated in dis- 
grace to Madura " -. Visvanatha himself then went in person 
with the rest of the army to meet those insurgents. The war 
was carried on for the space of six months, but the five Pandyas 
could not be reduced : "a great many men on both sides fell ", 
says the History of the Karnataka Governors, " and the 
lamentations of the families of the deceased, alike in the camp 
and the country around, being heard by Visvanatha Naicker, 
he reflected within himself how many families were absorbed in 
grief merely that he, a single person, might enjoy undisturbed 
prosperity; and, in consequence, wrote a letter to tho five 
opponents, which he sent by a herald; of which letter the 
contents were the following: 

'You are five persons, and I am one : for our sakes so much 
grief and lamentation is, caused. Let it not be thus; but, with- 
drawing the two armies and restraining all attacks, let a stone 
pillar be erected midway between both armies, and an agreement 
be written and placed in it; then advance and meet me alone 
in personal encounter; if I conquer you, than you must depart 
with nothing more than the garments you wear ; relinquishing 
your countries with all treasure and appurtenances to me; and 
if I am conquered, than I give up to you, in like manner, my 
country and all my possesions. Let a solemn vow to this effect 
be made, and let the agreement be recorded in a copper-plate 
and placed on the stone pillar; after which we will engage in 
combat at its foot and decide the question between us". 

The reply of the five Pandyas was as follows: 

"For you 1 , being one, to meet us five together, would 
not be equitable ; but one from among us will come, and do 
you come and meet him ". 

The valiant Visvanatha did not want to be defeated by the 
chivalry of his five opponents; accordingly the Madura 
Sovereign answered to this effect : 

1. Taylor, O. H. AfSS., II, p. 17. 
3. Genealogical Narrative of Appiya Nayak, Ibid., p. 108, 


" You, being five persons, are at the head of five countries, 
which I, being one person, have come in order to subjugate to 
myself alone ; and therefore it is quitefright that all five of you 
should meet me at once/' 

" They however would not consent ", adds the said History, 
" but selecting the bravest of their number, clothed him in body 
armour, and mounting him on horseback, being duly furnished 
with a sword, they conducted him to the appointed arena of 

The fight did not last long. When both Visvanatha and 
the Pandya champion were ready, the former invited the Pandya 

"Do you strike first". 

The Pandya did so, but Visvanatha parried the blow with 
his sword. The Pandya then bade Visvanatha strike, but the 
Madura ruler declined, and three times bade the other strike. 
The Pandya champion did so. Then Visvanatha Nayaka, 
addressing his rival, said : 

"Now, for the rest, take good care" 

And he "struck the king, cutting him into two pieces, 
falling to the ground", says the History. 

The victory of Visvanatha over the Pandyas was 
decisive 1 . The four kings gave their countries to the 
Madura Sovereign, according to the agreement, "and departed 
as emigrants, or solitary wanderers into other lands" 2 As a 
matter of fact, we hear no more about the institution of the 
Five Pandyas as in former times ; so we may suppose that the 
victory of Visvanatha marked the en 'I of it. Nevertheless, 
the appointment of a member of the Pandya family as 
subordinate king in Tinnevelly, was politically the best means 

1. It is very strange that Wheeler, History of India, IV, pt. III. 
p. 574, in the Hindu Annals compiled f torn the Mackenzie Manuscripts, after 
saying that Visvanatha defeated and slew his Pandya opponent, 
states : "After this Visvanatha died upon the field of battle, and a 
monument was built to his memory 1 *. It cannot but be a misunder- 
standing of the text, because the Mityunjaya MSS. state likewise that 
Visvanatha "conquered the five independent Princes of the South, 
who acknowledged r.o earthly superior". Taylor, O. H. AfSS., II, p. 

2. Taylor, o.c., p. 17-21. 



to establish union between Tamilians and Telugus; and 
accordingly we find several Pandyas ruling at Tenkasi after 
this event. It was probably then that Tirunelveli Kulasekhara 
Perumal, the younger brother of Perumal Parakrama Pandya- 
deva, was crowned in 1553 "in the presence of the lord of the 
Universe at Tenkasi" ] . He took on this occasion the title of 
Vira-vei, a title suggestive of a subordinate rank 2 , probably to 
the king of Madura. His son Ativirarama Pandya Alagan, 
who is mentioned together with Visvanatha in an inscription 
of 1558 3 , also took on his coronation day, in about 1564, the 
name of Sivala-vel, 4 which has the same connotation. In their 
incriptions there are no boasts like those of Perumal Parakrama 
Pandyadeva, whose defeat had been a good lesson for the 
Pandyas. Neither Vira-vei nor Sivala-vel thought any more 
of rebellion and war, but devoted themselves to poetry and 
literature. The former, according to the inscription of his 
coronation, "feeling that flower garlands would all fade away, 
put on a garland of verses in the venba metre sung in praise of 
him by the poets" 5 . Was this not a fruit of the experience of 
his brother Perumal Parakrama, whose glory and pride faded 
suddenly before the sword of Visvanatha Nayaka ? 

4. In these and other affairs of administration Visvanatha 
was aided, no doubt, by the agents he had throughout his 
dominions. According to an inscription of 1550, one of these 
agents, named Uddandar, remitted certain taxes due to the king, 
for offering cakes daily to the God for the merit of Visvanatha 6 . 
According to another inscription at Kiranur (Madura) 
Kalahastiyappa Mudaliyar, Visvanatha's minister, granted the 
village of Kondarinji Karanur as a free gift to the Brahmins 7 . 
In the genealogy of Ramabhadra Nayaka of Periyakulam, 
this chief is said to have exercised the office of fouzdar, or 

1. Tenkasi inscription of his coronation, T.A. 5., I, p. 105. 

2. Ibid., and p. 57. 

3. 273 of 1908. 

4. Tenkasi inscription of his coronation, Ibid M p. 100. 

5. T. A. S., 1, 105. 

6. 609 of 1916, 


military chief and collector of revenue, during the time of 
Visvanatha J . 

His son, Krishnappa Nayaka, was also a great help to 
Visvanatha in the government of his state. He is often mention- 
ed in the inscriptions of his father's reign. This fact proves the 
importance and influence of the Crown Prince at the court of 
Madura. According to an inscription of 1546, in the kitchen of 
the Bripadamba temple at Devikapuram, North Arcot, Surappa 
Nayaka made a gift of ghee to the temple for Krishnappa's 
merit 2 ; in 1550 the latter is mentioned along with Chinna 
Bomma Nayaka 3 ; in 1553 he granted a piece of land for 
worship and for repairs in the Tyagarajasvamin temple at 
Ambasamudram, Tinneveliy 4 ; in 1555, his agent Ekambara 
Mudaliyar granted another piece of land for a flower garden of 
a temple 5 ; and two gifts of land made by him in 1562 to some 
temple are also recorded 6 . 

But the most efficient of his officers was his Dalavay and 
Pradhani, Ariyanatha Mudaliyar, " his second in power", 
according to the Mrtyunjaya MSS 7 . His Biographical 
Notice, translated by Taylor, is full of marvellous accounts, 
but contains nevertheless several facts that appear his- 
torical. He came from the Kanjivaram district, accord- 
ing to the Royal Line of the Karnataka Princes 8 , and 
was presented to the Emperor at Vijayanagara by Nagama 
Nayaka; later on, he aided Visvanatha in his campaign against 
his father 11 . The importance of Ariyanatha in Madura was so 
^rcat, that an inscription of 1560 records the grant of twelve 
villages by Visvanatha, "the pious son of Kotyam Nagama 
Nayadu" and '* Mandaraputtaneri Ariya Nayaka Mudaliyar" 10 . 

1. Raiigacharya, II, p. 1023, 265-E. 

2. 391 of 191 2. 

3. 417 of 1995. 

4. 497 of 1916. 

5. 530 of 1916. 

6. 121 of 1894 ; 494 of 1916. 

7. Taylor, O. //. MSS., II, p. 111. 

8. Ibid,, p. 117. 

9. Biographical Notice, Taylor, o. o., IJ4 
Karnataka Lords, Ibid., p. 117. 

10. Sewcll, II, p. 2, 10. 


5* In the meanwhile several events had taken place in 
the South. In the West, the king of Travancore had withheld 
the tribute due to Vijayanagara; and in the East the Portuguese, 
who had taken possession of the Fishery Coast to protect the 
Paravas, were becoming more and more firmly established. 
Visvanatha, in the first years of his reign, was engaged in the two- 
fold task of regulating the administration of his kingdom and 
subduing the rebellious chiefs of his dominions in the South. 
Hence he was unable to meet those new emergencies. In 
these circumstances Rama Raya thought it reasonable to send 
an army from the imperial court under a valiant general to 
defenc^ie interests of the Empire, which were then at stake. 
Such was the origin and the purpose of the expedition of Rama 
Raya Vitthala to the South *. 

It was formerly supposed that Vitthala was the son of the 
Regent Rama Raya himself 2 ; but it has been proved that he 
was only his cousin 3 , and the son of Ramaraja Timmaya 4 . 
It seems that before his appointment in the South, he had held 
in Penukonda some kind of authority over that fort and city, in 
view of the fact that he remitted certain taxes there 5 . He 
was also, according to Mr. Rangacharya, the one who exempted 
the barbers from taxes in Namala Dinnah, Cuddapah 6 ; but in 
the year 1543 he was appointed generalissimo of the army of 
Vijayanagara to conduct a great expedition to the South, 

1. Mr. Rangachari, Ind. Ant., XLIII, p. 231, supposes another inroad 
of the Travancore king into the Pandya territory ; but he does not 
notice that the inscription he points out as a proof of his statement 
is dated 1546 and Vitthala 's expedition had taken place two years 
before. Dr. 8. Krishnaswami Aiyangar, Sources, p. 17, states also 
that the Travancore sovereign " had established himself so far suc- 
cessfully in the South that he held Kayal on the Fishery Coast in his 
possession and appointed a Viceroy' 1 , but he does not prove his 
statement. I think sufficient reason for such an expedition the fact 
that the tribute was not paid by Travancore. 

2. Cf. for instance Nagam Aiya, The Travancore State, I, p. 229. 

3. M.E.R., igily p. 86 ; 79/2, p. '82. 

4. 250 of 1910. 

5. 346 of 1901. 

6. Rangacharya, I, p. 601, 322. 


having for its object a firm establishment of the authority of the 
Empire in its most distant corners l . 

The first country that Vitthaia invaded was Travancore. 
Its king was :hen Bhutala Vira Sri Vira Kerala Varma, alias 
Unni Kerala Varma, who had ascended the masnad a little 
earlier 2 . Visvanatha Nayaka offered Vitthaia every facility 
for carrying jut his enterprise, possibly gave him some detach- 
ments of hi i own army, and most probably himself joined 
the Vijayanagara troops; because it is recorded in the 
Tamil chronicles that Visvanatha subdued some chiefs of 
Travancore and levied tribute from them in the name 
of the Emperor of Vijayanagara :{ . Fr. Bartoli and Fr. Sousa 
also msntioi the Madura Nayak at the head of this expedi- 
tion 4 . Kris inappa, his son, was most likely in the expedi- 
tion too; si ace he is described in the Krishnapuram plates 
of Sadasiva as a man "who by his valour deprived the 
insolent kin*, of the Tiruvadirajya (Travancore) of the seven 
parts of his dngdom" 5 . With Vitthaia also went to Travan- 
core Prince Chinna Timma, his brother , spoken of in the 
Yadavabhyucaya Vyakhya, as having planted a pillar of victory 
in token oi his conquests in Travancore, near the moun- 

1. 146 01 1896 ; M.E.R., 1899-1900, para 78. Cf. Sewell, II, 
p. 224. 

2 Cf. S. Paramesvara Aiyar, Travancore and Vijayanagar,C.C.M t , 
XXII, p. 188 ; Nagam Aiya, The Travancore State, I, p. 297. St. Xavier 
in his letters alls him Iniquitribirim (M.H.S.J., Mon. Xav., I, p. 314,337, 
339, 343, 344, >45 and 349), a name that clearly sounds like a corrup. 
tion of Unni erala Varma. Mackenzie, Christianity in Travancore 
p. 64, says In quitribirim " stands for Enakku Tamburan, meaning 
Our Prince. Phis is vulgar Tamil ; but from the words of the Lord's 
Prayer in Tamil, which Francis gives in one of his letters, it appears 
that Francis ;poke the vulgar Tamil of his fisher converts on the 
coast; and thi y, in their rude speech, would call the Maharaja Enakku 

3. 17 of 1912. Cf. Nagam Aiya, o. c,, p. 316. 

4. Bartcii, DclV Istoria ddla Compagnia di Gcsu, LAsia, I, p. 128 ; 
Souaa, Oricntc Conquistado, I, p. 142. 

5. Ep. It <*., IX, p. 341, w. 46.57. 

6. 250 of 1910. 


tains of Malaya (Malabar) *. He had been, it seems, governor 
of Chandragiri -. An inscription of Sadasiva of 1542, at 
Tindivanam, records the gift of a village for the merit of the 
Mahamandalesvara Ramaraja Chinna Timmayyadeva Maha- 
raya 3 . Another inscription at Narasingapuram, Chingleput 
District, refers to a remission of taxes by a certain Sa ikara 
Nayaka Linganayaka, in 1545, for the merit of Chinna Timma- 
yadeva Maharaja 4 ; this was done during the governorship 
of his brother over the South. Sadasiva Nayak of Keladi was 
likewise probably in this expedition ; in the Sivatattvaratnakara 
he is said to have defeated the Keralas or people of the Mala- 
yalam country and to have planted a pillar of victory o.i the 
spot 5 . An inscription of Tiruvidaimarudur also mentions a 
Brahmin of this place named Tiruchchrrambala Bhattan, who 
"joined Vitthala's army and continued to fight on his side from 
Anantasayanam in the South to Mudugal (Mudgal) in the 
North." After the war he was rewarded with two villages G . 

After halting with his army at Madura, Vitthala set out 
for Travancore in the beginning of July accompanied by all 
these chiefs. Nagam Aiya says that St. Francis Xavier in one 
of his letters states that the army of Vitthala entered the 
territory of Travancore through the Aramboly (Aruvaymoli) 
pass 7 . I could not find this letter in the critical edition of 
that missionary's letters. This, however, seems to b^ the 
actual tradition in Travancore, that through that pass the army 
of Vitthala invaded the country. Fr. Sousa only says thai they 
came down through the mountains in the neighbourhood of 
Cape Comorin, that divide Travancore from the Coromandel 
Coast 8 . 

1. Rangaeharya, J, p. 402, 717. 

2. 33 of 1905. Other records of Prince Chinua Timma will be 
found in Bangacharya, II, p. 915, 60 ad 70 ; p 976, 608. 

3. 250 of 1910. 

4. S. Krishnaswami Aiyangar, Sources, p. 210. 

5. Ibid., p. 195. 

6. ^140 of 1895. 

7. Nagam Aiya, o. c., p. 297. 

8. Scfuza, o. c., p. 142. Fr. J. Mahc, S.J., Superior of St. Mary's 
High School, Madura, writes to me as follows: "1 think Fr. Sou za means 


6. When news of this inroad reached Travancore, all the 
people grew extremely frightened, and a great number of the 
inhabitants of the villages of the South emigrated northwards 
carr> ing with them all their belongings. " I went via the Cape 
by land to visit these miserable Christians, who were coming, 
persecuted and plundered by the Badagas", says St. Francis 
Xavier, an eye-witness of these events ; "it was indeed pitiful to 
see them ; some had nothing to eat ; others had become blind on 
account of their age and hardships ; many were married men, 
and their wives brought forth their children while en route, and 
there were many other pitiful things ; had you seen them 
you would, I am sure, have pitied them even more than my- 
self. I ordered the poor people to assemble at Manapar 
(Manapadu)" 1 . 

Unni Kerala Varma collected an army from all his 
dominions and was ready to encounter his enemies. When they 
were approaching the capital he was made aware of the fact 
that the Telugu army was not only more numerous but also 
more formidable than his own, on account of their cavalry and 
equipment. According to Fr. Sousa, the Brahmin Chronicles 
of Travancore relate that the King at this juncture called 
Xavior to where he was and asked him for help, since the inde- 
pendence of his kingdom was at stake. Perhaps the Sovereign 
expected to make an alliance with the Portuguese through the 
influence of St. Francis ; but the holy missionary, who was 
engaged only in spiritual affairs, answered that the only help he 
was able to offer him were his prayers, since he was a 
missionary and not a soldier. No doubt, Xavier fulfilled his 
promise. 2 . 

that same pass in the passage (of Nagam Aiya) you refer to. That is 
the only way to Travancore on that side, with the way round by 
Cape Comorin. Across the hills of Papanasam, near Ambasamudram, 
there is a way which was probably in good use formerly, fop there is 
there an old fort on the top of a high hill very visible from our property 
close by." This was likely the way followed by the army of Vitthala 
on this occasion. Cf. Ramanatha Ayyar, The Aruvavtnoli Pass or the 
Open Gateway of Travancore J. I. //., IV. p. 19-20. 

1. From Xavier to Mansilhas, Manapar, August 1st, 1544, 
M.R.SJ., Mon. Xav., J, p. 330. 

8. Souza, o. c., p. 142-3, 


In the meanwhile, Vitthala's army was advancing trium- 
phantly through the Travancore country, and before it the 
panic-stricken villagers abandoned their homes to seek refuge 
in the forests. But when the army was only two leagues North 
of the village of Kottar \ the vanguard stopped suddenly, 
unable to take another step further. The officers who were in 
the rear ordered the soldiers to march on, and ther they learnt 
the reason of that sudden halt. " A tall majestic man dressed 
in black appeared in front of us", they said, " who reprimanded 
us and ordered us to retire at once" 2 . The oificers of the 
army, and among them perhaps Visvanatha and Vitthala 
themselves, could realize then that the fact was true; for Xavier 
was still standing in front of the army, in gigan.ic form and 
dignified countenance, 3 barring the way to the capital. Such 
an order the valiant commander could not disobey, and accor- 
dingly the troops were ordered to retreat. Thus wns Travancore 
saved from the invasion of the Vijayanagara arm) through the 
prayers and at the request of St. Francis Xavier 4 . 

1. Kottar, known to Ptolomy under the name of Kottiare 
Metropolis, and a town of importance in the Chola per od, is a suburb 
of Nagircoil at present. Fr. P. Martin in a letter to Fr. Le Gobi en, 
dated Camia Naicken Patty, June 1,1700, records the tradition of fifty 
six years later that pointed out Eotate (Kottar) as tbs place where 
this event took place. Bertrand, La Mission de Madurc, III, p. 18. 

2. These words are taken from the eldest testirionies of note 
4, infra. Du Jarric, Thesaurus^ I, p. 148, who relates the fact (as also 
does Fr. Souza), puts in the mouth of Xavier a short in/ective against 
the troops, which sounds more like one of the speeches of L ivy's heroes 
than words of the sainted missionary. 

3. These details are given by Souza, o. c., p. 143. 

4. This fact, however extraordinary, cannot be denied by 
critical and impartial history. True, St. Xavier himself does not say a 
word of it ; but this is his way in all his letters never to mention 
a case which may be interpreted as a miracle or as something mar- 
vellous. But the authorities on whom our narration is based are too 
numerous and too weighty not to be admitted by impartial historians. 
We will enumerate them here : 

A. Processus de sanct(itate) et Virtu(e) S. Franchci Xaverii Paite 
Prim(a) e second(a). Manuscript in the Archives of the Society of 


7. Tt seems that when Unni Kerala Varma was informed 
by eye-witnesses of the retreat of the Vijayanagara troops at 
the command of Xavier, he had already set out from his capital 
Kalkulam, five leagues West of Kottar, and was ready with his 
army to meet the enemy at any moment. When subsequently 
the missionary reached the royal camp, the King himself 
proceeded to receive him and embraced him most affection a- 
trly ; and after having thanked him, addressed him as 
follows : 

" They call mo the Great King (Maharaja), but hereafter 
they will always call you the Great Father. " 

Jesus. This volnmo in folio contains the processes made in India on 
the life and miracles of Xavier for his beatification and canoniza- 
tion. The first part of the volume deals with processes made at 
Goa, Cochin, Bassein and Malaca, in 1556 i,nd 1557, at the request of 
the King of Portugal Joao III, by the local ecclesiastical authorities. 
In the process of Cochin the witness, Francisco Mansilhas, a Lay 
BrotV-r of tht Society of Jesus, who had worked with Xavier both on 
the Ooromandoi Coast and in Travancore, gave evidence of the fact as 
narrated above. Considering that the process was held only twelve 
years aft^r the event, his statement is of exceptional value. The 
same is declared by Thomas de Gouvea in the second part of the 
volume, which is a summary of the processes of Cochin, Tuticorin 
and Kalkulam made in 1616 and 1637. 

H. Souza, Orients Conquistado, I, p. 142-3. The authority of this 
work has already been declared. See Bibliographical Introduction. 

C. Du Jarric, Thesaurus Rcrum Indicanun, I, ]>. 148. See Biblio- 
graph u 'a I Inlroduct to n . 

D. Guxman, Historia dc las Misioncs, p. 31. See Bibliographical 
Intro inction. Fr. Guzman gives a concise narration of the fact, but 
suggests that the invading army was of Moors (Muhammadans). 

F. Bohours, The Life of St. Francis Xavier, p. 145-8. 

G. Bartoli, />//' Istoria della Campagnia di Gesu, L Asia, I, p. 128. 
See Bibliographical Introduction. 

H. Tursellini, DC Vita S. Franc isci Xavcrii, 1. II, c. XI, p. 109. 
This is one of the earliest Jesuit authors, who wrote towards the end 
of the 16th century ; the first edition was published in 1594 ; his work 
is a compilation of the early traditions of the Society. 

I. Lucena, Historia da vida do Padre Francisco de Xavier^ II, 17. 
It also represents the early tradition of the Society of Jesus ; its 
first edition appeared in 1600. 


Accordingly, the King issued a proclamation throughout 
his kingdom commanding all his subjects to give that title to 
the Father in the future, and also to obey him as if he were 

J. Acosta, Renim c Societatc Jestt DC rebus Indicts Commentarius , 
p. 7. 

K. Maffei, Vita dc S. Francisco Xave/io, 1. II, c. 2. Several other 
modern authors have admitted this fact: 
L. Brou, Saint Francois Xavier, I, p. 256. 

M. Coleridge, The Life and Letters of St. Francis Xavier, I, p. 214. 
N. Mackenzie, Christianity in Travancore. p. 64, regards this fact 
as a story : "The story that Francis Xavier went to meet the Madura 
troops, crucifix in band, and that they retired before him, is told in 
Oriente Conquistado, I, p. 143 ". Neither in Oriente Conquistado, uor in 
any other of the above mentioned authorities mention is made of the 
crucifix in Xavier's band. This is an invention of Mackenzie. 

O. Nagam Aiya, The Trava ncore Slate, J,p. 298, says as follows: 
"The Raja of Travancore was indebted to Xavier for deliverance 
from danger; a panic having, it is said, boon produced in the ranks 
of the Badagas by the sudden appearance of Xavier in front of their 
bost, crucifix in band ; and thus the Badagas failed in their attempt 
to conquer Travancore.." The detail of the crucifix must have been 
taken from Mackenzie. The fact that no battle is mentioned in 
the Hindu inscriptions and poems between the forces of Vitthala and 
the Travancore army confirms also the extraordinary event narrated 
above. It was a war without a formal battle. 

P. D'Orsey, Portuguese Discoveries, p. 130. The author, though an 
Anglican clergyman, says: U A band of mountaineers had poured down 
upon the plains of Travancore, and were plundering the possessions. 
The Rajah's force inferior in number, went out to meet tbe invaders; 
but Xavier resolved, if possible, to save their lives by being himself 
their cbampion. Raising the crucifix aloft, he rushed forward to meet 
tbe advancing foe and exclaimed in a voice of thunder: "I forbid you 
in the name of the living God, to pass further. Return to your 
homes, and leave the land in peace." Astounded by this apparition 
the superstitious multitute broke and fled. We give this story as it is 
recorded. Though improbable it is not impossible; and there must 
be some foundation for it, as the Rajah, grateful for this heroic deed 
did all in bis power to further tbe interests of Xavier and his 


Q. Astrain, Historia de la Campania de Jesus en la Asistcncia de 
Espana, I, p, 469-70. See Bibliographical Introduction, 


the person of the King himself 1 . Xavier does not mention 
these honours given by the Maharaja. But the extraordinary 
friendship between Unni Kerala Varma and Xavier which can 
be gathered from his letters abundantly proclaims the King's 

At the end of August, news was spread thai a Portuguese 
had captured a servant of th^ King and brought him over to 
Tuticorin. Xavier in his letter to Mansiihas dated September 2nd, 
1544, evinces his interest in ascertaining the truth of this fact, 
on account of his friendship with the King, who had just then 
kindly entertained another Jesuit Missionary, Fr. Francisco 
Coelho : and then he adds: "For God's sako write to the Captain 
(of Tuticorin) on behalf of myself, saying that ] beg him most 
earnestly not to order nor permit, in any way that any injury 
be done to the Hindus who belong to the kingdom of the Great 
King, since they arc such great friends of ours " <J . di the /th 
of the same month he wrote again to Mansiihas : "(Fr. Coelho) 
wrote to me besides that Iniquitrib.jriin was sending me an oil a 
through three or four of his servants, who being somewhat fati- 
gued, were taking some rest in Manapar; and that by these alias 
he requested me to go there to meet him, since he wishes to speak 
with me on certain poiats ol'groai interest to him. Something 
else is written to me by Iniqintriberim, viz. that the Christians 
residing within his kingdom arc quite safe, and he will always 

R. S Paramoswara Aiyar, I. c., p. IM. 

S. Mr. S. A. tlamanantha Ayyar in his learned article on The 
Anivaymoli Pass, 1. c., p. IB, staics that the retreat of Viltuala's army 
before Xavior"is porhaps reminiscent of a diplomatic mission, which 
this friend of the Travancore King * Iniquitribirin' accomplished, and 
which stayed the punishing hand of the imperial Viceroy from com- 
mitting much slaughter and shedding much innocent blood. " We 
cannot support this view. The details given by the sources are so 
many and so characteristic that the account cannot be taken but 
literally, though no miracle is to be supposed to explain the case. 

1. Souza, OrtentcConquJstadoJ, p. 143 ; Du Jarric, Thesaurus, I, p. 
148; Bartoli, DelV Istoria dclla Compagnia di Gestt, V Asia, I, p. 127. 

2. From Xavier to Mansiihas, Manapadu, September 2nd, 1544, 
M. H. S./., Mon. Xov M I, p. 333. 


protect them " l . It was not at all strange that Unni Kerala 
Varma should want to speak with Xavier on certain points of 
great interest to him, seeing that Xavier was the saviour of 
his kingdom. 

This friendship with the King was used by Xavier to 
protect the poor people who had fled at the approach of the 
army of Vijayanagara and taken refuge in the rocky islands 
South of Cape Comorin. " I am going ", he says, " with twenty 
boats of provisions to succour the Christians who are on the 
rocks near the Cape of Comorin. They fled from the Badagas, 
and are now dying of hunger and thirst " - 

8. But the war was not over. A treaty had to be made 
between Travancore and Vijayanagara. Unni Kerala Vanna was 
the first to send an ambassador to Vitthala to open pourparlers 
to establish peace firmly. Xavier took an active part in sending 
this envoy to theTelugu general atTuticorin. * 4 iniquitriberim" 
says he in a letter of the I9th of August, "sends a Brahman along 
with a captain to make peace with this people. 1 do not know 
what they will do ; they are at present here, and will soon leave- 
by sea " '*. Again he wrote on the following day to Marisilhas : 
"This Brahman now goes there with despatches for the Badagas 

1. From Xavier to Mansilhas, Trichandur, September 7th, 1544, 
ibid., p. 343. 

2. From Xavier to Mansilhas, Virandapatanam, June 23rd, 1544, 
Ibid., p. 327. Of. another letter from Xavier to the same of June 30tli, 
1544, ibid., p. 328. The text of the first is as follows: "Ku m< partopara o 
Cabo de Comorim com vinte tones ou embarcacoens de muntimontoa 
socorrer aquellos pobres christaos, que com medo dos badegas inficis, 
seus inimigos so mcterao pelo mar, e estao dentro d'elle postos peias 
pedras e penedos do Cabo ao sol, padecendo grandissima fomu e sede c 
morrendo alguns com clla, que he para haver grandissima piedade." 
Both Souza, o. c., p. 141, and Du Jarric, 1, p. 144, were mistaken in 
placing this expedition of Xavier to the Christians of the* Comorin 
Cape, after the invasion of the Fishery Coast; for it took place a 
little after, about the end of July or begining of August. Aftrr 
Souza and Du Jarric several authors have committed the HBIIK; 
mistake. See for instance, Historia Chronologic a dos Prctado* c 
Fundacoes Ecclesiaslicas , O Gabincte Litterario dos Fontainhas, I, p. 112. 

3. From Xavier to Mansilhas, Manapadu, August 19th, 1544, 
Ibid, p. 333. 


and for their King Betermemai (Vitthala) l . For God's sake 
try to give him at once a boat to go to Tutycurim" 2 . 

The making of this peace was by no means an easy task. 
At that time the army of Vitthala had invaded the Coromandel 
Coast, as we shall see later on ; and the Vijayanagara General 
was busily engaged in subduing both the Portuguese and the 
Paravas. Then the terms of Travancore were perhaps not easily 
accepted by the powerful cousin of Rama Raya. This delay was 
perhaps the cause of the alarming rumours spread through 
Travancore in the month of September of the same year . 
rumours that we lind echoed in one of Xavicr's letters: "They 
say that Beterbemao (Vitthala) is going full speed by sea to 
encounter king Iniquitribcrim (Unni Kerala Varma) and to 
fight with him " 3 . 

Peace was also delayed through the demise of Unai Kerala 
Varma, who must have died soon after the Vijayanagara in- 
vasion ; for an inscription of his successor Bhutala Vira, of the 
year 1547, is found at Suchindram 4 . There is another in- 
scription of his and of the same year in the Nelliappa temple at 
Tinnevelly itself '\ Mr. Rangachari believes that this inscrip- 
tion proves another inroad by Travancore into the old Pandya 
territory * 5 ; but it s-jems to us thai those inscriptions may mark 
the date of the tinal peace between Travancore and Vijaya- 
nagara. The King of Travancore on the occassion went perhaps 

1. Such is the name given by Xavier to the Viceroy Vitthala, 
and this is the only place in which he is called king by him ; in the 
other five cases in which he speaks of him. he calls h;m a captain. 
The spelling of the name is deffcrently given i - each case: Betebumar 
(M. H. S./, Mon. Xav., i, p, 340), Betimunal (Jbid.), Betermeal (Ibid., 
p. 342), Boterbemao (Ibid., p. 344), Beterbemal (Ibid., p. 944) 
besides the form given above. 

2. From Xavier to MaiiSilhas, Manapadu, August 20th, 1544, 
Ibid., p. 335. 

3. From Xavier to Mansilhas, Manapadu, September 10th, 1544, 
Ibid., p. 344. 

4. Inscription in possession of Mr. Gopinatha Rao, Trivan- 
drum. Cf. Ep. ind., XVI, p. 304. 

5. 120 of 1894. 

6. Jnd.Ant. XLD, p. 231. 


personally to Tinnevelly to sign the treaty. By this treaty the 
district of Tinnevelly was ceded for ever to Vijayanagara, which 
in return agreed not to molest Travancore. Finally the Tra- 
vancore sovereign capitulated, and promised payment of an 
annual tribute ; and moreover made arrangements for the cele- 
bration, in the Vishnu shrine at Suchindram, of the day of 
Rohini, the natal star of Vitthalesvara Maharayar J . 

It was beyond doubt on this occasion that Rama Raya, the 
powerful Regent of the Empire, gave the Tiruvanidesa to Vis- 
vanatha as an amara-nayakam 3 . 

Such was the end of the war with Travancore. One of the 
two objects Rama Raya had in sending Vitthala to the South 
was already attained. 

9. As to the other, it seems that the Fishery Coast was 
invaded by the Badagas 4 even before the retreat of their 

1. Inscription in possession of Mr. Gopinatha Rao of Trivan- 
drum, 1. c. 

2. 64 of 181)6. 

3. 17 of 1912. 

4. Badagas or Badugas is the name given by St. Xavier and 
the old Jesuit writers to the soldiers either of Madura or of Vijaya- 
nagara. This was another corruption of the name Vaduquer, 
north cnor, given to the Telugus because they came from the North. 
Nagam Aiya, The Travancore State, I, p. 297, says that St. Xavier in 
one of his letters dated March, 1544, describes the Badagas as ' tax 
gatherers ' and ' lawless marauders '. But I could not find such a 
description among the letters of Xavier in their critical edition, 
Af. H. S. /,. Man. Xav., 1. The anonymous author of the life of 
St. Xavier, quoted above, after describing the city of Vijaya- 
nagara, adds as follows: "These people, called Badagas, although 
having the same complexion and qualities as ths rest of the people 
of India, are stronger and more powerful in war ; because they are 
rich people aud have much cavalry, and their behaviour is more 
showy than that of the others. And they have all the cities and 
villages surrounded with brick or stone walls, with bastions here and 
there as in our fortresses." M. 11. S. /., Mon Xav., 1. p. 62. Fr. Du 
Jarric, Thesaurus Rerum Indicarum, I. p. 144, describes the Badagas as 
follows: They are "wild and cruel people, naturally fond of stealing, 
coming from Bisnaga, foes of everybody, but specially of Christians." 
This last note given by almost all the early Jesuit writers needs 


army from Travancore. St. Francis Xavier informs us in a 
letter dated September 7th, 1544, that when he was at Trichen- 
dur, Tinnevelly, in the beginning of Junejof that year, he heard 
"of a rising in the country because the Portuguese had captured 
a brother-in-law of Betermeal (Vitthala), and they (viz. the in- 
surgents) wanted likewise to capture the Christians of the Cape 
of Comorim " J , that is the Portuguese and; 'the Paravas who 
were under them. 

The latter, after returning from Cochin in I53 2 2 na d 
received some slight instruction in the Christians faith and were 
baptized by Fr. Michael Vaz, Vicar General of India, and by 
several other priests who had come from Cochin 3 . Then 
the Portuguese established themselves in Manapadu, Punnei 
Kayal, Tuticorin and Vambar, and took over the civil and 
some explanation, since it might be misunderstood. The Telugu 
soldiers and their generals had nothing against the Christians as 
Christians. Both the Nayaks of Madura and the Emperors of 
Vijayanag.ira tolerated and received respectfully into 'their capitals 
the Jesuit missionaries. The Telugu armies that invaded the Fishery 
Coast were so often sent against the Christians, hecause the latter 
hail put themselves under the protection of the Portuguese, and 
these had taken possessions of the Coast that belonged to Vijaya- 
nagara. Now Madura wanted to retain as her dominion that rich 
shore. The motive of this first invasion was a little different, as 
related above. These Badagas must not be confused with the agri- 
cultural caste of the Nilgiris, also called Badagas. Cf. Thurston, 
Castes and Tribes of Southern India, I, p. 62-124. 

1. From Xavier to Mansilhas, Trichendtir, September 7th, 1544, 
1. c. Xavier calls Christians of the Comorin Cape all the Christians of 
both Travancore and Coromaudel. 

2. Cf. Ch. VI, No. 9, 

3. Souza, o. c. t I, p. 130. Dr. S. KriShnaswami Aiyangar, in 
his Introduction to Satyanatha Aiyar's History of the Nayaks, p. 13, 
supposes that St. Xavier converted the Paravas. Again the same is 
supposed in p. 123, note 43. t have been told that the Paravas 
themselves maintain they were converted by Xavier. Cf. Castets, 
St. Ftancis Xavier's Indian Mission, p. 7-12; Miranda, The Intro- 
duction of Christianity into the Heart of India,p. 6. But it is historically 
evident that the majority of the Paravas were Christians from 1533 
or 1534, when St. Xavier was not yet in India. Xavier went there 


criminal jurisdiction of the whole of the coast. Their principal 
settlement was Punnei Kayal *. 

On the 3rd of August, Xavier was sure that the army of 
Vitthala would overrun the Fishery Coast : " I sent one Father 
there", he writes from Manapaclu to Mansilhas, " in order that 
the boats might be thrown into the sea in time and the people 
might embark when the occasion should offer itself ; for I feel 
sure that they will attack and capture these your Christians" 2 . 
The first news of the invasion of the army of Vitthala reached 
Xavier'sears on August iQth, while at Manapadu. At the 
end of a letter written on that date he says: "I am given a letter 
of Guarim just now, in which he informs me that the Christians 
have fled to the forest, since the Badagas have robbed them of 
their property, stabbed two men, one a Christian and the other 
a Hindu" 3 . But most of the Paravas, embarking on their miser- 
able boats, sought refuge in thi* small islands that face the 
Comorin Cape, leaving their country to the fury of their enemies. 
Those islands were inaccessible to the Madura soldiers on 
account of the fr-qnent sa-id-banks separated by canals known 
only by the fishers of the coast. But this was certainly not an 
ideal place for the unfortunate refugees, from the lack of good 
drinkable water and of trees and vegetables of all kinds 4 . St. 
Xavier, in another letter of September 5th, tells us that Punnei 

precisely to accomplish their instruction in the faith. In one of his 
letters, dated Tuticorin, October 28th, 1542, he says : " We are going 
through the villages of the Christians, who became Christians about 
eight years ago. There are no Portuguese in these places, because 
the soil is not fertile at all and very poor. When arriving at any of 
these villages, I baptized all the children who are not yet baptized ; 
so I have baptized a great multitude of infants, quid inter dextram 
and sinistram inters it ignorant es." M. H. S.J., Man. Xav.. I. p. 273. The 
last remarks of Xavier show that the adults were already baptized 
at the time of his arrival. 

1. Cf. Tinnevelty Manual, p. 43. 

2. From Xavier to Mansilhas, Manapadu, August 3rd, 1544, 
Ibid., p. 331. Cf. p. 332. 

3. From Xavier to Mansilhas, Manapadu, August 19th, 1544, 
Ibid., I, p. 333. 

4. Souza, 1. c. ; Du Jarric, 1. c. 


Kayal was one of the cities attacked by the Badagas, while 
the house and boat of the Portuguese captain of the place 
were set on fire; and that the aforesaid captain fled to the 
islands with the rest of the inhabitants of the coast l . Tuticorin 
was also swept away by the Badagas 2 and was probably made 
the temporary residence of Vitthala, since the ambassador of 
Unni Kerala Varma was sent there 3 . In the two above- 
mentioned letters Xavier orders Mansilhas, who was instruct- 
ing the Paravas in the North of the coast, to make a collection 
among the rich people of those places, to succour the poor 
Christians of the islands who were dying of hunger and 
thirst ; he particularly urges him to carry there many casks 
full of water ; the more, he says, the better. He was at Punney 
Kayal on August 21, and he wrote from there to Mansilhas 
that "the Badagas had left the place for Cabecate" 4 . 

We are not aware how long the army of Vitthala stayed 
on the Coromandel Coast; both Souza and Du Jarric say it 
remained there quite a long time, though it never reached the 
villages of the North 5 . We suppose that one of the reasons 
why Vitthala retreated was the recovery of his brother-in-law, 
which took place, no doubt, before he returned to Madura. 

10. After these two compaigns in Travancore and in 
Coromandel, Vitthala remained in the South for a period of 
about twelve years, until 1558, as Viceroy of the southern 
country G . According to an inscription at Koiladi, he ** was 
granted the whole country", vis. the South, by Sadasiva 7 . We 
know of one of his inscriptions at this time in the old temple of 
Perumal at Madura itself, in which he is called Rama Raya 

1. From Xavier to Mansilhas, Alendal, September 5th, 1544, 
Ibid., p. 341. 

2. From Xavier to Mansilhas, Alendal, September 5th, 1544, 
Ibid., p. 340. 

3. Cf. above No. 8. 

4. From Xavier to Mansilhas, Punnei Kayal, August 21st, 1544, 
Ibid., p. 337, 

5. Souza, 1. c. ; Du Jarric, 1. c. 

6. 129 of 1905 ; A/. E. tf ., /Spp./ooo, para 78. Cf. Sewell, II, p. 224. 

7. 273 of 1901, 



Vittaladeva Maharaya \ His authority was acknowledged in 
the whole Madura kingdom as far as Coimbatore and the 
South of Salem District ; for we know that the old Kongudesa 
was under his sway '-, and he is said to have levied tribute 
even from Ceylon a . 

The epigraphical records acquaint us with two of the 
officers of Vitthala during his governorship of the South. One 
was Ramappa Nayak, his agent at Kalakadu, in 1552 4 ; and 
the other was Timmapa Nayaka, son of Basavana Nayaka. 
This Basavana Nayaka, made three grants to the Kudal Aiagar 
temple at Madura for the merit of Vitthala 5 . In fact Basa- 
vana himself is, in an inscription at Tirukkurungudi, Tinne- 
velly, said to have been an officer of Vitthala c . 

The relations between Visvanatha Nayak and the Viceroy 
Vitthala must have been those of cordial friendship and mutual 
understanding ; but pending the discovery of new inscriptions 
this question remains without a satisfactory solution. Dr. 
Krishnaswami Aiyangar supposes that Visvanatha and his son 
Krishnappa Nayaka were subordin? ^ to Vitthala 7 ; perhaps 
his statement is based on an inscription of 1550, in which Vis- 
vanatha is called the agent of the Mahamandalesvara Rama 
Raya Vitthalayadeva Maharaja, for whose merit he presents a 
gift of a devadana hold of land 8 . But this only proves the 
friendly relations between the two chiefs. 

The sphere of action of Vitthala was quite different from 
that of Visvanatha. The latter, as a ruler, had to administer his 
kingdom, and occasionally to subdue the rebel Palaiyakarans 
or other chiefs under his authority. But the aim of Vitthala 
was to re-conquer Travancore and Coromandel for the 

1. Sewell, I, p. 292. 

2. 5 and 27 of 1906. 

3. 129 of 1905; M.E.R., 1905, p. 60. The date 1536 is evidently 

4. 428 of 1916 ; 129 of 1905. 

5. 557, 558 and 559 of 1911. 

6. Rangacharya, III, p. 1472, 287. 

7. Sathyanatha Aiyar, History of the Nayaks, p. 14. 

8. 599 of 1916. In the inscription 721 of 1915 Visvanatha i 
again called the agent of Vitthala, 


Empire. There was no need of subordination to each other. 
Each could fulfill his aims independently. Nevertheless Vis- 
vanatha helped Vitthala in his expedition against Travancore, 
as well as in some of the expeditions against Coromandel. The 
relations between Vitthala and Visvanatha may be compared to 
those between the Agent of the Governor General and the Raja 
of one of the native tributary States in India now-a-days. 
And perhaps not to interfere in the matters of Visvanatha's 
Government, Vitthala spent a great deal of time during his 
viceroy alty in the city of Trichinopoly 3 . An inscription 
of 1545 at Ratnagiri, Trichinopoly, records that under the 
orders of Ramaraja Vitthalaraja, Timma, his younger brother, 
made a grant to the god on the said hill Ratnagiri -. Another 
of 1544 at Tiruvidaimarudur, Tanjore, refers to a gift of two 
villages to the Mahalingasvamin temple by Vitthala :t . 
Again in 1546 he made another gift to the Ranganatha 
temple of Koviladi, Tanjore 4 . The action of the Viceroy 
over the the South was only opposed, as far as we know, by 
a young chief of the Chola country named Solaga, who became 
later on notorious for his cruelties :> . 

II. During the time of his governorship Vitthala led 
several attacks against the Portuguese and their proteges the 
Paravas on the Coromandel Coast. These expeditions have 
not been narrated hitherto by any author of Indian History. 
We now propose to fill up this gap with the information given 
in the old Jesuit chronicles and Portuguese histories c . 

1. 273 of 1901. 

2. 191 of 1914. 

3. 140 of 1895. 

4. 273 of 1901. 

5. Raghunathabhyudayam, S. Krishnaswami Aiyangar, Sources, 
p. 286. Dr. S. Krisknaswami Aiyangar, 1. c., note, doubts the identity 
of the Viceroy Vitthala Raja opposed by Solaga mid the nephew 
of Rama Raya. Fr. Du Jarric, Thesaurus, I, p. 647, says that Solaga 
was eighty years old in 1597 ; hence he was thirty in 1547 during the 
viceroyalty of Vitthala over the South. 

6. The sources consulted for the narration of the following 
raid of 1549 are these : Souza, Orientc Conquistado, I, p. 163-5; Du 
Jarrio, Thesaurtts, I, p. 451-5; Juvencio, Epitome Historiae Soc\ Jcsii, I, p. 


The Portuguese possessions on the Coromandel Coast ex- 
tended as far as Rameswaram; and between one and two leagues 
away from this famous town, in the village of Vedaiai 1 on 
the frontier of the kingdom of Marava, they built a mud fort in 
which there was always a small garrison under a captain. 
Correa informs us that the Governor of Cochin went to inspect 
the fortress of Beadala, (Vedaiai) near the sand-banks of Chilao 
(Ceylon) 2. 

In the year 1549 there was at Vedaiai a garrison of forty 
soldiers under the command of one Joao Fernandes Correa 
whose rapacity provoked an attack from the Badagas. He dug 
a trench close to his fort barring the path of the numerous 
Hindu pilgrims to the temple at Rameswaram, perhaps the 
most celebrated in the whole of southern India. Thus the pil- 
grims had to pay toll to the Portuguese; in consequence of which 
the alms received by the Brahmans of the temple at Rames- 
waram went on dwindling day by day. Accordingly the 
Brahmans, who were as covetous as the Portuguese captain, 
appealed to Madura, probably through the Setupati of Ramnad 
who was in charge of the causeway leading to Rameswaram ; 
and the result was the Badaga invasion. 

We have no knowledge as to whether Vitthala came over 
again to attack this fort ; but we do know that six thousand 
soldiers appeared suddenly before Vadalai n , among whom 
were some Muhammadans who easily made alliance with the 
Telugus against their former slaves. The Portuguese captain, 
seeing that it would be impossible to resist so large a force 
with such ammunition as he had, retreated towards the sea and 

145-6 ; Anonymous Life of St. Francis Xavier, M. H. S.J., Mon. Xav., I, p. 
137-8 ; Chromcon Societatis Jestt, M. H. S. /., I, p. 470 ; Nieremberg, 
Varones Ilustres de la Compania de Jesus, II, p. 137-8. Other documents 
will also be cited in the course of our narrative. 

1. Bedala or Beadala say the Jesuit Chroniclers. About the 
location of Vedaiai see Dessal, Ou a etc martyrise Ic Vcn. Antoinc Cri- 
minal Soc. Jesu. 

2. Correa, IV, 6, p. 324. 

3. Fr. Alphonso Oypriani wrote from Sao Thome, December 3rd, 
1549, that there were only 15 Portuguese in Vedaiai against five or 
six hundred Badagas: Sclectac Indiarum Epistolae* p. 98. 

Tttfi NAYAtfS OF MADURA 157 

with his garrison sought refuge in the islands of the coast. A 
great number of Paravas did the same, but their small boats 
could not receive the whole population. 

Fr. Antonio Criminali, an Italian Jesuit, who had been 
appointed Superior of the missions among the Paravas of the 
Fishery Coast on St. Xavier's departure to Japan in May of the 
same year, was then in Rameswaram, instructing in the faith 
some Paravas who had been baptized shortly before l . On 
hearing that the Badagas were appaoaching Vedalai, he fled 
there to protect his Christians. He transported many in 
their frail craft. ; He was invited to do the same ; but refused 
to do so until every one of his flock had left the village. From 
the landing place he walked to the small chapel of St. Vincent 
where many of the Christians had taken refuge : but before 
reaching it he encountered two detachments of Telugu soldiers, 
who however did not molest him. Then a third detachment 
arrived; and one of the solders in the rear, a Muhammadan on 
horse-back, pierced his left side with a lance. The father fell 
down, but getting up after a while walked again towards the 
chapel. There he met some other soldiers who finally be- 
headed him and, raising his head on the top of a spike, placed 
it afterwards as a sign of their valour over the door of the 
chapel 2 . Some Paravas were also murdered on this 

1. Souza, Du Jarric and others do not mention the name of 
this place; but the following authorities record that it was Bamanacor 
or Rameswaram: Annual letter of the Goa Mission announcing the 
murder of Fr. Criminali, dated Goa, June 19th, 1549, LUterac Indianun 
mine primum editac (Florentiae, 1877), XXIV, para 15; Letter from the 
Bishop of Goa to the Queen of Portugal, Goa, October 25th, 1549, 
Massara, Del P. Antonio Criminali (Parma 1899); Letter from Fr. A. 
Gomez, Rector of the Jesuit College at Goa to the King of Portugal, 
Selectac Indiarum Epistolac, XXII, p. 102; Chronicon S.J., M.H.S.J., I, p, 
470 . Maffei, Histotiarum fndicarum, p. 627; Tanner, Societas Jcsu usque 
adSanguinis, p. 212-4. 

2. The Dutch traveller Nieuhoff, Voyages and Ttavcls, p. 245, 
relates likewise the tragic death of this missionary. He says that 
the head and garments of Criminali were at last triumphantly carried 
by the soldiers to their temple at Trichendur. Fr. Criminali is sup- 
posed to be the protomartyr of the Society of Jesus. Certainly he 


occasion, and others reduced to captivity. The chapel as 
well as the fort was razed to the ground, and the trench dug by 
the captain was filled up. The Jesuit chronicles conclude their 
account by saying that the soldiers went finally to Rameswaram 
to pay a visit to the temple. Probably on account of this 
and other similar expeditions, we read in the History of the 
Karnataka Governors that Vis van at ha protected the pilgrims 
who used to go to Rameswaram l . 

12. But two years later, at the end of 1551, peace on the 
Fishery Coast was again disturbed by thu soldiers of Vitthala. 
They captured a young Portuguese Jesuit Father named Paolo 
de Valle ; but the Paravas, appearing suddenly in the Tclugu 
camp after some days, succeeded in rescuing him. This valiant 
action of the Christians provoked another incursion of the 
Badagas. On reaching the sea-shore, they saw only the rafts of 
the Paravas at a distance carrying with them the Portuguese 
Jesuit, who died soon after as a result of the hardships of his 
captivity ~. 

At this time, however, it appears evident that quite a 
good number of villages of the Fishery Coast, if not 
all, had promised to pay an annual tribute to the Nayak of 
Madura to obtain freedom from future molestation by occasio- 
nal incursions 3 . This tribute consisted in the catch of 

died for the sake of the Christians, but it seems that the reason of 
his murder was not hatred of the Christian faith. These expeditions 
of the Badagas had a political reason ; and beyond doubt his mur- 
derers supposed that he was one of the paranguis or Portuguese, 
against whom they were waging war. These remarks are not cal- 
culated to detract in any way from the virtue of Criminali. St. 
Xavier, writing to St. Ignatius from Cochin, on January 14th, 1549, 
described him as follows : '* Antonio Criminali is now in Comorin 
with six others belonging to the Society. He is a holy man indeed, 
believe me, and just born to be the apostle of this country. I beg 
you to send here many like him, of whom you have plenty there, I 
am sure ". M. H. S. /., Mon. Xav., I, p. 482-3. 

1. Taylor, 0. H. MSS n II, p. 15. 

2. Souza, Oriente Conquistado, I, p. 174; Du Jarric, I, p. 459. 

3. Souza, o. c., p. 175. 


one day's fishing, which, according to Couto, would amount to 
about ten thousand pardaos '. 

Now it happend in the year 1552 that one of the nobles 
of the kingdom of Travancore, with a strong detachment of 
soldiers, invaded several villages of the South of Coromandel 
near Cape Comorim, pillaging the poor villages and capturing 
some of them. The rest of the inhabitants, who were all 
Christians, appealed to the Nayak of Madura, their protector ; 
this was naturally an inducement to Visvanatha, who accord- 
ingly, proceeded at once with his army against the villages 
belonging to the Malayalam noble, entered them by surprise and 
ravaged them. On hearing this the Travancore Maharaja 
became furious ; and since he could not oppose the forces of 
Madura, joined forces with Vitthala and overpowered the poor 
Christians of the villages who had appealed to Visvanatha. 
'The combined army arrived in the silence of the night, and a 
great slaughter of people took place before dawn ; one of the 
victims was a Portuguese Missionary, Luis Mendez, a Lay 
Brother of the Society 2 . 

13. But Vitthala was not satisfied with this apparent 
submission of the villages of Coromandel ; the Portuguese were 
still the lords of the pearl fisheries and were practically in 
possession of the whole country. His object was to crush 
them completely. And since on former occasions they had always 
escaped by sea, he made an alliance with a Muhammadan 
pirate named Irapali (...Ali), a subject of the Zamorim of Cali- 
cut ; so that now, while the Muhammadans attacked the Coast 
by sea, Visvanatha Nayak with the Telugu troops would 
attack the Portuguese b^ land 3 . The place for launching 
the assault was Punney Kayal, the capital of the Portuguese 
settlements of the Fishery Coast, with a garrison of 50 
soldiers 4 under captain Manoel Rodrigues Coutinho. 

1. Couto, VII, p. 249. 

2. Souza, o. c., p. 175 ; Du Jarric, o. c., p. 459. 

3. No mention is made here of Vitthala. I am inclined to believe 
that the apellation ' Vichuva, Capitao dos Badagas' must refer to 
Visvanatha Nayaka, because this chief is called Vizuva Naiche by 
Fr Bartoli,Z)p//, Istoria della Compagnia di Gesu, L' Asia, VII, p. 161. Of. 
infra No. 16. 

4. Seventy, according to Couto and Faria y Souza, 


Accordingly at the end of June of the year 1553, the 
Muslim fleet took up a position in front of the Coromandel 
Coast ; it was composed of some galleons and forty sloops. A 
small village called Mugel, formed just a year before, was the 
first to be attacked ; twenty fishing boats and many Paravas 
were captured. From there they went straight to Punny Kayal; 
and on the first of May five hundred Muhammadan soldiers 
landed on the shore but were valiantly repulsed by the fifty 
soldiers of the place. The standard-bearer, one Antonio 
Franco de Gusmao, attacked the standard-bearer of the 
Muhammadans, an Abyssinian soldier, and after capturing 
his standard killed him on the spot. On seeing the defeat 
of his detachment the Muslim chief who was on board his 
galleon came with reinforcements. But the Portuguese 
soldiers considered themselves unable to resist the horde of 
Muhammadan combatants who numbered fifteen hundredf 
Almost all the Portuguese retreated. But Manoel Rodriguez 
Coutinho, their captain, left alone with seventeen of his men, 
stood where he was till he was convinced by his men that he ought 
to retreat to the town, where behind the brick walls of the fort 
they could better resist the attack of the enemies. They did 
so ; but on reaching the town, were all captured by the soldiers 
of Vitthala, while the Muhammadans took possession of the 
town itself together with the fort. Irapali issued a proclama- 
tion to all the inhabitants of the CoromandeJ Coast announcing 
the end of the Portuguese rule, and inviting all to become the 
disciples of the Prophet unless they prefered to feel the edge 
of the Muhammadan sword. 

When this news reached Cochin, the Portuguese of that 
settlement resolved to avenge the offence to the Christian 
name and the national honour. Gil Fernandez de Carvalho 
offered to lead the forces against the Muslims. He was given 
a huge galliot, three lighters and one sloop. After three days, 
with one hundred and seventy men, they left Cochin and 
arrived before Punney Kayal where the Muhammadan fleet 
was lying a little to the north at Calecare. They went there, 
but could not cross the sand-bank at the mouth of the 
harbour owing to an unfavourable wind ; one of the lighters, 
however, commanded by Lourenco Coelho, attempted to cross 


and ran aground. As soon as the Muhammadans who were 
anchored between the sand-bank and the shore saw this, they 
surrounded the boat and a great fight ensued. This lasted 
the whole day, the Portuguese being determined not to 
surrender to the enemy ; by evening all of them had been 
slaughtered, and many of the Muhammadans had likewise 
perished, among them Irapali himself. 

This unfortunate action took place within sight of the 
Portuguese Commander, who could not go to Lourenco Coelho's 
assistance on account of the wind. Accordingly he retreated 
to a small neighbouring island, where he found another 
Portuguese boat going to Negapatam Nvhich made up for the 
loss of the first. Then an envoy of a Marava chieftain reached 
the place, and promised Gil Fernandez to attack the Muham- 
madans at Calecare while the Portuguese attacked them by 
4a. After a few days the wind changed ; and on the fifteenth 
of May in the morning the two fleets met before Calecare. 
The Muslim forces outnumbered the Portuguese, but by 
evening all the Muhammadan galliots had been captured by 
the valiant Portuguese. Not a few of the followers of the 
late Irapali escaped by swimming ; but the Marava chief, who 
was on the lookout, slaughtered many while the Portuguese 
took the rest. 

After this glorious victory Gil Fernandez at once 
opened pourparlers with Vitthala for the rescue of Captain 
Coutinho, his wife and children, the fifty soldiers of the 
garrison and the Jesuit Father Enrique Enriquez, who 
happened to be at Punney Kayal at the time of the 
combined invasion of Vitthala and Irapali. A hundred 
thousand fanams were demanded as a ransom for Captain 
Coutinho and his family. Gil Fernandez found himself 
unable to accede to this ; so he sent a secret message 
(through a Muhammadan of great influence who was a very 
good friend of the Portuguese) to Rama Ray a at Vijayanagara 
asking for the favour of the captive's liberty. An order 
finally came to Vitthala to hand over the captives to 
Gil Fernandez. This was done in Tuticorin ; Vitthala however 
demanded from Captain Continho the sum of a thousand 


pardaos, which were partly given by the Christians of the 
Coast i. 

14. It was probably after this expedition that the whole 
of the Fishery Coast agreed to pay the small tribute of the 
catch of a day's fishing to the Nayak of Madura ; for we do 
not read of any other inroad of Vitthala on the Coast of 
Coromandel. On the other hand we know that in the year 
1558 Vitthala led another attack into the kingdom of Travan 
core ; probably because its King, who was still Rama Varma, 
had again refused to pay his annual tribute. 

The Vijayanagara general invaded the Travancore territory 
with an army of six thousand soldiers. The Travancore 
sovereign was not able to oppose this force, since his own army 
consisted at most of a thousand soldiers. Rama Varma des- 
patched an envoy to Fr. F. Perez, a Portuguese Jesuit, who was 
the Superior of the Travancore missions and resided at Calcif- 
lam (Kalkulam), begging him to pray much to God for the suc- 
cess of his army. Fr. Perez promised to do so, and sent him a 
standard in the centre of which the name of Jesus was painted; 
at the same time he recommended that the ensign bearing this 
standard should precede the army, and that while engaging in 
battle all should fervently invoke the name of Jesus. This was 
done, and the Telugu soldiers, on hearing the roar, retreated 
panic-striken and were pursued by the Malayalams who slaugh- 
tered many of them 2 . 

Fr. Souza says that this standard was afterwards kept 
in the Royal Treasury, and at the end of his narrative 
makes the following remark : " I do not say anything else 

1. Sousa, o. c., p. 177-80 ; Du Jarric, o. c., 459-60 ; Con to, 

VI, pt. 2, p. 456-65 ; Faria y Sousa, II, p. 270-1 ; Maffei, Historiarum 
Indicarum.p. 719; Bartoli, Dell' htoriadella Compagnia di Gesu> L'Asia, 

VII, p. 143-6; Lafitau, Histoiredes Decouvertes, II, p. 522-4. 

2. This fact may be explained naturally. Fr. Sousa supposes 
it to be a miracle. Fr. H. Hosten, 3. J. t St. Joseph's College, North 
Point, Darjeeling, who travelled through Trvancore in 1924, informs 
me that this banner cannot be found in the Maharaja's treasury, 
but the Syro -Christians of Travancore keep the tradition of this 
victory won under the banner of the name of Jesus to this day. 


on this Kingdom, because I have found nothing else in 
the MSS" l . 

15. Was Vitthala killed in this retreat of his army from 
Travancore ? We are not aware of it ; we only know that no 
other mention of Rama Raya's cousin is made either in the 
Hindu inscriptions or in the western chronicles. Anyhow this 
year, 1558, marks the end of his governorship in the South 2 . 

Vitthala's aim was only partly attained. The defeat of his 
army in Travancore was practically equivalent to the complete 
independence of this kingdom. As to the Fishery Coast, the 
Portuguese remained there as powerful as ever; the only point 
conceded was the annual tribute of the catch of a day's fishing 
to the Madura Nayak, but the Paravas did not acknow- 
ledge any lords other than the Portuguese ; if they paid 
such tribute to Madura it was only in order to get rid of the 
incursions of the Telugus on to their own shores. Caesar 
Frederick, who passed through the Fishery Coast in about 1567, 
says that "the Fishermen are all Christians of the Countrey ; 
and who so will may go to fishing, paying a certain dutie to the 
King of Portugall, and the Churches of the Friers of Saint Paul 
(Jesuits) which are in that Coast" a . The Vijayanagara 
General had therefore not yet succeeded in gaining supreme 

Although the success of the expedition of Vitthala 
was not so great, still apparently on account of this campaign 
Rama Raya is flattered in the Ramarajiyamu, with the title of 
'Planter of Pillars of victory at Cape Comorin and on the 
banks of the Bhima' 4 . 

16. The end of the viceroyalty of Vittala was not the end 
of their troubles for the Paravas of the Fishery Coast; because 
in the vear 1560 Visvanatha, the Nayak of Madura, again in- 
vaded the country, demanding the catch of two days' fishing 

1. Souza, o. c., p. 188. 

2. According to Souza, o. c., p. 193, Vichuva (Vitbhala) was 
still in the South in 1560. But his account on this occasion is not 
trustworthy, as contradictory to other Portuguese sources. 

3. Purchas, X, p. 105. 

4. S. Krishnaswami Aiyangar, Sources, p. 182, 


as the tribute due to him. The vanguard of his army, headed 
by a Deccani captain named Melrao, reached Punney Kayal 
some day in the month of August, early in the morning. 
They set fire to all the houses they could. But it happened 
that at the time there was in Punney Kayal a strong detachment 
of soldiers, who had come to the Fishery Coast some days before 
under the command of Dom Duarte de Menezes, a Portuguese 
noble. On learning the cause of the revolt, Dom Duarte imme- 
diately proceeded with his forty soldiers to encounter Melrao and 
his army. The fight was long and indecisive. Meanwhile the 
whole population was able to take refuge in the mud fort which 
overlooked the river. Manoel Rodrigues Coutinho, who was 
still the captain of the fort, set out to drive the enemies out of 
the town. They were on the point of succeeding in this enter- 
prise. For Dom Duarte de Menezes had vailiantly killed Melrao 
and had put to flight the rest of his enemies. But just then 
the main body of the army commanded by Visvanatha 
Nayaka himself appeared on the scene l . 

Neither Menezes nor Coutinho were able to resist the 
enemy, and so started a slow retreat towards the fort, which was 
reached by Coutinho after he was wounded. Then at high-tide 
all the women and children were embarked on several sloops 
that came up the river near which the fort was built. Finally, 
as the fort was very weak and the enemies very numerous, it 
was decided to surrender it ; accordingly all the men boarded a 
sloop and Coutinho surrendered the fort before he embarked. 
But the tide being on the ebb, so that no ships could sail away, 
all were captured by Visvanatha after a stout resistance. There- 
upon the whole town was sacked and destroyed. 

A fortnight of captivity followed. When this was over 
Coutinho proposed to the Madura Nayak to pay a thousand 
fanams as every one's ransom. Visvanatha agreed, and accord- 
ingly all were set free, excepting the Jesuit Missionary Fr. Joao 
de Mesquita, who was retained as hostage, while Coutinho was 
to visit Tuticorin to collect the price of their liberty. In the 
meantime, an opportunity for escape offering itself, Fr. Mes- 

1. Couto and Faria y Sousa call him Bisminaique. 


quita took advantage of it and finally reached Tuticorin safe 
and sound 1 . 

We hear no more of Visvanatha's expeditions against the 
Paravas and the Portuguese of the Coromandel Coast. From 
this we may conclude that Coutinho finally paid the price agreed 
upon, and that perhaps even the Paravas consented to pay him 
the catch of two days' fishing, as demanded. Moreover at the 
end of the same year the Portuguese Viceroy, Dom Constantino 
de Braganca, built a fortress on the opposite island of Manar, 
to which the inhabitants of Punney Kayal were transferred, in 
order to secure them against the incursions of Visvanatha 
Nayaka 2 . The Madura ruler vainly tried to impede the 
realization of the Viceroy's scheme. a . In 1597, Fr. Nicolao 
Pimenta visited this new settlement : " We passed that Cape 
(of Rameswaram)", he writes to Fr. General C. Aquaviva, "and 
came to Talemanare at the entrance of the He Manare, and 
having visited the Churches in the Island, passed the River and 
went by land to the Pearle-fishing " 4 . At the end of the 
century the fortress built in Manar was in a ruinous state. It 
was restored and fortified again through the diligence of the 
Jesuits working among the Christian Paravas of the Fishery 
Coast 5 . The Dutch traveller John Nieuhoff, who passed through 
Manar in 1662, says that " this city as well as its castle call'd 
Ragu acknowledge the Portuguese for its founders, the castle 
being built for their better security against the attempts of the 
Naik or Nayk, lord of the circumjacent country " 6 . 

17. This was perhaps the last campaign of this valiant 
general. The MrtyunjayaMSS. inform us that during his life-time 
he caused his son Kumara Krishnappa Nayaka to be anointed 7 . 

1. Couto, VII, p. 249-55; Faria y Sousa, II, p. 343-4; Bartoli, 
DelV Istotia della Compagniade Ge*u, L' Asia, VII, p. 160-2, 164-5. 

2. Faria y Sousa, I, p. 348. 

3. Queyroz, Conquista de Ceylao, p. 318. 

4. From Fr. N. Pimenta to Fr. C. Aquaviva, Purchas, X, p. 207. 

5. From King Philip III to the Viceroy, Lisbon, January 
22nd, 1601, Ap. B, No. XX. 

6. Nieuhoff, Voyages and Travels, p. 199. 

7. Taylor, O.H. MSS., II, p. 117. Of. 121 of 1894. 


The latter's wife was Lakshmamma, l or Lakshmyambika *. 
We do not know exactly the date of this memorable event in 
the history of Madura which marks the end of the reign of the 
Nayak founder. Mr. Rangachari places the accession of 
Kumara Krishnappa in 1562 3 ; but according to Prof. Sathya- 
natha Aiyar the date nth of Tai, Rudhirodgari corresponds 
approximately to the 25th of January, 1564 4 . Anyhow it 
seems quite certain that Visvanatha's demise occurred 
shortly after the coronation of his son ; so much so that there 
are suspicions that the anointing of Krishnappa took place 
at the death bed of his father. Hence we are inclined to believe 
that Visvanatha's renunciation occurred in 1563, since the 
first inscription we know of the reign of Krishnappa corresponds 
also to this date 5 . 

The founder of the Nayak Dynasty of Madura proved a 
valiant warrior and a skilful administrator. The Palaiyaka- 
ran system was developed by him in the South. This system, 
though somewhat defective as fomenting ambitions and weaken- 
ing the central power, was nevertheless a definite progressive 
step towards the modern federation of states. In this respect 
Visvanatha Nayaka's administrative system was far in advance 
of his age. In his rule he was energetic and practical; he is called 
" the best skilled in putting down disputes": in his presence 
Timmappa Nayaka, the King's agent, settled some disputes 
between the two parties of the inhabitants of Kondakai 6 , 

Knowing that agriculture is one of the best sources of 
wealth, Visvanatha fostered it with great interest by the 
creation of extensive water-courses which he ordered to be 

1. Dalavay Agraharam plates of Venkata II, Ep. Ind., XII, p. 
187, vv. 67-79. 

2. Padmaneri grant of Venkata II, Ep. Ind., XVI, p. 297, vv. 
60-61; Vellangudi plates of Venkata II, Ibid., p. 320, w. 53-98. 

3. Ind. Ant., XLV, p. 81. 

4. Sathyanatha Aiyar, History oftheNayaks, p. 68. 

5. 17 of 1912. Sewell, II, p. 201, thinks that Visvanatha died 
in December, 1563. 

6. Burgess, p. 108-9 ; Rangacharya, II, p, 1177, 166. 


opened in Madura \ in Trichinopoly 2 , and in Tinnevelly 3 ; 
and in this way the rivers communicated with the fields. 
Thus he fertilized extensive districts 4 and laid out new 
fields for tillage and brought new inhabitants to cultivate them 5 . 
His interest in the progress of agriculture is also shown 
by the fact that he once dispatched his minister Ariyanatha to 
inspect the agricultural improvements of the District of Tinne- 
velly . The progress in agriculture increased the number 
of inhabitants ; hence many new villages were built by Visva- 
natha's order in these three districts, while the old ones were 
repaired and beautified 7 . 

Hinduism was also fostered by "the pious son of Kotyam 
Nagama Nayadu", as he is called in a grant of 1560 8 . 
Visvanatha was a very staunch Hindu who carried from 
Vijayanagara to Madura the statue of the goddess Durga, and 
as soon as he reached his capital, restored and enlarged its 
temple. The History of the Karnataka Governors informs us 
that he also built the temple of Srirangam 9 ; but since we 
know that Srirangam already existed before the conquest of 
Visvanatha 10 , this must have reference to the enlargements 
carried out by his order. As a matter of fact, the Srirangaw- 
Koyil-olugu records that Visvanatha made to the god Ranganatha 
gifts of several golden vessels, costly ornaments and pieces of 
land to the extent of three lakhs of pons ll . The Tiruppani- 
malai also mentions several of his gifts to the god Sundaresvara 
of Madura 12 . Moreover he erected many new t emples in 

1. History of the Karnataka Governors, Taylor, O. H. A/SS., II, 
p. 15. 

2. Ibid., p. 17. 

3. Ibid., p. 21. 

4. Ibid., p. 15. 

5. Ibid., p. 17. 

6. Ibid. 

7. Ibid., p. 15, 17, and 21. 

8. Sewell, II, p. 2, 10. 

9. Taylor, o. c., p. 17. 

10. Of. Ch. VI, No. 3. 

11. Of. Ep. Ind., XVI, p. 305. 

12. Ibid, 


Tinnevelly l and in other parts of his dominions, and along 
with them the usual mandapams and connected places 2 . 
Similarly in many parts of his dominions he built agraharams 
or Brahman streets 3 . * . , 

We know also of a grant made by him for the religious 
service of a mosque : in 1560 he gave a plot of land in the 
Ramnad District to Mullamakudam Mullaperoja (Mullha 
Pheroz ?) for the maintenance and lighting of a mosque for 
the use of fakirs 4 . 

As to Visvanatha's attitude towards the Empire, he was 
always as faithful a subject of the Vijayanagara Emperor, as 
when he went to wage war against his father. In 1535, during 
his first viceroyalty, he is called an officer of Achyuta 5 ; and 
though already a king, he calls himself 'the agent of Sadasiva' 6 . 
In 1558 he is called also ' the agent of Ramarajadeva 
Maharaja' 7 . In 1560 he makes a gift of taxes on looms 
for the merit of the same Aliya Ramarajayyan 8 . In 1561 an 
inscription records a gift of his son Krishnappa Nayaka to 
the Tinnevelly temple and mentions the same Rama Raya 9 . 
From all these inscriptions and grants we know that Visva- 
natha's relations with the Empire were those of a faithful 
tributary king to his overlord. 

The fact that Visvanatha struck coins in his own name 10 
does not prove that he ever broke allegiance with the 
Emperor ; since all the provincial rulers of the Empire had 
independent coinage, as it is testified by Frederick in his travels 

1. History of the Karnataka Governors, Taylor, o.c., p. 21. 

2. Ibid., p. 17. 

3. Ibid., p. 15, 17, and 21. 

4. Catalogue of Copper-Plate Grants in the Government Museum, 
Madras, p. 28. 

5 113 of 1908 ; M.E.R., /pop, p. 119. 

6. Burgcs, p. 108-9. 

7. 385 of 1916. 

8. 622 of 1915. 

9. 28 of 1894. 

10. Of. Hultzsch, South Indian Copper Coins, Ind, Ant., XXI, 
p. 325, Nos 14-16. 


through South India l . Nor is it to be supposed that the 
development of the Palaiyam administrative system was 
intended to create a new empire in the South which would 
rival one day the empire of the North. Such ambitious 
intentions were far from Visvanatha's mind. We must admit, 
however, that Visvanatha's system of government paved the 
way for the future rebellions of some of his successors, and was 
responsible for the treason of Tirumala Nayaka. 

18. The first trouble proceeding from this system arose 
shortly after Visvanatha's death in the beginning of Krishna- 
ppa's reign. One of the Palaiyakarans, a certain Tumbichchi 
Nayaka, an old man of great influence (as is shown by his 
being mentioned along with the Emperor Achy ut a in aa inscrip- 
tion of Ramnad 2 ), rebelled against the Madura Nayak, 
captured several towns for himself and built a fort which he 
called Parambai-kudi (Paramakudi). Krishnappa Nayaka 
could not at this juncture make use of the services of his 
minister and general Ariyanatha, who had gone northwards to 
assist the Empire against the Muhammadans 3 . But with 
great speed he himself marched against the rebel, overthrew 
him in battle, took possession of the whole of his country, and 
put Tumbichchi to death. Then two of the sons of the rebel 
chief appeared before Krishnappa, and kneeling down at his 
feet implored his clemency : the Nayak gave them the fort 
of Paramakudi together with the adjoining pettah, and some 
villages around which constituted a small Palaiyam, and 
appropriated to himself the whole of Tumbichchi's territory 4 . 

Not long after this Krishnappa was obliged to wage 
another war in Ceylon against the King of Kandy, probably 
to exact the tribute he refused to pay to the Empire 5 . The 

1. Purchas, X, p. 99. 

2. 398 of 1907. 

3. Cf. Ch. IX, No. 3. 

4. History of the Karnataka Governors, Taylor, o. c., p. 23 ; 
Singhala dwipa Raja Ratha, Wilson, The Mackenzie Collection, p. 278 ; 
this work erroneously calls Tumbi Nayaka king of Ceylon. 

5. This was the real cause of the war, not the bitter words 
of the king of Kandy against Krishnappa on the occasion of Tumbi- 


Singhala dvipa Catha states that the Madura Nayak along with 
fifty-two of his Palaiyakaraus embarked for Ceylon at Navapa- 
shana and landed at Manar. Before invading the Kandy 
territory Krishnappa sent a conciliatory message to the King 
demanding his tribute. But Jayawira the Sinhalese Sovereign 
rejected it, and despatched an army of forty thousand men 
under four ministers and eight governors to oppose the invaders. 
The two armies met at Puttalam, where the army of Kandy was 
defeated and routed by the general Chinna Kesava Nayaka 
with twenty thousand men. Among the prisoners there were 
two ministers, five chieftains and other influential people of 
Ceylon. The poem says that these captives in vain urged 
their King to yield. But the Kandy sovereign, collecting an 
army of sixty thousand Sinhalese and ten thousand Kaffirs 
(Portuguese?), marched against the Madura King. In the 
bloody struggle that ensued eight thousand Kaffirs and about 
as many Sinhalese were slaughtered, while the King of Kandy 
himself lost his life in the engagement. His corpse was taken 
with due honours to his capital 1 . 

Krishnappa Nayaka could not remain long in Ceylon, 
since the administration of his kingdom required his presence 
in the capital. The poem upon which we base our account says 
that he remained in Kandy only three days. He treated the 
family of the deceased King with great kindness and sent them 
to Aurangam, the old capital of Ceylon ; and, after appointing 
his brother-in-law, Vijaya Gopala Nayaka, his Viceroy in 
Ceylon, returned to Madura 2 . This appointment was 
doubtless only temporary, as we do not hear of any subsequent 
viceroyalty. Vijaya Gopala's purpose was to arrange the 
chchi's execution. Visvanatha Nayaka had also waged war in 
Ceylon. Dora Joao de Castro, Governor of Goa, writing to King Joao 
III on the 6th of December, 1546, mentions this war made by the 
Madure, viz. de Nayak of Madura, then Visvanatha Nayaka, against 
the King of Conde (Kandy). Castro sent forty soldiers to protect the 
latter against the incursions of the Nayak. Obras Vatias Manu 
scriptas, fol. 113. I could not find any other trace of this war. 

1. No mention is made of this defeat in the Ceylon chronicles. 
The numbers of combatants are, no doubt, exaggerated, 

2. Taylor, Catalogue Rai$on*e, III p. 183-6, 


administration of the country and to procure the regular pay- 
ment of the ^tribute. 

This conquesj of Ceylon was probably the last important 
event of the South during the reign of Sadasiva. His inscription 
of 1564, in which he records having plundered Ceylon, refers 
probably to the expedition of Krishnappa Nayaka l . In the 
Vellangudi plates of Venkata II, he is said to have "acquired 
the overlordship of the South" 2 , a title which he deserved on 
account of these two successful wars. 

1. 451 of 1905. Cf.Ch.IV,No.2. 

2. Ep. Ind., XVI, p. 320, w. 5398. 



SUMMARY. 1. Foundation of the Nayakship of Tanjore.~2. Sevvappa 
Nayaka's reign.- 3. Foundation of the Nayakship of Jinji. 4. 
Foundation of the Nay akship'of Keladi-Ikeri. 5. Sadasiva Nayaka 
and his successors. 6. The Rajas of Mysore. 7. Kempe Gowda I 
of Yelahanka. Foundation of Bangalore. 8. The chiefs of 
Bellur and Chitaldroog. 9. The kingdom of Honavar annexed to 
that of Bhatkal. 10. Treaty between the Portuguese and the 
Queen of Bhatkal. 11. Bukkadevi, Queen of Ullal, and the 
Portuguese. Erection of a Portuguese fort at Mangalore. Other 
petty states in Karnataka. 12. The Rajas of Udiripikonda, 
Venkatagiri and Vellore. 13. Other minor chiefs. 
CONTEMPORARY SOURCES 1. Hindu inscriptions and grants. 2. 
Tanjavuri Andhra Rajula Charitta, Rukmini-parinaya, Sahithyarathna- 
karakaviyam> Jaimini Bharatamu, Keladi Ray a Paditti, Sivattat- 
varatnakura, Keladi Arasu Vamsavali, Valugutivaru Vamsavali. 3. 
Tratados (Archive da Torre do Tombo, Lisbon^. 4. Faria y Sousa , 
Barros. 5. C. Frederick. 

IT is not yet known for certain when the Chola kingdom 
of Tanjore first came under the subjection of Vijayanagara. It 
seems that Prince Kumara Kampana Odeyar conquered the 
Tanjore territories when sent against the Muhammadans of 
Madura by Bukka I 1 . Since that time the Choi a Princes were 
supposed to be under the sway of the Telugu Emperors in the 
same way as the Pandyas of Madura. On the southern wall 
of the big temple of Tanjore there is an inscription of Deva 
Raya II, of the year 1455 2 , and in two other temples of the 
same city, viz. that of the Alagesuvara Pillaiyar, in the southern 
fortification, and that of the god Rajagopal in the North 
Street, are to be seen two inscriptions of Achyuta Raya cor- 
responding to the years 1532 and 1539 respectively 3 . 

1. Cf. Ch. VI, No. 3. 

2. Hultzsch, South Indian Inscriptions, II, p. 118. 

3. Kuppuswami Sastri, A Short History of the Tanjore Nayak 
Princes^ p. I. 


It is precisely this Prince to whom the foundation of the 
N ay akship of Tan jore is attributed. According to the Tanja- 
vuri Andhra Rajula Charitra, the Chola country was ruled by 
Visvanatha Nayaka from Madura as a subordinate of the Empe- 
ror of Vijayanagara; but on the occasion of the wedding of Mur- 
timambai (the younger sister of his wife Tirumalamba) with 
Sevvappa, Achyuta appointed the latter sole Viceroy over the 
Chola country, which was given him as the stridhana, or dowry 
of his bride l . The date of this important event is not yet 
ascertained : the first inscription of his that we know of is on a 
stone pillar in the Samusaru mosque, near the Tanjore Railway 
Station ; it corresponds to the year 1549 2 . But this was not 
the first year of the reign of Sevvappa Nayaka, for Achyuta 
Ray a had probably died at the end of 1541. Now, we know 
from the Tanjavun Andhra Rajula Charitra that Tanjore was 
governed by Visvanatha Nayaka of Madura, even after the 
death of Chandra Sekhara Pandya when the former had already 
been appointed King of the southern throne y (and this could 
not but have happened at the end of Achyuta's reign 4 ). Hence 
we must assign the same year 1541 as the probable date for the 
foundation of the Tanjore Nayakship. 

According to the epic Rukmini-parinaya, the parents of 
Sevvappa Nayaka were the sudra Timma or Trimmapa 
Nayaka and Vayyamba 5 or Bayyambika . It seems that 
Sevvappa's father and grandfather and other elders of his 
family were generals under the kings of Vijayanagara 7 , and 
that he himself had been a valiant general; for the z\)\o.Sahithya- 
rathnakarakaviyam states that he became master of Tanjore by 
his own prowess 8 , /. c. by his prowesss he won Achyuta's 
sister-in-law, and with her the kingdom of Tanjore as her dowry. 

1. S. Krishnaswami Aiyangar, Sources, p. 323 ; Taylor, Catalogue 
Raisonne, HI, p. 176. 

2. Cf. Kuppuswami Sastri, o. c., p. 4. 

3. S. Krishnaswami Aiyangar, I.e. 

4. Cf. Ch. VII, No. 1. 

5. Riikmini-parinaya, III, 34. Cf. Ep. Ind. t XII, p. 343, note 3. 

6. Raghunathabhyudayam, S. Krishnaswami Aiyangar, Sources, p. 

7. Cf. Kuppuswami Sastri, o. c., p. 3. 

8. Ibid. 


2. We know very little of the reign of Sevvappa Nayaka, 
who was equally subject to Vijayanagara with Visvanatha 
Nayaka of Madura. His works of public utility are about the 
only things regarding which we have any information. He 
built for instance a big tank ontside the Tanjore fort which was 
destined to feed the Sivaganga tank inside it, in order to supply 
the inhabitants of the capital with water l . The name it 
bears to the present day reminds the one of its builder : it is 
called Sevvappaneri. The new Sivaganga fort of Tanjore was 
also built by him 2 . Besides he enlarged and beautified many 
temples throughout his dominions. The Tanjavuri An dhra Rajula 
Charitra records that Sevvappa built many towers, mantapas 
and prakaras (compounds) to the temples of Tiruvannamalai 
and Vrddhachalam 3 . The Sahithyarathnakarakaviyam mentions 
a big tank dug by him outside the temple of Tiruvannamalai 
as well as the eleven-storeyed gopura of the same temple 4 . A 
strange fact is that in 1549 he granted a piece of land for the 
maintenance of fakirs. This is recorded in the inscription of the 
aforesaid Samusaru Mosque at Tanjore 5 . 

The relations of Sevvappa with the Portuguese were very 
friendly. Several Portuguese merchants had in the beginning 
of his reign, or perhaps even earlier, settled in a small village 
on the coast near Tanjore called Nagapatam. To quote from 
the anonymous life of St. Xavier, "they were greatly favoured 
by the lord of that country who is a very powerful Captain 
of the king of Bisnaga" 6 . Encouraged by this show 
of favour, more and more Portuguese established them- 
selves there as years went on. They built several 

1. Sahithyarathnakarakaviyam, canto III, v. 3 (Raja Sarfoji's 
Library, Tanjore, No. 10291) ; Tanjavuri Andhra Rajula Charitra, S. 
Krishnaswami Aiyangar, Sources, p. 323. 

2. Tanjavuri Andhra Rajula Charitra, 1. c. 

3. Ibid. 

4. Sahithyarathnakarakaviyam, canto III, v. 6. 

5. Kuppuswami Sastri, o.c., p. 4. 

6. M . H. S. L, Mon. Xav., I, p. 59. This powerful lord can be no 
other than Sevvappa Nayaka, who was the contemporary of St. 


good houses, and the former village was converted into 
'half a city 1 . There was no Portuguese authority in the 
town, since it was supposed that it belonged to the Tanjore 
Nayak; but every three years the Portuguese Viceroy, or 
Governor, used to send a captain to administer justice among 
his subjects. Negapatam became after a few years a very rich 
and noble city ! . It contained two churches, one dedicated to 
St. Francis of Assisi and the other to Our Lady of Health 
(Nossa Senhora da Saude) 2 . Caesar Frederick who visited 
Negapatam in 1567 calls it " a very great Citie, and very 
populous of Portugals and Christians of the Country and part 
Gentile " 3. 

Sevvappa's reign lasted a considerable time ; we shall again 
speak of him when dealing with the reign of Ranga I. 

3. We do not possess very good information about the 
foundation of the Nayakship of Jinji. According to the above 
mentioned work of Narayan, the Karnataka Rajakal Savistara 
Charitram, the first Raja of that place was Ananta Kon, who 
about 1200 A. D. became the founder of the Shepherd Dynasty. 
At the end of the I4th century an army of Vijayanagara defeated 
the Raja of Jinji, named Kobiiingam, and took possession of 
the country around 4 . This expedition must be the one of 
Kumara Kampana; because during Kampana's campaign in the 
South we find his general Gopanaraya at Jinji as governor of the 
country. 5 . He appears to have had jurisdiction over the South 
as far as Chidambaram, for according to the Guruparampara 
Sri Vedanta Desika, taking advantage of aa internal commo- 
tion in Chidambaram, compelled Gopanaraya of Jinji to re-place 
there the image of Govinda Raja 6 . Later on, probably at 
Gopanaraya's death, the Jinji country was delivered to Narasinga 

1. Ibid. 

2. O Gabinete Literario das Foutainhas, 1, p. 86. It is recorded that 
in the very first years of the Portuguese occupation of Nega- 
patam, about three hundred Hindus were baptized. 

3. Purchas, X, p. 108. 

4. Taylor, Catalogue Raisonnee, III, p. 39. 

5. Cf. Ch. VI, No. 3. 

6. Cf. Rangacharya, I, p. 132, 64, 


Udiyar to be held as a fief: he accepted it with the promise to 
send an annual tribute to the emperor ! . Then we find Vala 
Krishnappa Nayakkan mentioned as Raja of Senji (Jinji) ; his 
son Vala Venkatapati Nayakkan in 1464, during the reign of 
Rama Deva Maharaya (?), drew up a document recorded in an 
inscription at Jinji 2 . According to Prof. Srinivasachari this 
Vala Venkatapati probably was the one who persecuted the 
Jains of the neighbourhood in 1478 3 . Nevertheless, Jinji 
was subsequently lost to Vijayanagara; for the Jaimini Bharata- 
mu informs us that Saluva Narasimha conquered Jinji during 
his campaign in the South 4 . 

Leaving aside the conquest of the whole of the Tamil 
country during the reign of Krishna Deva Raya, which has 
been previously narrated 5 , we shall mention here Tubaki 
Krishnappa Nayaka, who seems to have started the line of the 
Nayaks of Jinji, dependent on the Vijayanagara sovereigns, 
just after that conquest. His rule lasted till 1521. Many 
buildings of the Jinji fortress are attributed to him, such as the 
fortifications at the top of Rajagiri, the granary in the lower 
fort and the Kalyana Mahal. The enclosure of the present 
fortress, with the impressive bastioned wall and ditch, enclosing 
the three mountains, seems also to have been his work. He 
founded many pcttahs around the primitive town c . He 
was, it seems, succeeded by one Achyuta Vijaya Ramabhadra 
Nayaka, who ruled over Jinji during the reign of Achyuta Raya. 
In a ruined temple at Chandragiri, near the palace, an inscription 
of this monarch records a gift by Achyutaraya Nayaka, 
governor of Jinji 7 . 

As to the reign of Sadasiva, an inscription on the South 
wall of the central shrine in the Venkataramaswamin temple at 

1. Taylor, 1. c. 

2. Sewell, II, p. 9 ; Rangacharya, I, p 172, 359. 

3. Srinivasachari, The History of Gingee, p, 7-8. 

4. S. Krishnaswarai Aiyangar, Sources, p. 86. 

5. Of. Ch. VI, No. 7. 

6. The Mackenzie MSS., I, p. 353 (Madras Oriental MSS. 

7. 244 of 1904, 


Jinji mentions the name of the Nayak of Jinji at this time, 
without stating whether he was a relation of the governor 
Achyuta or not. This inscription records a gift of land made by 
King Sadasiva, and another gift made by Surappa Nayaka, for 
the merit of Sadasiva, who is entitled Vira Pratapa Maharaya. 
Both these gifts were made in I550 1 . The drama Bhavana- 
purushottama by the famous poet Ratnakheta Srinivasa Dikshita 
gives some information about this Surappa, at whose court the 
poet lived. Surappa's father had been Pota Bhupala who had 
married Vengalamba, and by her got Surappa Nayaka besides 
two other sons, Divakara Nayaka and Bhairava Nayaka 2 . 

4. We pass now from the East to the West of the Empire, 
viz. to the old Karnataka country 3 ; and the most important 
subordinate state we find there at this time is that of Keladi, 
afterwards called of Ikeri. There are diverse opinions concern- 
ing the origin of its Nayaks 4 . Their ancestors, according 
to the Keladi Raya Paditti, their family chronicle, had originally 
been hereditary gowdas or chiefs of five or six villages in the 
neighbourhood of Keladi 5 . We know from the Sivatattvarat- 
nakara that a person named Basava or Basavappa, according to 
the Keladi Arasu Vamsavali, a husbandman c of the 
Sudra caste 7 , married a woman of the same name, and that by 
her he had four sons. After the death of Basava and the first 
two children, his widow gave birth to two posthumous sons who 
were named Chauda and Bhadra. On one occasion, when Chauda 

1. 240 of 1904. There is another inscription at Jambai, South 
Arcot, probably belonging to the same chief: 104 of 1906. 

2. S. Krishnaswami Aiyangar, Sources, p. 272, note. 

3. The present word Kanara is but a corruption of the word 
Karnataka, made by the Portuguese. Faria y Sousa, II, p. 189, says : 
" This kingdom of Charnataca (or Canara which is a corrupted form 
made to shorten the name) had no Sovereign till the year 1200; " 
and speaking shortly after of the city of Visajanagar (sic) he says 
that Visnaga is likewise a corruption of it. Of. V. B. Alur, The 
Karnatak and its Place in Indian History, Q. J. M. S., IX, p. 33. 

4. Cf. Bice, Mysore, II, p. 431. 

5. Buchanan, A Journey from Madras, II, p. 379. 

6. Wilson, The Mackenzie Collection, p. 333. 

7. Sewell, II, p. 177. 


was ploughing his land, his ploughshare is said to have struck 
considerable buried treasure. With it he managed to become 
the headman of the village, and as such, he collected a small 
company of soldiers. The then king of the country, who was 
probably Krishna Deva Raya 1 I on hearing of this, sent for 
Chauda. Krishna Deva Raya was much pleased to hear his 
story ; and knowing the personal character of the Keladi man, 
appointed him governer of Pulla-desa with the title of Keladi 
Chaudappa Nayaka. Chaudappa had two sons, Sadasiva and 
Bhadra 2 . He died sojn after ; but not before he had appointed 
Sadasiva his successor. 

Sadasiva proved a very fine governor. The poem says that 
" the people were happy under him." On hearing of his 
achievements Rama Raya, the Regent of Vijayanagara, called 
him to the court in order to employ him in the wars against 
the Muhammadans. Rama Raya was at the time engaged in some 
business that required his presence in the capital ; so he put 
Sadasiva at the head of his army, which, in alliance with the 
Sultan of Ahmadnagar, was to attack the Bijapur fort at Kaliyani. 
We have already narrated the achievements of Sadasiva during 
this campaign 3 . He was also despatched against some 
-rebellious chiefs of the Karnatak 4 . He overran this country 
as far as Kasargod, and captured the forts of Barakura, Man- 
galura a id Chandragutti G . Perhaps it was on account of these 

1. I suppose that this is the reason of the confusion existing 
even in the contemporary sources about the creator of the Nayakship 
of Keladi -Ikeri. The Keladi Raya Pad'titti affirms that its institutor 
w? 8 Krishna Deva Raya (Buchanan, I.e.) and the Keladi Arasu Vam- 
savali says that it was Achyuta Raya (Wilson, I.e.). But the real 
royal Nayakship of Keladi was not founded till the time of Chau- 
da's son, Sadasiva Nayaka, who was appointed by Emperor 

2. It seems that the first of these two brothers took the name 
of Sadasiva, as Sadasiva Raya favoured him so much. The Keladi 
Arasu Vamsavali for instance, calls him Chaurapa. Of. Wilson, The 
Mackenzie Collection, p. 333. 

3. Cf.Ch. V,No.6. 

4. Cf.Ch. IV, No. 2. 

5. Of. Rice, Mysore, I, p. 433. 



campaigns that one of the titles of the Nayaks of Ikeri was 
Kote Kolahala, disturber of forts l . Sadasiva was also sent 
against the Sultan of Bidar. Him he captured (along with 
seven constituents of his royalty) and brought as a present to 
Rama Raya, who gave him the title of Satrusaptangaharana, 
captor of the seven constituents of royalty of his enemies. 
Further, he joined an expedition against Travancore 2 , and 
conducted another against two chiefs named Yadava and 
Murari in the country of Jalihalu, whom he defeated and brought 
as prisoners to his sovereign. The Emperor gave him 
the title of Yadavamu-rari Kotikolahala 3 . And it was pro- 
bably then that his dominions were enlarged by the grateful 
sovereign, who thus caused the foundation of a Nayakship 
similar to those of Madura, Tanjore and Jinji, although the 
title had already been given to his father by Krishna Deva 

5. After this series of campaigns, Sadasiva Nayaka 
retired to his capital. An inscription of 1554 records that 
Sadasiva Nayaka purchased a piece of land for the Brahmans 4 . 
But soon a new expedition was led by him against the 
governor of Bankapura t named Madarasa, who had consider- 
ably enlarged his dominions and was regarded as a menace. 
Madarasa was captured and led as prisoner to the Emperor f \ 
Then Sadasiva erected several forts in the strategic points of 
his dominions, to provide against any eventuality : to wit, 
the forts of Keladi , Beakul 7 and Chandragiri, South 
Kanara 8 . He also built the temple of Isvara at Ikeri 9 . 
Upon him, later, was conferred the governorship of Barakura- 
rajya by Venkatadri, who was then * ruling the whole 
kingdom' 10 . 

1. Cf. Rice, Mysore and Coorg^ p. 156. 

2. Cf. Ch. VII, No. 5. 

3. S. Krishnaswami Aiyangar, Sources, p. 194-6. 

4. Rangacbarya, II, p. 850, 21. 

5. Sivatattvatatnakara, Krishnaswami Aiydngar, o. c., p. 196. 

6. Buchanan, A Journey from Madras, II, p. 381. 

7. Ibid., p. 213. 

8. Ibid.; Sewell, I, p. 25. 

9. Buchanan, o. c., p. 380. 

10. 168 of 1901 ; M.E.R., 1911-12, p. 179. It was at this period 
when the whole government was on the shoulders of Timmala and 
Venkatadri. Cf. Ch. Ill, No. 9. 


After this turbulent and successful career Sadasiva 
Nayaka, being too old to govern, bestowed upon his brother 
Bhadrappa Nayaka the title of Immadi Sadasiva Nayaka and 
anointed him governor in his stead. Then Sadasiva " retired 
to the forests in the evening of his life," says the Sivatattvarat- 
nakara l . Sewell puts the end of Sadasiva's reign in the year 
I5/6 2 ; but this date is obviously wrong, since his second 
successor was deposed by Rama Raya. We may say however 
that this event took place during the last years of Rama Raya, 
some time after 1 560 ; because the reign of Bhadrappa Nayaka 
did not last long : the aforesaid poem says only that he " ruled 
for some time" 3 . He is said to have transferred the 
capital from Keladi to Ikert 4 . Before his death he nomina- 
ted the elder son of Sadasiva Nayaka, Dodda Sankanna 
Nayaka, as his successor, and the younger Chikka Sankanna 
Nayaka, as the heir-apparent r> . There had been to Sadasiva 
by different mothers G . 

Dodda Sankanna Nayaka's rule was, it seems, of short 
duration. AH we know of him is that he was deposed by 
Rama Raya for putting a Jangama priest to death. 
Rama Raya then made the former's brother, Chikka 
Sankanna, Nayak of Keladi in his stead 7 . It appears that 
Dodda Sankanna set out on a pilgrimage to the holy places of 
India from Rameswaram to the Himalayas, and lived in 
retirement for the rest of his days 8 . An inscription of 
badasiva Raya, bearing a wrong date, mentions Ramaraja 
Nayaka, grandson of Sadasiva Raya Nayak of Keladi 9 . 
This Ramaraya Nayaka must have been a son of one of these 
two brothers. 


p. 333. 

S. Krishnaswami Aiyangar, 1. c. 
Sewell, II, p. 177. 
3. Krishnaswami Aiyangar, 1. c. 
Rice, Mysore, II, p. 431. 
Sivatattvaratnakaia, 1. c. 
Ibid., p. 194. 
Keladi Arasu Vamsavali, Wilson, The 

Rice, Mysore, II, p. 433. 
131 of 1901. 

Mackenzie Collection, 


6. The Keladi Nayaks of Ikeri were not the only rulers 
of the Karnataka country which were tributary to the power of 
Vijayanagara. Many petty states were formed or were then 
being formed. Of these we shall also give a brief account. The 
one that in due course became most important was the state of 

This country had come under the sway of Vijayanagara 
during the reign of Krishha Djgva Raya. This monarch had 
crushed a refractory chief of those surroundings, the Ganga 
Raja of Ummatur, and had captured the strong fort of 
Sivasamudram and the city of Seringapatam. After this all the 
country had submitted to him l . The origin of the Rajas 
of Mysoie is traceable to a legendary source. A grant 
of Kanthirava, of 1657, gives the genealogy of his fatniiy from 
Vishnu through Brahma, Atri, Indu, Buddha, Pururava and 
other heroes down to the historic founders of the family settled 
in the Karnataka country 2 . 

These were two young Kshatriyas of the tribe of 
Yadava, Krishna's tribe, named Vijaya and Krishna, who, 
according to tradition, had left Dvaraka in Gujarat to esta- 
blish themselves in the South 3 . Their enterprise in rescuing 
the daughter of the Wodeyar of Hadana from the hands of 
the chief of Carugalli seems more a poetical figment than a 
historical fact. The truth is that Vijaya was fortunate enough 
to attain the chieftainship of one or two towns that proved to 
be the basis of the future aggrandizement of the family. We 
have no knowledge of the date of Vijaya's arrival in the 
South *. 

Nothing is definitely known of his descendants prior to 
the l6th century when Chama Raja is mentioned as succeed- 

1. Madras Journal, XIV, p. 39. 

2. /. Car., IV, Ch, 92. 

3. Wilks, History ofMaysw,!, p. 31 ; Rice, Mysore, I, p. 361. 

4. P. Krishna Row, A Brief History of Mysoie, p. 4. Rice, 
Mysore, I, p. 362, says that he ruled from 1399 to 1423. About the 
first settlement in the South of the Mysore ruling family, there is 
no agreement between Wilks and the Palace History. Cf. 8. Krishna 
swami Aiyangar, Ancient India, p. 275-6. 


ing in or about 1507 l . Another Chama Raja 2 is said to 
have built in 1524 a fort at Puragary, which was thereafter 
called Mahish Asur, commonly pronounced Mahishasur and 
now contracted into Mysore. Since that time the chiefs of 
this family used tot reside there 3 . 

We hear of no intercourse between them and the court of 
Vijayanagara at all. This means that these petty chiefs 
rendered at the time the submission due to the imperial power. 
In these days there was no viceroy of Vijayanagara at Seringa- 
patam: the whole country was directy subject to the Emperor. 
We know of a gift of land belonging to Seringapatam made by 
Rama Raya, to whom it had been granted by Sadasiva in 1550. 
No viceroy or agent of either Sadasiva or Rama Raya is 
mentioned in this document 4 . 

7. More powerful than the Raja of Mysore at this time 
was the Prabhu of Yeiahanka. The family of these chiefs had 
come to the Karnataka country from Alur, a village near 
Kanchivaram, and settled down at Avati in the vicinity of 
Devanahalli,2S miles North-East of the present Bangalore. One 
member of this family, in 1418, established himself at Yeia- 
hanka, 9 miles North of the same city, and began to style 
himself Yeiahanka Nadu Prabhu t Lord of the Yeiahanka 
country 5 . This title was kept up by his successors. 
They ruled as vassals of the Vijayanagara Emperor paying 
tribute to him as long as their power lasted. 

The most famous amoag the Yeiahanka Lords was 
Kempe Gowda I, son of Kempanacheya Gowda according .to 
an inscription near his statue in the Sivaganga temple. He 
commenced his rule in 1513. He had been favoured by Krishna 
Deva Raya, from whom he received the villages of Ballapura, 
Devanahalli and Hoskote 6 . But his successful career began 

1. P. Krishna Row, 1. c. 

2. Of. Wilson, The Mackenzie Collection, p. 332. 

3. Wilks, o.c., p. 34. 

4. Ep. Cam., Ill, My, 50. 

5 This chief seems to have, been called Jaya Gowda. Cf. 
Narasimiah, The Founder of Bangalore, p. 11. 
6. M.A.D., 1922, p. 15. 


during the reign of Achyuta Deva Ray a in 1537, when Kempe 
Gowda founded Bangalore in the place of the old village of 
Sivanasamudram by erecting a mud fort l . The Emperor 
appreciated the enterprise of the Yelahanka chief, summoned 
him to his court, and granted him the enjoyment of twelve 
hoblies or groups of villages, yielding a revenue of 30,000 
pagodas. On returning to his estate he beautified the new 
city and made it his capital. He built in it the Vishnu and 
several other temples, and endowed them with grants of 
villages, lands and agraharas for their perpetual worship. 

Nor were these the only temples erected by him in his 
dominions. The inscription running near his statue in the 
Sivaganga temple describes him as a very pious man : 
"Kempaya Gowda, son of Kempanacheya Gowda of Bengaluru, 
who is always making obeisance to the feet of the god Ganga- 
dharaswami". Accordingly many of the temples round about 
Bangalore claim to ha\re been erected by our hero. The Lak- 
shmamma's remple at Koramangala, the Somes vara Channi- 
garayaswami temples at Halsur, and the Gavi Gangadharesvara 
temple at Gavipur, as well as the Kempambudhi tank near it, 
along with the rest of the village and its large lake, are some 
of the works due to the piety and munificence of Kempe Gowda. 
He also enlarged and beautified the shrines of the sacred 
hill of Sivaganga where his statue is shown to this day. 

Such increase of power made him covet indepedence, and 
was also the cause of his disgrace with the Emperor. His 
ambitious purpose was shown when he exceeded the powers 
of a feudal chief by establishing a mint without permission of 
the Vijayanagara sovereign, where he coined the Bhire 
Deva pagodas. This happened probably at the beginning of 
the reign of Sadasiva Ray a, when several chiefs of the 
Karnataka country rebelled against the central power, as 
stated by Ferishta 2 . Rumours of Kempe Gowda's proceed- 
ings reached the court, and he is said to have been sent for by 
Rama Ray a ; but it seems more probable that he was defeated 

1. The new town was called Bengaluru after a hamlet of 
this name in the surroundings. Cf. Narasimiah, o.c., p. 13. 
*. Cf.Ch,IV,No. 2. ^ 


and captured by a general of Vijayanagara, perhaps by 
Sadasiva Nayaka of Ikeri, who, at about the same time, 
conducted an expedition against some rebel chiefs of Shimoga. 
The fact is that Kempe Gowda on reaching Vijayanagara was 
cast into prison at Anegundi, on the other side of the Tun- 
gabhadra ; and that his territory was confiscated and added to 
that of Jagadeva Raya. 

After remaining in confinement for five years, Kempe 
Gowda was released in or about 1563 through the influence of 
his friends ; and after the payment of a heavy fine his posses- 
sions were restored to him. After he had returned from the 
metropolis, he abolished the family custom of amputating the 
two ring-fingers of the marriageable females of his household, 
because he considered it incompatible with his dignity as 
Prabhu of the country. He lived five years more after his 
release, and died in 1569, one year after Tirumala's accession 
to the throne of Vijayanagara l . 

8. Bellur was another of the petty states of Karnataka. 
Its chief at this time was Era Krishnappa Nayaka, who 
appears to have been enfeoffed by Krishna Deva Ray a in 15242. 
He was the son of Baippa Nayaka and Kondamma 3 . 
The great influence he enjoyed at the court of Vijayanagara is 
proved by epigraphical records : when Sadasiva remitted the 
taxes to the barbers in 1546, Rama Raya at once informed 
Era Krishnappa Nayaka of the execution of the King's order 4 . 
He enjoyed the dignity of 'bearer of Sadasiva's betel-bag' 5 . 
He is given the titles of 'Sindhu Govinda, champion over 
adulterers, terrible with his white ensign, boon lord of Maniha- 
gapura* , a place not yet identified 7 . Finally, when in 

1. The best account of the Lords of Yelahanka is the one of 
Mr. B. Puttaiya, The Kempe Gowda Chiefs, published in the Q.J. M. S., 
XIII, p. 724ff.; it is a compilation of the information given by both 
tradition and documents hitherto available. 

& Of. Eplnd., XI, p. 329. 

3. Ep. Cam., XI, Dg, 18 and 39. 

4. Ibid., Hk, 110. 

5. Ibid., Dg, 18 and 39 ; M. A. D., 1920, p. 38. 

6. Ep Cam., XI, Dg, 18 and 39. 

7. Ep. Cam., V, p. XXXIII. In 1535-6 these titles were given 
to Tirumalaraya of Tjflayagiri. Of. Ep. Cam., Ill, Sr. 95, 


1554 the outer petha of Bagur was rebuilt by Sadasiva's 
order, it was named Krishnapura, after Era Krishnappa 
Nayaka l . Both Sadasiva and Krishnappa Nayaka are 
mentioned together in an inscription at Hassan -. 

We know but little of his achievements. A Kanaresu ins- 
cription of 1543 in a temple at Badami refers to the construction 
of a bastion by Era Krishnappa Nayaka, under the superinten- 
dence of Kondaraja :{ . In 1561 he made for the merit of his 
parents a grant of the Kadaji village in the Bilichodu-sima for 
ghee, the chatra and other necessary offerings to the god 
Harihara, with exemption from customs-duts, watch and other 
privileges 4 . From one of the Kanarese books of the Macken- 
zie Collection we know that one of his daughters was named 
Venkatama 5 . x 

We are not aware of the date of Krishnappa Nayaka's 
death. We know only that in 15/6-7 the head of the family was 
his son Venkatadri Nayaka fi . 

The chief of Chitaldroog was another of the petty Rajas 
of Karnataka. During the reign of Krishna Deva Raya, 
Timmana Nayaka, a Telugu from the neighbourhood of 
Tirupati, visited Vijayanagara and was invited to join the expe- 
dition against the Deccani Mussulmans. When the campaign 
was over he was rewarded with many honours- At a later 
period, however, he incurred the royal displeasure and was 
imprisoned at Vijayanagara where he died. His son Obana 
Nayaka was appointed Nayak of Chitaldroog during the reign 
of Sadasiva 7 . 

9. From the Portuguese chronicles we know of other 
feudatory chiefs of Vijayanagara in the Karnatik, near the 
coast of the Arabian sea. The earliest relations of the 
Portuguese with these chiefs began with the King of Onor 

1. Ep. Cam., XI, Hk, 112. 

2. Kielhorn, Inscriptions of Southern India, p. 90, 533. 

3. Ind. Ant., X, p. 64 ; M. A. D., 1920, p. 38. Cf. Ch. ITI, No. 6. 

4. Ep. Cam., XI, Dg, 18 and 39. 

5. Wilson, The Mackenzie Collection, p. 345. 

6. Ep. Cam., IV, Yd, 59. 

7. Rice, Mysore, II, p. 501-2, 



(Honore), the present Honavar ! . We do not know his 
name, but have information that in 1506, when the first 
Viceroy Dom Francisco d' Almeida was in Anjediv?, on the 
coast of Kanara, the King of Onor sent ambassadors to him 
in order to seek his friendship. Later, however, Dom Fran- 
cisco went from Anjediva to Qnor and not being well received, 
burnt the town and a number of ships which he found there. 
The Indians defended the ships valiantly, and during the 
encounter the Viceroy was wounded by an arrow. The city 
nevertheless was captured ; and its governor named Timoja, 
an influential person who owned many of the burnt ships, 
in an interview with Dom Franciso, excused the King for 
what had happened and offered vassalage to Portugal on his 
behalf 2 . Affonso d' Albuquerque, in a letter written in 1512, 
writes to King Dom Manoel that "the King of Onor gives him 
a tribute of more than one thousand pardaos. Nevertheless", 
says Albuquerque, " he aids the Sabayo (the Sultan of Bijapur) 
against us and has always his ambassador at the latter's 
court" :{ . 

This kingdom was aiterwards annexed to that of Bhatkal 
either during the reign of Sadasiva or a little earlier ; for 
when Caesar Frederick passed through Onor in 1567, this city 
was "in the kingdom of the Queen of Bartacella", (Batecala 
or Baticala, Bhatkal.) The same traveller says that " there is 
no trade there, but onely a charge with the Captaine and 
companie hee keepeth there " 4 . 

10. The kingdom of Bhatkal was visited by the Portu- 

1. In this and other similar cases we keep to the denomination 
of King applied to the petty chiefs of Kanara. Pietro della Valle, 
II, p. 216, speaking in 1623 of Venkatappa Nayaka, King of Ikeri, 
says : " Who in my judgment, should rather be called a Regulus 
or Royolet, although the Portugals and Indians give him the honour 
of a Royal title, being he hath in effect neither State, Court, nor 
appearance, befitting a true king." 

2. Barros, II, 267-83 ; Faria y Sousa, I, p. 77-8; Dos Santos, 
Ethiopia Oriental, II, p. 282. 

3. From Affonso d' Albuquerque to Dom Manoel, Goa, April 1st, 
1512, Costa, Historia das Relacocs Diplomaticas, p. 32. 

4. Purchas, X, p. 101, 


guese early in 1502. Vasco de Gama, on passing by the city 
of Bhatkal, gave orders to land at that famous port, and 
noticing that the natives were making attempts to prevent 
the landing of his soldiers, took the offensive. On learning 
this, the King of Bhatkal despatched some Muhammadans to 
offer his submission. The Portuguese accepted it on condi- 
tion that the Turks should not be allowed to trade there, that 
no trade in pepper should be carried on at that port, and that 
vessels should not be permitted to sail from thence to Cali- 
cut. The King accepted these terms, and offered an annual 
tribute of 1,000 loads of common rice for the Portuguese 
soldiers, and of 500 loads of superior rice for the officers ; 
excusing himself at the same time for not giving more, as 
he was only a tenant of the Emperor of Vijayanagara to 
whom the country belonged '. The Italian traveller Corsali, 
while visiting the place in 1517, wrote likewise to Giuliano 
and Lorenzo de' Medici that " the king of Narsinga was the 
lord of it (Bhatkal)" a . 

The tribute promised to Vasco de Gama was faithfully 
paid, it seems till about 1540. The sovereign of Bhatkal at 
that time was a valiant woman whose name is not given. 
Her predecessor, perhaps her husband, had died at Vijayanagara 
sometime before :J . She defied the Portuguese power by with- 
holding the customary tribute of rice, and by giving shelter 
in her dominions to some pirates who were infesting 
that sea and disturbing the Portuguese trade. 

That was the reason why the first act of Martini Aflbnso de 
Sousa, after he assumed the reins of government in 1543, was 
to raise a force of >2,ooo men, with which he proceeded in a 
fleet of seventy ships to chastise the haughty Queen of Bhatkal. 

On reaching the port, Martini Affonso demanded the tribute 
and the surrender of the pirates' vessels. The Queen made 
several excuses ; but the Governor landed at once with a con- 
tingent of 1,200 men, which he divided into two battalions, 
putting Fernao de Sousa e Tavora at the head of one, and him- 

1. Danvers, The Portuguese in India, I, p. 81-2. 

2. Gubernatis, Storia dei Viaggiatori, p. 117. 

3. Correa, IV, p. 252. 


self taking command of the other. At the same time he 
ordered 20 vessels of light draught to sail up the river to attack 
the city by sea. Tlie governor marched with his force through 
a palm-grove. Here he was met by a body of the enemy who, 
notwithstanding theit gallant opposition, were driven to the 
gates of the city. The Portuguese entered the town in pursuit, 
and the struggle that ensued in its streets lasted for many 
hours. It seems that the Queen herself went personally to her 
soldiers and encouraged them to defend her rights. But by 
night the Portuguese were in the possession of the city. 

The next morning the Portuguese soldiers, whilst plunder- 
ing the town, disagreed among themselves as to the division of 
the spoil, and tumult reigned supreme. The enemy who had 
retired to ^m^ighbo tiring hill perceived the commotion, and fell 
upon them in such numbers that they fled in disorder, and took 
to their ships in such panic that several were drowned. The gov- 
ernor, incensed with fury, ordered a fresh attack to be made the 
next day. The city was burnt and the country laid waste ; so 
much havoc was caused throughout the land by this final action 
of Martim Affonso de Sousa that the Queen, no longer able to 
resist, submitted and made peace under the terms proposed by 
the Portuguese Governor l . 

This treaty was finally signed on September l/th, 1548, 
during the reign of Sadasiva, when .Garcia de Sa was Governor 
of Goa. According to the treaty the Queen undertook to pay 
the annual tribute previously promised, as well as all arrears. 
She likewise promised not to permit pirates' ships to leave her 
territory ; and in case of her failure to restrain them, she made 
herself responsible for any damage they might cause to the 

II. Another feudatory state of Vijayanagara in the Kar- 
nataka country was that of Ullal. In 1530 the Portuguese 
under the command of Nuno da Cunha had crossed the river of 

1. Faria y Sousa, II, p. 117-20; Correa, IV, p. 257-62; Dos 
Santos, Ethiopia Oriental, II, p. 289. 

2. Archive da Torre do Tombo, Lisbon, Tratadas, I, p. 130. Of. 
Danvers, Repot t, p. 51. See the text of this treaty in Botelho, 
Tombo do Estado da India, Lima Felner, Subsidies, p. 242-3. 


Mangalorc, which flowed through the Ullal territory, and des- 
troyed the stockade and the fortified positions with the purpose 
of punishing a rich merchant of that place, who was in league 
with the King of Calicut against them l . This time the war 
was not supposed to be against the Queen of Oiaia (Ullal). She 
either paid tribute to Portugal then, or was bound to do so 
shortly after ; for in the year 1556 Dom Alvaro de Silveyra 
was sent at the head of several vessels against the Queen for 
refusing to pay the ordinary tribute. The city of Mangalore 
was plundered on this occasion and a gorgeous Hindu temple 
destroyed. The Queen then accepted the terms of the Portu- 
guese captain. 

Nevertheless ten years^ after, either the same Queen, or her 
successor, again refused payment of all tribute. The name of this 
Queen, according to the Portuguese chroniclers, was Bucadevi 
Chantar (Bukka Devi Chautar). Pietro della Valle, who met 
this Queen in the course of his travels through India, corrupts 
her name even a little more : according to him she was named 
Abag-devi-Ciantru :{ . The Viceroy Dom Antao de Noronha, 
with a fleet of seven galleys, two galliots and five smaller ves- 
sels, carrying in all about 3,000 fighting men, proceeded to 
Mangalore, determined to erect a fort there, and bring about the 
submission of the Queen. 

The fleet anchored in the bay where both the cities, Manga- 
lore and Ullal, are situated. The Viceroy then landed his men 
in six battalions on January 4th, 1567. But that night, while 
the Portuguese, quite unconscious of danger, were supping in 
their camp, the enemy sallied forth in a body of 500 men, fol- 
lowed by another of 1,500, and fell on them so suddenly that 
for a time they were helpless and thrown into great disorder. 
Dom Francisco de Mascarenhas, one of the generals, who held 
an advance post, received the brunt of the attack ; and though 
he fought well, he lost several men. He was finally relieved by 
Dom Luiz de Almeida and the enemy were driven off. 

The next day the Portuguese assaulted the city, and after 

1. Faria y Sousa, I, p. 283-4. 

2. Ibid., II, p. 301-2. 

3. Della Valle, II, p. 311. 


they had forced their way into it, set it on fire and cut down its 
grove of palm-trees. The Queen fled to the mountain. Of the 
Hindus 500 were slain, and of the Portuguese troops about 
forty. The Viceroy then laid the foundations of the fort, giving 
it the name of Sao Sebastiao, because the first stone was laid on 
that Saint's day and in commemoration of the then reigning 
King of Portugal. By the middle of March the fortress, with a 
church and other buildings, was completed. The Viceroy gave 
the command of the fort to his brother-in-law, Antao Pereira ; 
and having left there a garrison of 300 men, and ammunition 
for six months, returned toGoa. Later on, during the govern- 
ment of Dom Luiz de Atayde, Bukka Devi sued for peace ; 
which she purchased at the cost of an additional tribute, and a 
payment of ready cash 1 . 

Frederick, who passed through Mangalore a few months 
after this attack, states that " there is very small trade, but 
only for a little rice " 2 . 

In the neighbourhood of Barcelor (Basrur), the old Barace 
of Ptolomey, near the mouth of the Kundapur river, there was 
another chief, called by the Portguese King of Cambolim 
(Gangolly), subject to Vijayanagara 3 . Frederic mentions also 
the Queen of Gargopam (Gersoppa), near Honavar, as 
"tributary to the King of Bczenegar (Vijayanagara)." The city 
of Ancola belonged to her 4 . In 1540 the King of Gersoppa 
most likely that Queen's predecessor, had acknowledged the 
suzerainty of the King of Portugal, to whom he promised to 
pay a thousand sackfuls of rice every year 5 . 

12. Turning now to the centre of the Empire, we find in 
the North the petty state of Udiripikonda. Its first Raja seems 
to have been Timma Nayadu. From an inscription in the 
Pennahobalam temple at Udiripikonda we know that he was 

1. Faria y Sousa, II, p. 435-8; Dos Santos, o.c., II, p. 292 ; 
Lafitau, Histoiredcs Decottvcrtcs, II, p. 597-9. 

2. Purchas, X, p. 101. 

3. Faria y Sousa, II, p. 469 and 474. 

4. Purchas, X, p. 99. 

5. Botelho, O Tombo do Estado da India, Lima Felner, Sub- 
sidies, p. 257*8 ; Costa, Historiadas Rclacoes Diplomatica^ p. 92. 


living in 1556. He seems to have done much to improve the 
fortifications of his capital. Perhaps, he had been appointed 
Raja by Krishna DevaRaya after a campaign, as a reward for 
his services during the war. His son Narasa Nayadu enlarged 
the fort by building a new bastion, surrounded the village with a 
mud wall, and built for himself a palace in the village and ano- 
ther on the top of the hill. The Udiripikonda family reached 
during his reign the climax of its prosperity. He was succeeded 
by his son Vemala Nayadu, in whose time the disaster of 
Raksas-Tagdi took place 1 . 

In the North-East corner of the Empire there was another 
petty state, that of Venkatagiri. The Valugoti family of its 
Rajas was at this time subject to Vijayanagara. One of them, 
Pedakondappa Nayadu, as well as his brother, Gene Nayadu, 
with the latter's two sons, Nayanappa and Timma, distinguished 
themselves against the Mussulmans in the reigns of Krishna 
Raya, Achyuta Raya and Sadasiva 2 . In the Virabhadresvara 
temple in the village of Macherla,Guntur District, there is an in- 
scription of 1 554 recording a gift of the village of Lingapura 
to the temples of Viresvara and Ishtakamesvara, at the 
said village of Macherla, by the Queen of Komara Timma- 
Nayaningaru of the Recharla-gotra and Velugoti family, who 
acknowledged the suzerainty of Virapratapa Sadasivaraya 
Maharaya n . 

Turning now southwards, we come to the present North 
Arcot, and here we find the Rajas of Vellore. The ruling 
family was one of the most influential in the whole of the 
Empire, and one of its members was destined to create a great 
deal of trouble in the reign of Venkata II 4 . The chief 

1. Francis, Anantapur Gazetteer, p. 165. The information ie 
taken from one of the Mackenzie MSS. 

2. Valugutivant Vamsavali, Wilson, The Mackenzie Collection, p. 
274. The Bobbili Zemindari was at this time depending on the Ven- 
katagiri Raja. Cf. Maha Rajah Sri Rao Sir Venkata Swetachalapati, 
A Revised and Enlarged Account of the Bobbili Zemindari, p. 13-7. 

3. 584 of 1909. 

4. Cf. Ch. XV, No. 11. 


contemporary of Sadasiva was Chinna Bomma Nayaka, whose 
earliest known inscription is dated 1549 l . We do not know 
at what time his father Chinna Virappa Nayaka died 2 . He 
was very likely ruling some time along with one of his brothers; 
for an inscription of Sadasiva of the year 1550 mentions 
Kumara Krishnappa Nayaka and Chinna Bomma Nayaka, 
as the chiefs of Vellore 3 . His influence at the court of 
Vijayanagara is beyond question. The grant of the village of 
Arambaritti to Jvarakandesvara, the Lord of Vellore, made by 
Rama Raya at the request of Chinma Bomma, proves it 
conclusively 4 . He was still ruling after the battle of 
Raksas-Tagdi, because on February 5th, 1567 5 he obtained 
three grants from the Mahamandalesvara Tirumala who was 
then the governor of the Empire on behalf of Sadasiva 6 : we 
know from these inscriptions that Bomma Nayaka's 
jurisdiction extended over the villages of Arapakkam, Ariyur 
and Sadupperi, all in the vicinity of Vellore. From other in- 
scriptions of the time of Ranga I, we learn that he exercised 
jurisdiction also over Sattuvachcheri, Samanginellur and 
Perumai 7 . During the reign of V^nkata II we shall deal 
at length with his son Lingappa Nayaka : after those events 
Vellore became the capital of the Empire. 

13. The names of many other chiefs of petty states may 
be found on going through the inscriptions of the reign of 
Sadasiva; the greatest number is in Cuddapah District. An 
inscription of Cuddapah itself records that a feudatery of 
Sadasiva erected a stone mandapam and planted a garden near 
it 8 . Another states that Ellappa Nayaka, a feudatory of 
Sadasiva, granted to the god some land in the village of 
Chintakommadinne . Ramarajayya Pimmaraju Garu, a 

1. Hultsch, South Indian Inscriptions, I, p. 84, 57. 

2. Vilapaka grant of Venkata II, Ep. Ind., IV, p. 271. 

3. 417 of 1905. 

4. 39 of 1887. 

5. Of. Ind. Ant., XXIII, p. 132. 

6. 37, 38 and 44 of 1887. 

7. Hultzsch, South Indian Inscriptions, I, p. 73-5, 47-9, 

8. Rangacharya, I, p. 578, 33. 

9. Ibid., p. 577, 22. 


feudatory of Sadasiva, exempted the barbers of the village of 
Chinna Mudiyam from taxes 1 9 The Mahamandalesvara 
Maharaya of Yeragudi remitted taxes on barbers at Kalamalla, 
with the permission of Rama Raya 2 . One Narayana, son 
of Tirumala Raja of Bhojanapullah, gave two turns and six 
mundas of lane} to Brahmans for the maintenance of the 
watershed 3 . Finally Nandyal Aubalaraja, son of Maha- 
mandalesvara Singarayadeva Maharaja 4 , feudatory of Sa- 
dasiva, granted some land to the god Tiruvengalanatha 5 ; 
and again gave half a kunda of dry field in Cuddapah to the 
deity 6 . It seems that he was succeeded by his grandson 
NandyalaT4mmayyadeva Maharaju, who claims to be the grand- 
son of Nandyala Avubalaraja when making a gift of a village 
to the temple of Ragunathadeva on the Gandikota-durga 7 . 
He also, as feudatory of Sadasiva, built the village of Pot- 
ladurti and gave it to the god Chennakesava 8 , granted some 
lands to the gods and Brahmans of the village of Nellala , gave 
the god Chennakesava of Kodur some lands in Nandapadu 10 
and Kodur itself u , granted the rent of a village for 
meeting the expense of ceremonial 12 , gave the dues of the 
village of Koppulu to learned men 13 and remitted the tax on 
the barbers of Bondalakunta u , Lingala lf) , Nallapalli 16 , 
and Gandikota-sima 17 . 

1. Ibid., p. 589, 145. 

2. 381 of 1904. 

3. Rangacharya, I, p. 587, 129. 

4. 106 of 1905. 

5. Rangacharya, I, p. 578, 36. 

6. Ibid., p. 578, 38. 

7. 486 of 1906. 

8. Rangacharya, I, p. 616, 480. 

9. Ibid., p. G29, 594. 

10. Ibid., p. 612, 440. 

11. Ibid., p. 612,444. 

12. Ibid., p. 574, 8. 

13. Ibid., p. 580, 60. 

14. Idid., p. 588, 136. 

15. Ibid., p. 613, 450. 

16. Ibid., p. 602, 331. 

17. 318 of 1905. Some relations to these chiefs are mentioned in 
81 of 1915 and Rangacharya, II. p. 964, 534-537, 




SUMMARY.-!. Project of a league of the Deccani Muhammadans 
against Vijayanagara. ^2. Reconciliation between the Sultans of 
Bijapur and Ahmadnagar. The Sultans of Golkonda and Bidar 
join the alliance. 3. Rama Raya's preparations against the Mu- 
hammadans. 4. Description of the two armies. 5. Advance 
positions near the river Krishna. 6. Order of battle in the two 
camps. 7. First action : Venkatadri's attack against Ali Adil 
Shah, and Tirumala's against the Sultans of Golkonda and 
Bidar. 8. Second action : Engagement between Rama Ray a 
and Husain Nizam Shah. Muhammadan retreat. 9. Third action : 
The last effort of the Muhammadans. Treachery of two Muslim 
captains of Rama Raya. 10. Capture and execution of the Hindu 
ruler. 11. Flight of the Hindu army. 12. Plunder of the 
Hindu camp. 

CONTEMPORARY SOURCES. 1. Ferishta, Anonymous chronicler of 
Golkonda, Burhan-i-Ma'asir, Basatin-us-Salatin. 2. Hindu inscrip- 
tions and grants. 3. Mrtyunjaya MSS., Maratha and Kanarese 
accounts of the battle. 4. Poona Persian Poem, Ramarajiyamu, 
Chikadevaraya Vamsavali, Jangama Kalainyana. 5. Couto,Faria y 
Sousa. 6. C.Frederick, Anquetil du Perron. 

IN one of the preceding chapters we said that the arro- 
gance of Rama Raya was responsible for the Muhammadan 
alliance which culminated in the battle of Raksas-Tagdi. They 
disliked Rama Raya for interfering in the Muslim kingdoms: 
especially in the last campaigns their pride had been insulted, 
their religious feelings despised and their independence 
threatened by the Hindu Monarch \ The natural consequence 
of this was the Muhammadan league. 

1. Wilson, The Mackenzie Collection, p. 268, says that "the Hindu 
records state that on going to an audience of the Raja, the envoy of 
Ibrahim Adil Shah passed on his way some swine intended to be given to 
menials of the court. As he expressed his abhorrence of this unclean 
animal to the Raja, the latter treated his aversion withridicule,^and 

THfc BATTLE OF &AsAS-f AGt)l 195 

According to both Couto and Ali ibn Aziz, it was the Sultan 
of Ahmadnagar who promoted this alliance among the Deccani 
kingdoms, spurred on by his hatred towards Rama Raya, who 
had often laid waste the territories of his realm l . But Ferishta 
says clearly that "Ali Adil Shah resolved to curb his insolence 
(Rama Raya's) and reduce his power by a league of the faithful 
against him". The first idea, then, of such an alliance came 
from the Sultan of Bijapur, and was confirmed by the opinion 
of his courtiers ; for having discused this point in an assembly 
of his counsellors, two of them, Kishwar Khan Lary and Shah 
Aboo Turab Shirazy, represented "that the King's desire to 
humble the pride of the Raya of Bijanagar was undoubtedly 
meritorious and highly politic, but could never be effected unless 
by the union of all the Muhammadan kings of the Deccan, as 
the revenues of Ramraj, collected from sixty seaports and 
numerous flourishing cities and districts, amounted to an 
immense sum, which enabled*4iim to maintain a force, against 

asked him how ho could hold them as unclean when he fed upon 
fowls, which picked out grains from tho ordure of swine. He took 
an opportunity of showing Siira the fact. The insult roused Ibrahim 
Adil Shah to arms." Wilson is mistaken at least in referring to 
Ibrahim Adil Shah as the Sultan of Bijapur who was present at the 
so-called battle of Talikota. It was his son Ali Adil Shah. 

1. Couto, VIII, p. 28-9; Burhan-i-Ma'asir, Ind. Ant., L, p. 143. It 
seems however that Husain Nizam Shah was the most prominent in 
the battlefield among the four Sultans. Naturally the P.P.P. does 
not mention any other Sultan; according to the poet, the army of 
Ahmadnagar alone fought against and defeated Rama Raya. See Ap. 
A. A Marathi MS. of the Mackenzie collection refers to the pretext 
for commencing this campaign against Vijayanagara, as follows : 
" While Rama Rayalu was ruling, a Mahomedan Fakir came (to Ane- 
gundi) and bathed in a sacred pool; and being taken while doing so, 
was carried before the ruler, at whose command the Fakir himself, 
and two others of his class, were beaten and allowed to escape barely 
with life. They went to Delhi (a word often loosely used for 
Mohamedan) and represented that if Vijayanagara were not taken, 
the Delhi ruler was no Mussulman. In consequence of this incident 
preparations were made to go against Vijayanagara, which was 
captured." Taylor, Catalogue Raisonnc, III, p. 691-2, 


which no single king of the Mussulmans could hope to contend 
with the smallest prospect of success". 

2. Accordingly, by the Sultan's command, Kishwar Khan 
took the necessary measures to effect a general league. The 
first step was to send an envoy to Golkonda to sound Ibrahim 
Qutb Shah, and to propose to him, if found prudent, the afore- 
said plan. The Golkonda Sultan at once fell in with the views 
of Ali Adil Shah, and even offered to bring together Ali Adil 
Shah and Husain Nizam Shah, who were in perpetual 
disagreement on the question of the possession of the fort of 
Sholapur l . With this view he deputed Mustafa Khan, one of 
the ablest nobles of his court, to the courts of Ahmadnagar and 
Bijapur, with the object of effecting a reconciliation between 
Husain Nizam Shah and Ali Adil Shah and forming some family 
connection between them if possible, in order to perpetuate the 
alliance 2 . 

On reaching Ahmadnagar Mustafa reminded its Sultan 
"that during the times of the Bahmani princes the whole strength 
of the Mussulman powers was united under one king, which 
maintained the balance against the force of the Raya of 
Bijanagar ; that now, though the Mussulman dominion 
was divided, yet policy required that all the princes of the 
faithful should unite in restraining the increasing power of 
their common enemy. He observed that the authority of the 
Raya of Bijanagar, who had reduced all the Rajas of the 
Karnatic to his yoke, required to be checked ; and that his 
influence should be removed from the countries of Islam, in 
order that the people of their several dominions, who should be 
considered as being committed by the Almighty to their care, 
might repose in safety from the oppressions of unbelievers, 
and their mosques and holy places no longer be subject to 
pollution from infidels" 3 . 

1. Ferishta, III, p. 123-4. 

2. Ferishta, III, p. 123, says that Mustafa Khan was directed 
first to Bijapur, but I here prefer the authority of the anonymous 
chronicler of Golkonda, Ferishta, 1. c., p. 413. Moreover, no satis- 
factory reason is forthcoming for his journey first to Bijapur, since 
from Bijapur the first idea of the league went out to Golkonda. 

3. Ferishta, 1. c., p. 124-5 ; Burhan-i-Ma'osir, Iitd. Ant., L, p. 143-4, 


The mission of Mustafa Khan proved eminently successful. 
Husain Nizam Shah was moved by his reasons; and shortly after- 
wards plans were laid for the reconciliation between both Sultans. 
Husain Nizam Shah was to give his daughter Chand Bibi in 
marriage to Ali Adil Shah, and with her the fort of Sholapur 
as her dowry. In return, the Sultan of Bijapur was to give 
his sister Falah Bibi Hadya Sultana to Nizam Shah's eldest 
son, Prince Shahzada Murtaza, afterwards Murtaza Nizam 
Shah 1 . Couto adds here that Husain Nizam Shah gave Ibrahim 
Qutb Shah another of his daughters as wife 2 . These family 
unions were only a sanction of the league calculated to reduce 
the power of Rama Raya; for this purpose it was resolved to 
march against him at the earliest practicable moment. 

Mustafa Khan then went to Bijapur, accompanied by 
Mowlana Inayatuliah, the ambassador of Nizam Shah. There 
the political treaties and marriage agreements were drawn up 
and naturally confirmed by the most solemn oaths. The 
marriages were celebrated with great pomp, and nuptial 
rejoicings were held in both the cites of Bijapur and Ahmad- 
nagar 3 . 

Were the other two Deccani Sultans invited to join this lea- 
gue? Faria y Sousa speaks only of the three above-mentioned Sul- 
tans, Nizamaluco (Nizam Shan), Idalxa (Adil Shah),and Gutubixa 
(Qutb Shah) 4 . The same only are mentioned by the Burhan-i- 
Ma'asir*. But Ferishta, although he does not mention the 

1. Ferishta, 1. c., p. 125 ; Anonymous chronicler of Golkonda 
Ferishta, 1. c., p. 413; Burhan-i-Ma'asir, Ind. Ant., L, p. 144; Couto, VIII, 
p. 89. Gribble, A History of the Deccan, I, p. 192, incorrectly speaks of 
the bride of Prince Murtaza as the daughter of Adil Shah. Both 
Muhammadan historians say that she was his sister. 

2. Couto, 1. c. 

3. Ferishta, 1, c., p. 125-6; Couto, 1. c. 

4. Faria y Sousa, II, p. 432. 

5. Burhan-i-Ma'asir, Ind. Ant., L, p. 144. The Marat ha account 
of the battle gives six names of sovereigns allied against the Hindus 
on this occasion. The first mentioned is Akbarshah Padsha. Cf. 
Chandorkar, The Destruction of Vijayanagara, Account of the Second 
Conference of the Bharata Itihasa Sanshodhaka Mandala, Poona, 1914, 
p. 170, 


Sultan of Bidar when relating the making of peace and al- 
liance, nevertheless goes on to say that AH Barid Shah was 
making active preparations for the campaign against Rama 
Raya, as the other three Sultans were doing l . Frederick also 
mentions four, vis. Dialcan (Adil Khan), Zamaiuc (Nizam 
Shah), Cotamaluc (Qutb Shah), and Viridy (Barid Shah) 2 . 
Anquetil du Perron states likewise that " Bisnagar was 
plundered by the four kings of the Deccan and the 
Concan" 3 . But Couto says that the Izamaluco (Nizam Shah) 
invited four other kings to join the alliance, vis. Idalxa (Adil 
Shah), Hebrahe (Burhad Imad Shah, of Berar?), Cotubixa, 
(Qutb Shah) and Verido (Barid Shah) 4 . According to this 
authority all the Deccani Sultans were united to this holy 
campaign against the infidels. Yet the Basatin-us-Salatin says 
that the Sultan of Berar did not join the other Sultans on 
account of his hatred for Husain Nizam Shah 5 . 

3. Rama Raya soon heard of the intentions of the Muham- 
madan Sovereigns, and lost no time in making preparations to 
oppose their united forces . The anonymous chronicler of 
Golkonda informs us that Rama Raya on this occasion 
summoned "all his dependents and Rajas from the banks of 
the Krishna as far as the island of Ceylon" 7 . One of the 
Princes summoned was the Nayak of Madura, Kumara 
Krishnappa Nayaka. This prince, who had shortly before 
succeeded his father Visvanatha 8 , did not proceed himself in 
person to the North to aid the Empire, for his kingdom was not 
yet entirely subdued. But he sent his prime Minister and great 

1. Ferishta, III, p. 126 and 246. 

2. Purchas, X, p. 92. 

3. Anquetil du Perron, DCS Rcscrchcs Historiqncs, 1. c., p. 166. 
Queyroz, Conquista dc Ccylao, p. 309, metions also four, but instead 
of the Sultan of Bidar he puts hero Melique, the petty lord of Dabul 
in the Konkan. 

4. Couto, VIII, p. 88. 

5. Basatin-us-Salatini p. 95. 

6. Couto, VIII, p. 19. 

7. Ferisbta, III, p. 413. 

8. Cf. Ch. VII, No. 17. 


general Ariyanatha Mudaliyar with a large force l . One of the 
chiefs who accompanied Ariyanatha to the North for the de- 
fence ot the Empire was Basavaraja, as we know from the Puduk- 
kottai plates of Srivallabha and Varatungarama Pandya 2 . 

While he was thus preparing for the attack, Rama Raya 
was the recipient of an embassy from Ali Adil Shah of Bijapur 
demanding restitution of Etgir, Bagrakot, Raichur and Mudgal, 
which had at different times been wrested by the Vijayanagara 
sovereigns from their neighbours of Bijapur. This was 
supposed to afford Adil Shah a pretext for breaking with Rama 
Raya, who "as was expected," says Ferishta, "expelled the 
ambassador with disgrace from his court; and the united 
sovereigns made this circumstance a plea for hastening on their 
preparations to crush the common enemy of Islam" r{ . 

4. Both the anonymous chronicler of Golkonda and the 
Burhan-i-Ma 'asir state that the four Sultans finally met at the 
fort of Sholapur 4 ; but the statement of Ferishta locating the 
place of their meeting in the plains of Bijapur seems more 
probable 5 . Such is also the view of Mirza Ibrahim Zabiri, who 
affirms that the Sultans marching towards Bijapur finally 
encamped in the vicinity of Talikota, where they were generous- 
ly entertained by Ibrahim Adil Shah 9 . On December 

1. Mrtyunjaya MSS., Taylor, O.H. MSS., II, p. 115. Prof. Satya- 
natha Aiyar, History of the Nayaks, p. 68, thinks that Ariyanatha 
arrived at Vijayanagara a little late. 

2. T. A. 5., I, p. 84 ,vv. 161-164. 

3. Ferishta, III, p. 126. The Maratha account introduces Ali 
Adil Shah protesting against the war with Vijayanagara; the other 
Sultans sent him the following message: "Please allow us passage 
through your territory. You should also join us with your army." 
Ali Adil Shah, duly honouring the envoy, replied as follows : "As I 
call myself a friend of Ham Raj, I am sorry I cannot help you." Cf. 
Chandorkar, The Destruction of Vijayanagar, Account of the Second Con- 
ference of the B. I. S.M., Poona, 1914, p. 170. Afterwards however the 
Sultan of Bijapur appears by the side of the other Sultans against 
his old friend. 

4. Ferishta, III, p. 413; Burhan-i-Ma' asir, Ind. Ant., L. p. 144. 

5. Ferishta, III, p. 126. 

6. Basatin-us-Salatin, p. 96. 


26th, 1564, they started for the South. The Portuguese authors 
record that the allied army contained fifty thousand horse and 
three thousand foot l . The anonymous chronicler mentions 
several of the Muslim generals in charge of the detachments of 
this army; Mustafa Khan from Golkonda; Mowlana Inayatullah 
from Ahmadnagar, and Kishwar Khan from Bijapur 2 . Rifat 
Khan was also in the army of Golkonda; he had been summoned 
from the South where he boasted of having reduced part of the 
country 3 . Of these Mustafa Khan, whose real name was 
Kamal-ud-din Husain (Mustafa Khan being only a title), was as 
excellent a general as he was a shrewd politician and diploma- 
tist, and was one of the foremost warriors of the Muslim world 
of those days. The beautiful Tughra inscription over the 
Makki gate of Golkonda still displays the titles bestowed upon 
him by the Sultan in token of the royal satisfaction and as a 
reward for his services to the state 4 . Moreover, according to 
the Mrtyunjaya MSS. several Maratha detachments had joined 
the Muhammadan army 5 . This seems certain; for shortly 
after we find a body of six thousand Maratha cavalry in the 
army of Bijapur 6 . The anonymous chronicler mentions six of 
the officers of this Mahratta cavalry : Yeswunt Row, Bhoj Mul 
Naig, Dew Naig, Buswunt Row, Viswas Row and Koli Row 7 . 

On the other hand the Hindu army, according to Ferishta, 
consisted of seventy thousand horse and ninety thousand in- 
fantry 8 , but the anonymous chronicler gives higher figures, 
viz. one hundred thousand horse and three hundred thousand 
infantry 9 ; and both Couto and Faria y Sousa, while agreeing 

1. Couto, VIII, p. 89 ; Faria y Souaa, II, p. 432. The P.P.P. says 
that " on account of the Arabian horses and of the intoxicated 
elephants, the desert and the fields became black". Ap. A. 

2. Ferishta, III, p. 414. 

3. Ibid., p. 421. 

4. Yazdani, Inscriptions in Golkonda Fort, Ep. Ind. MosL, 1913-14, 
p. 48-9. 

5. Taylor, O.H. MSS., II, p. 15. 

6. Ferishta, III, p. 418. 

7. Ibid., p. 433. 

8. Ibid., p. 247. 

9. Ibid., p. 413. 


as to the number of horse, state that the footsoldiers were more 
than six hundred thousand l . Rama Raya and his two 
brothers were at the head of this formidable, army. The so- 
called Emperor of Vijayanagara was then a very old man : 
according to Ferishta he was seventy 2 ; the Burhan-i-Ma'asir 
says he was eighty 3 ; but the Portuguese authors, who seem 
more reliable on this point, on account of their frequent inter- 
course with the court of Vijayanagara, state that he was in the 
96th year of his age 4 . 

1. Couto, VIII, p. 89 ; Faria y Sousa, II, p. 432. 

2. Ferishta, III, p. 129. 

3. Buthart-i-Ma'asir, Ind, Ant., L, p. 146. 

4. Couto, III, p. 90; Faria y Sousa, 1. c.; Sewell, p. 203, agrees. 
The Maratha account gives interesting details of the proceedings of 
Rama Raya on the eve of his departure from the capital. " He then 
went to his own harem, spent some time with Sathyabhamabai, the 
chief Queen, and presented many rich jewels to her. Then he went 
to another of his wives whose name was Devachintamani Trivegal. 
Her company gave him great pleasure and he made presents to her. 
Then he came to the drawing room of his third wife, Mana Mohini 
Nijaswarapi. She tried to please him in different ways. He ordered 
sundry fruits from his orchards and presented them to his wives. 
(There is here a list of 20 different kinds of fruits). Then he visited 
the chamber of his mother Chandrasala. She waved many jewels 
over his head that evil may be warded off. He then explained to her 
the state of affairs, how the four kings had made a common cause in 
attacking him and how the temples, alms-distributing houses, and 
the existence of the Brahmans was threatened. He therefore intima- 
ted to her the plan of repulsing and punishing the enemy. He then 
fell at her feet and asked for her leave. She did not like the idea 
and said: "We have not hurt the Muhammadans, but even then 
they are all coming united. It would be better to negotiate with 
them ". He, not approving of her advice, went away. Whereupon 
she consented in order to please* him. Afterwards he took rest during 
the night in his chambers. There he dreamt that somebody was 
depriving him of his ear- jewel and his throne and that he was being 
pulled down. At once he caused all the astrologers and fortune- 
tellers of long standing to be summoned and related his dream to 
them. They consoled him by saying that the enemy would be war- 
ded off, and that he would be long-lived and rule over his kingdom. 
He then presented them with costly cloths as well as coco-nuts. He 
also distributed 5,000 buns among the Brahmans", Chandorkar, The 
Destruction of Vijayanagara, 1. c., p. 171-2. 


5. Rama Raya soon sent his brother Tirumala with twen- 
ty thousand cavalry, five hundred elephants and one hundred 
thousand foot to occupy the right bank of the Krishna, and 
defend all the passages of the river. He also sent his second 
brother Venkatadri with another equally large army. He him- 
self next followed by slow marches with the rest of the forces of 
his dominions l . According to the Maratha account " horses, 
elephants, camels, stores, cattle, drink-shops, hunting materials, 
treasure houses and corn stores all these were also brought to 
the neighbourhood of the royal camp. Every man in Vijaya- 
nagara (every one having his own horse) was ordered to join the 
army" 2 . 

The Muhammadan armies, having passed the town of 
Talikota, which wrongly gave its name to the battle 3 , were 
laying waste the Vijayanagara territory to the North of 
the Krishna 4 . Tirumala and Venkatadri had encamped on the 
South bank of this river, where they had constructed field 
fortifications and strenghtened them by cannon and rockets 5 . 
The allies on reaching the Krishna, found that the only 
known ford was already occupied by the Hindu army, and des- 
patched scouts to explore the river, hoping to find another 
fordable passage for their troops ; it was not long before they 

1. Ferishta, III, p. 127. Basatin-us-Salatin, p. 96-7, compares 
Rama Raya's army to a locust cloud, and states that the total number 
of his soldi era were one. lakh of horse and five lakhs of foot -soldiers. 
There is a slight difference in these numbers as given in the Burhan- 
i'Ma'asir, Ind. Ant., L, p. 144: Venkatadri's army : 20,000 horse, 1,000 
elephants and 100,000 foot. Eltamraj's (Tirumala's) army; 12,000 
horse, 1,000 elephants and 200,000 foot. 

2. Chandorkar, The Destruction of Vijayanagara^ 1. c., p. 172. 

3. Talikota is twenty five miles North of the Krishna. This is 
the reason which inclined me to change the appellation of this battle. 
History must he accurate even in these minor details. 

4. Couto, VIII, p. 89. Both the Burhan-i-Ma'asir t Int. Ant., L, p. 
144, and the Basatin-us-Salatin, p. 97, describe the battle as having 
taken place on the banks of the Krishna. Only Ferishta, III, p. 246, 
says that the allies had crossed the Krishna and the fight occurred 
near the river Hukery, twelve miles South of the Krishna. 

5. Ferishta, 1. c., p. 127. There was no fort there, as Sewell, p. 
211, supposes, 


fully ascertained that the only safe ford was just in front of the 

"On obtaining this information", says Ferishta, "the 
allies held a council, when it was determined that they should 
march to another part of the river, as if with the intention to 
cross; in hopes that the enemy might be induced to quit his posi- 
tion and follow, thus enabling the Muhammadans to return 
suddenly, and throw part of the army across at the desired ford 
without interruption. Agreeably to this plan the army of 
Islam moved on the next morning, and continued to march for 
three days successively ; which completely deceived the enemy, 
who quitted all his posts, and manoeuvred along the opposite 
side of the river. The allies on the third night suddenly 
struck their camp, and moved with such rapidity that, during 
the next day, they gained the ford which the enemy had 
deserted and crossed the river without opposition". Husain 
Nizam Shah was among the first to cross the river. On the 
next day the vanguards of both armies met some miles South 
of the Krishna ', in the neighbourhood of the two villages of 
Raksasji and Tagdiji, the names of which combined give the 
word Raksas-Tagdi 2 . 

1. Ferishta, III, p. 127-8 ; Burhan-i-Ma'asir, Ind. Ant., L, p. 145 ; 
Basatin-us-Salatin, p. 97-8. Sewell, p. 199, note 2, says that this place 
was probably " the plains about the little village of Bayapur or 
Bhogapur on the road leading directly from Ingaligi to Mudkal." 
Ferishta, III, p. 247, while narrating the history of the Sultans of 
Ahmadnagar, says : " The kings of the Deccan made overtures to 
him (Rama Raya), promising the restitution of the districts they had 
taken from him on the march, in order to obtain peace ; conceiving 
themselves unequal to cope with his formidable army. Ramraj how- 
ever refused to listen to any accomodation." This statement seems 
inconsistent with the whole account of the battle and its preparations, 
and with his own narrative. It is evidently intended to extol the 
Muslim bravery in winning such an unequal engagement. 

2. Fatwardan, The Battle of Raksas-Tagdi, The Bliarata Itihasa 
Sanshodhaka Mandala Quarterly, IV, p. 72. Raksas-Tagdi is mentioned 
both in a Kanarese, and in the Maratha account. Of. Chandorkar, 
The Destruction of Vijayanagara, 1. c., p. 176; S. Krishnaswamy Aiyan- 
gar, TheBakhair of Ram Raj. Indian Historical Records Commission, 
Poona Session, p. 57. 


6. In the meanwhile, Rama Raya had joined his army 
and despatched to the vanguard a body of Rachebidas (of the 
Rachevadu race) * under a captain of their own, to reconnoitre 
the surroundings 2 ; and these were probably the force met by 
the Muslim vanguard. According to the Maratha account 
there was a fierce exchange of arrows from both sides; and both 
parties suffered heavily, but the Muhammadan vanguard was 
forced to retreat 3 . Rama Raya was having his dinner when 
news suddenly came that the enemy was approaching and was 
almost within sight ; and that between the vanguards of both 
armies an engagement had taken place 4 . The Hindu chief, 
41 though somewhat astonished at their activity", remarks Fe- 
rishta, " was by no means dismayed" 5 , but mounting a horse 
with juvenile agility he put his troops in battle array 6 . He 
entrusted his right wing to his brother Tirumala, and his left 
wing to his younger brother Venkatadri, while he himself com- 
manded the centre. Two thousand elephants, trained and 
armed, and one thousand pieces of ordnance were placed at 
different intervals of his line 7 . The Muhammadan writer 
says that the infantry of Vijayanagara used to go into battle 

1. They belonged to the Northern Oircars, in the present 
Nellore District, and were very brave and fearless soldiers. 

& Couto, VIII, p. 90. These captains, according to the 
Maratha account, were named Bisalaya Naik, Trivengallappa Naik 
and Kartik Virappa Naik. Chandorkar, The Destruction of Vijaya- 
nagara y 1. c., p. 176. 

3. Chandorkar, The Destruction of Vijayanagara^ \. c., p. 177. 

4. Couto, 1. c. This engagement is probably the one spoken of 
in the Burhan-i-Ma'asir, 1. c., 146, when it is stated there that " Ikhas 
Khan first charged the enemy with his Khurasan! horse and slew 
large number of the infidels.*' 

5. Ferishta,III f p.lZS.TheButhan-i-Ma'asir, I.e., with evident 
fatuity, says just the contrary: "When Sadasiva Raya (Rama Raya) 
heard of the passage of the river by the Muslims, which seemed to be 
A presage of their success, he was much perturbed and alarmed.'* 

7. Couto, 1. c. 

8. Ferishta, I.e. The Burhan-i-Ma'asir> 1. C M p. 193, supposes 
that Venkatadri was commanding the right wing and Tirumala the 
lft one. 


"quite naked, and had their bodies anointed with oil, to prevent 
their being easily seized" l . 

The allies likewise drew up their army in order of battle. 
AH Adil Shafh took over the command of the right wing to 
oppose Venkatadri ; the left was entrusted to Ibrahim Qutb 
Shah and Ali Barid Shah, in front of Tirumala's wing, while 
the centre was led by Husain Nizam Shah. Each of these three 
divisions erected twelve standards, in honour of the twelve 
Imams, before proceeding to the attack. Ikhas Khan, an 
officer of Ahmadnagar, was posted with a force of mounted 
Khurasani archers in advance of the centre. The gun-carriages, 
fastened together by strong chains and ropes, were drawn up 
in front of the line pf Husain Nizam Shah ; there were alto- 
gether six hundred pieces of ordnance of different calibre, 
placed in three lines of two hundred each. In the first line were 
the heavy guns, the smaller were in the second, while tKe third 
line consisted of swivels ; the whole was commanded by Chalabi 
Rumi Khan, distinguished officer from Asia Minor, who had 
served in Europe. The elephants were placed at intervals in 
the main line of battle, their tusks being armed with sharp 
sword blades 2 . 

Before the battle, Tirumala and Venkatadri tried to 
persuade their aged brother Rama Ray a to leave the superin- 
tendence of the army to them. His advanced years made his 
position precarious in battle. But Rama Raya could not be 
induced to change his mind ; and with the valour of a man of 
thirty, he despatched them back to their respective wings 3 . 
It was probably on this occasion that he addressed his brothers 
and generals and " encouraged them to make a resolute stand 
against the Muslims, saying that he had attained the age of 

1. Ferishta, III, p. 137. The description given by Paes of the 
Vijayanagara soldiers refers to the great parade before the King. 
Their dress was as magnificent on that occasion as it was scanty on 
entering a battle. Cf. Sewell, p. 275-9. The paintings of the P.P.P. 
reproduced here represent the foot-soldiers killed during the battle 
covered only with a short loin cloth. 

2. Ferishta, III, p. 128 and 247-8 ; Burhan-i-Maasir, Ind. Ant., 
L, p. 146 and 193. 

3. Couto, VIII, p. 90, 


eighty years (?) without having disgraced himself, and that he 
did not wish to be disgraced by cowardice at the end of his life. 
He said that anybody who was overcome by fear was free to 
depart while there was yet time, and to save his life. The 
Raya's brothers and their 30,000 horsemen swore that they 
would fight to the death" *. Then Rama Raya mounted a 
litter of state, called sing'hasun, in spite of the entreaties of his 
officers, who felt that he would be much safer on horseback. 
" But", said he, " there is no occasion for taking precautions 
against children, who would certainly fly on the first charge ; 
this is not war" 2 . 

7. It was noon 3 when the two armies advanced and 
soon joined battle 4 . The left wing of the Hindu army, under 
the command of Venkatadri, was the first to attack its opponent 
the Sultan of Bijapur 5 . Venkatadri had always been a help- 
mate to his brother Rama Raya on the battlefield, ' verily as 
Lakshmana was to the epic hero Rama', as the Kondyata 
grant of Venkata III says 6 . He was ' a great hero* accord- 
ing to the Kallakursi grant of Ranga III 7 , and ' a veritable 

1. Burhan-i-Ma'asir, Ind. Ant n L, p. 146. 

2. Ferishta, III, p. 128-9 ; Basatin-us-Salatin, p. 99. According 
to the Burlian-i-Ma asir. I.e., p. 145, Rama Raya and his brothers on 
approaching the Muslim army " were terrified and decided not to 
fight on that day, but to make the most of their last day of dominion 
and power. They therefore withdrew from the field, and Husain 
Nizam Shah and the other two Sultans took advantage of their 
unwillingness to fight, to allow the armies of Islam time for repose, 
and rested that night in anticipation of the morrow's battle 1 *. The 
P.P.P., says also that "when that infidel (Rama Raya) heard that 
the army (of Ahmadnagar) was approaching, the world became dark 
to his eyes 1 *. Ap. A. This conduct of Rama Raya is not consistent 
with the narrative of Ferishta and other authorities. This passage 
is an evident concoction of the author in order to represent the 
Vijayanagara ruler as a cowardly warrior. 

3. Ferishta, III, p. 128 ; Burhan-i-Ma'asir, 1. c., p. 146. 

4. Ferishta, HI, p. 120. 

5. Oouto, VIII, p. 91 ; Burhan-i-Ma'asir, 1. C M p. 193. 

6. Ind. Ant., XIII, p. 129. 

7. Ibid., p. 157. 

V. Pattle of Kaksas-Tagdi. The Hindu Army. First engagement. 

Kama Raya in upper right corner. (P.P.P.) 
( By kind permission of the Hony. Sfretunet, Bharata iHhavi ^anthoUuki Man.iala, Poona.) 


Arjuna in the battlefield ' according to the Ramarajiyamu l . 
This great general was the first to attack the Mussulman force. 
'The infidels," Ferishta remarks, "began the attack with vast 
flights of rockets and rapid discharges of artillery 1 ' 2 . Yen- 
katadri had under his command two hundred thousand infantry, 
twenty five thousand cavalry and five hundred elephants 3 ; 
and with this force he fought valiantly, inflicting great loss on 
his enemies. The Ramarajiyamu records that Venkatadri "in 
a pitched battle dealt destruction to the combined troops of the 
Nizam, Adil Khan and Qutb Shah, and drove away all the 
three chiefs from the field" 4 . The second part of 
the sentence sounds like a poetical exaggeration, but points, 
nevertheless, to the success of Venkatadri's army over that 
of Adil Shah 5 . The Burhan-i-Ma'asir agrees with this 
when affirming that AH Adil Shah ' left the position allotted 
to him ' 6 . 

After Venkatadri had opened the attack, the action be- 
come general 6 . On the right wing of the Hindu army, 
Tirumala, at the head of twenty thousand horse, two hundred 
thousand infantry and five hundred elephants, was likewise 
successfully opposing the combined armies of the Sultans of 
Golkonda and Bidar 7 . Both he and hi> eldest son, Ragunate 
Raje (Raghunatha), distinguished themselves by their heroic 
conduct and mercilessly slew hundreds of Muhammadans 8 . 
The Burhan-i-Ma'asir openly declares that "the left of the allies 
under Ibrahim Qutb Shah was beaten back" 9 . Raghunatha 
had previously defeated the armies of Nizam Shah near the 

1. Cf. H. Krishna Sastri, The Third Vijayanagara Dynasty, 
1. c., p. 119. 

2. Ferishta, III, p. 129. 

3. Ibid., p. 247. 

4. 8. Krishnaswami Aiyangar, Sources, p. 222. 

5. The Narasabupaliyamu speaks also of the military achieve. 
ments of Venkatadri in a pitched battle against Adil Si 

Bijapur poem refers to this battle, it is quite certain^ ' 
was driven from the field. Cf. S. Krishnaswami 
p. 224. 

6. Burhan-i-Ma'asir, 1. c., p. 193. 

7. Ferishta, If I, p. 129. 

8. Ibid., p. 247. According to the 
Tirumala was defeated by the Sultan of 

9. Burhan-i-Ma'asir, I.e., p. 193. 


river Krishna and had driven them to the North of the river *. 
But as Couto records both father and son had at last to 
retire from the battle field for both were dangerously wounded 2 . 
The Portuguese chronicler does not say what these wounds 
were, but C. Frederick informs us that " Timaragio fled in the 
battle having lost one of his eyes" 3 . Raghunatha's injuries 
are not recorded anywhere, but since no mention of him is 
found afterwards, and it is known that he was not alive at the 
time of his father's death, we may suppose that he died as 
the result of the injuries received in this battle. 

8. When the news of this event reached Rama Raya's 
ears, the valiant chief, realizing that the issue was much 
beyond his expectations, was incensed with fury; and 
in order to encourage his troops he remounted his 
horse, and shouting several times ' Gorida ! Gorida I ' 
(Garuda! Garuda!) 4 , with his men charged the allied 
army. The wings commanded by the Sultans of Bijapur, 
Golkonda and Bidar, soon broke before the indomitable fury of 
the old Hindu King and his Rachevadu soldiers. Then the 
Hindu army charged straight to the centre of the allied army, 
which was led by the Sultan of Ahmadnagar with ten thousand 
horse under his command. But the attack of Rama Raya was 
so unexpected and effective that the Nizam's army retreated 
about half a league, with the loss of more than two thousand 
of its men. Here the Rachevadu soldiers proved the bravery 
of their race ; for seeing their Sovereign engaged with the 
enemy they dismounted in great haste ; and rushing to his 
defence slew many Muhammadans. 

1. Vasttcharitramu, S. Krishnaswami Aiyangar, Sources, p. 216. 
This action must have occurred before the battle of Raksas-Tagdi, 
because Vijayanagara never recovered the territories to the North of 
the river 

2. Couto, VIII, p. 91. 

3. Purchas, X, p. 93. 

4. " Que he o seu idolo das batalhas, como nos o fazemos ao 
apostolo Santiago." Couto, VIII, p. 91. According to the Maratha 
account this horse was called Amritanidhan. Chandorkar, The 
Destruction of Vijayanagara, 1. c., p. 172. The exaggerated account of tfce 


But the field was not yet clear of the enemy l . Adil Shah 
returned to battle, with his soldiers, to check the advance of 
Rama Raya. In the meanwhile the Sultan of Ahmadnagar 
collected his dispersed forces, and was back again on the battle- 
field before the engagement between Rama Raya and Adil 
Shah was over 2 . Then several detachments of the Hindu 
army were sent against the Nizam's troops. In the first lines 
of the latter's army there were now two thousand Iragi and 
Khurasani archers under Ikhlas Khan, drawn up to conceal 
the artillery that lay behind in charge of Rumi Khan. " These 
kept up a heavy discharge on the enemy (the Hindus) as they 
approached, and fell back as the Hindus advanced, till they 
were close to the heavy battery, which opened upon them with 
such effect that they retreated in confusion with dreadful loss" 3 . 
" In fact," says Ali ibn Aziz, " Ikhlas Khan and Rumi 
Khan were the heroes of the day" 4 . 

" At this phase of the fight," continues the Burhan-i- 
Ma'asir, " Husain Nizam Shah ordered the camp followers 
to set up his pavilion in front of the enemy. The pavilion was 
the king's great tent of state, and it was the custom of the 
Sultans of the Deccan, whenever they ordered this pavilion to 
be set up on the field of battle, to stand thdr ground without 

P.P.P. is full of oriental imagery and worth copying: "On account of 
the noise the beasts of the desert took to flight. When they were 
arrayed for the battle, even the devil fled away from their excessive 
clamour. The two clouds (of soldiers) began shouting and the two seas 
of fir came into tumult. And such was their shouting that on account 
of its dread the devil became mad. The trampling of the horsemen 
broke the ribs of the bullock (that supports the earth). The black 
cloud started shouting and the shining of the fish (that supports the 
bullock) reached the sky. The clamour was such that it reached the 
sky and even deafened the ears of the angels.'* Ap. A. 

1. This retreat of the Sultan of Ahmadnagar is, of course, 
omitted in the Burhan-i-Maasir; but it is also recorded in the Maratha 
account. Chandorkar, The Destruction of Vijayanagara, 1. c., p. 180. 

2. Couto, VIII, p. 91-2. - 

3. Ferishta, III, p. 248 ; Burhan-i-Ma'asir> 1. c., p. 193 ; Couto, 
VIII, p. 92. 

4. Burhan-i-Ma'usir, 1. c, 
37 . 


quitting the saddle until victory declared for them. The 
erection of this pavilion at this stage was not without danger 
to the king's honour" l . 

This was probably too much for the old Hindu ruler, who 
now dismounted and sat similarly "on a rich throne set with 
jewels, under a canopy of crimson velvet, embroidered with gold 
and adorned with fringes of pearls". But not to discourage his 
troops with his weakness, he ordered his treasurer to give some 
money to them, and "to place heaps of money around him that 
he might confer rewards on such of his soldiers as merited the 
distinction ; rich ornaments of gold and jewels were also placed 
before him for'the same purpose". The Hindus, inspired by 
this generosity, recovered from the panic produced by the dis- 
charge of the Nizam's artillery, and charged the right and left 
wings of the allies "with such vigour that they were thrown 
into temporary disorder ; and Ali Adil Shah and Ibrahim 
Qutb Shah began to despair of victory, and even to prepare 
for retreat" 2 . This account of Ferishta, who also states that 
" the two flanks had already fallen back" 3 , agrees not only 
with the Burhan-i-Ma'asir, which says that " the defeat of the 
Muslims appeared inevitable" 4 , and with the Hindu chroni- 
cles, which say that two divisions of the Muslim army had been 
defeated 5 , but also with Faria y Sousa, who writes that " Rama 
Raya almost defeated his enemies" 6 . The Basatin-us-Salatin 
relates this tremendous havoc in the Muslim army as follows : 
" The Muslim slain were piled in heaps over heaps, and autumn 
seemed to have come over the Muslim army. The infidels showed 
their superiority and valour" 7 . 

1. Ibid. ; Basatin-us-Salatin > p. 101. According to this autho- 
rity, Husain Nizam Shah had in the camp several of his wives and 
concubines ; at this point he placed eunuchs next to every one of 
them, with the special command of killing them should the battle 

1 take a bad turn. 

2. Ferishta, III, p. 129. 

3. Ibid., p. 248. 

4. Burhan-i-Ma'asir, 1. c. 

5. Of. Taylor, O.H.MSS., II, p. 142 

6. Faria y Sousa, II, p. 432. 

7. Basatin-us-Salatin, p. 101. 

VI Battle of Kaksas-Tagdi. The Defeat of the Hindu Army. 

By kind pet mission of the Hony. Secretaries, Khamta Itthasa Sanshodhaka Maniala, Poona ) 


9. Husain Nizam Shah, however, remained firm in the 
centre l . The commander of the artillery, Chalabi Rumi 
Khan, had provided bags of copper money to lead off with, should 
the enemy close ; and these proved so destructive, that upwards 
of five thousand Hindus were left dead close to the muzzles of 
the guns before they retreated". The confusion of the Vijaya- 
nagara army then grew enormous : Kishwar Khan Lary, an 
officer of Bijapur attached to the centre of the Muslim host, 
charged with five thousand cavalry and routed the centre of 
the Hindu line 2 . 

And then, at the height of all the confusion, there was a 
movement in the Hindu army that decided the fate of the day. 
Two Muhammadan generals who served under Rama Raya, 
taking advantage of the confusion caused by the last charge of 
Kishwar Khan Lary, turned their backs on their lord, and went 
over with their troops to the cause of Islam. This treason, 
recorded neither by Ferishta nor by AH ibn Aziz, explains 
quite satisfactorily the sudden change of fortune at the end of 
the battle. We are made aware of it by C. Frederick, who 
heard the account of the whole action one year later when he 
passed through Vijayanagara : "These foure Kings," says he, 
"were not able to overcome this Citie and the King of Bezene- 
ger, but by treason. This King of Bezeneger was a Gentile, 
and had, amongst all other of his Captaines, two which were 
notable, and they were Moores (Muhammadans): and these two 
Captaines had either of them in charge threescore and ten or 
fourescore thousand men. These two Captaines, being of one 
Religion with the foure kings which were Moores (Muham- 
madans), wrought meanes with them to betray their owne king 
into their hands. The King of Bezeneger esteemed not the 
force of the foure kings his enemies, but went out of his Citie 
to wage battell with them in the fields ; and when the Armies 
were joyned, the battell lasted but a while, not the space of 
foure houres ; because the two traiterous Captaines, in the 
chiefest of the fight, with their companies turned their faces 
against their King and made disorder in his Armie, that as as- 

1. Ferishta, III, p. m 

2. Ibid., p. 248. 


tonied they set themselves to flight" ! . Anquetil du Perron re- 
cords likewise that "the king, abandoned during the battle by 
two Muhammadan chiefs, perished" 2 . 

Who were these two Mussulman generals who so 
treacherously deserted the Vijayanagara army ? Their names 
are found nowhere, but I suspect that one of them was that 
Ain-ul-Mulk whom Rama Raya used to call his brother , 
and at whose request Sadasiva granted the village of 
Bevinahalii to the Brahmans 4 . He seems to have come from 
a family of traitors. His father, mentioned also in the aforesaid 
grant as 'the chief Ainana Malukka,' was beheaded for treason 
at Bijapurin 1553, during the reign of Ibrahim Adil Shah r> ; 
and it was perhaps then that his son "offended Ibrahim Adil 
Shah, left his service and entered that of Ramraj" 6 . As a 
matter of fact we find one Ain-ul-Mulk in the army of the 
Sultan of Bijapur in the subsequent wars with the Sultan of 
Ahmadnagar 7 . 

10. The desertion of these generals threw the division of 
Rama Raya into chaotic confusion 8 , in the course of which he 
himself was wounded 9 . On seeing this, the old Sovereign 
again mounted his state litter to retreat from the battlefield ; but 
the bearers, panic-stricken at the approach of a furious elephant 
of the Ahmadnagar army, ran away, abandoning their Monarch 

1. Purchas, X, pp. 92-3. According to the Maratha account the 
final cause of the defeat was the surprise of the Hindu camp by the 
Sultans of Golkonda and Bijapur. Chandorkar, The Destruction of 
Vijayanagara^ 1. c., p. 181. 

2. Anquetil du Perron, 1. c., p. 166. This treason, not mentioned 
by Sewell, is recently recorded by Krishnamacharlu, The Origin, Growth 
and Decline of the Vijayanagara Empire, Ind. Ant., LII, p. 11. 

3. Anonymous chronicler of Golkonda, Ferishta, III, p. 381. 

4. Ep. Ind., XIV, p. 231, w. 64-68. 

5. Cf. Cousens, Bijapur^ p. 53, and Ch. V, No. 9. 

6. Ferishta, 1. c. 

7. Ibid., p. 133; Anonymous chronicler, Ibid., pp. 419, 427, etc. 

8. Ferishta, p. 129. "The soldiers refused to obey the orders of 
their generals and ran away in all directions". Basatin-us-Salatin, 
p. 103. 

9. Basatin-us-Salatin, 1. c. ; Couto, VIII, p. 92. 


in the middle of that tremendous turmoil *. Rama Raya then 
attempted to make his escape on foot ; but just when he was dis- 
mounting from the litter he was overtaken by the elephant, who 
seized him with his trunk 2 . The venerable prisoner was then 
conducted to Chalabi Rumi Khan 3 , who just was going to kill 
him when one Dalpat Rai, a Brahman general of the Hindu 
army, cried out : "Do not kill him, but carry him alive before 
Divan Barid ; for he is Sadasiva Raya (Rama Raya)" 4 . 
Rumi Khan on hearing this brought the prisoner into the 
presence of Husain Nizam Shah 5 . Ferishta, Ali ibn Aziz 
and the P. P. P. say that the Ahmadnagar Sultan ordered his 
head to be instantly cut off ; but Couto relates that Husain 
Nizam Shah beheaded him with his own hand exclaiming: 

"Now I am avenged on thee ! Let God do what he will to 
me I" 7 

1. Ferishta, III p. 129. 

2. Ibid., p. 249. The Burhan-i-Ma'asir, Ind. Ant., L, p. 193, 
relates that the capture of Rama Raya took place when he was 
riding on horseback. 

3. Ferishta, III, p. 130. According to the Basatin-us-Salatin, p. 
103, Rumi Khan himself was riding the elepha it that seized Rama 

4. Burhan-t-Ma'asir, 1. c. ; Basatin-us-Salatin, 1. c. 

5. Ferishta, III, p. 130 ; Basatin-us-Salatin, 1. c. The Burhan-i- 
Maasir> 1. c., pp. 193-4, says also as follows: "They therefore straitly 
bound the chief of hell and carried him before Husain Nizam Shah". 

6. Ferishta, III, p. 249; Burhan-i-Ma'asir> 1. c., p. 194; P.P. P., 
Ap. A. 

7. Couto, I.e. The Basatin-us-Salatin, p. 103, depicts here an 
incredible scene : "Nizam Shah was much pleased with the capture 
of Rama Raya, caused him to sit down before him and asked him : 
* How are you?' and 'How do you feel?' Rama Raya could not 
speak, but pointed out to his own head saying : ' This was destined *. 
On this point Akini Hasan Beg of Dabris, who was a favourite of 
Nizam Shah and the confidant of his Court, hastily came forward and 
told him that this was not the time for talking, saying: 'Send him imme- 
diately to the gallows of retribution (kill him), otherwise Adil Shah 
who claims to be his son, will causa great disturbances and will snatch 
Ram Raj from your hands'. Accordingly Ram Raj's head was 
severed from his body". 


"His mischievous head", says AH ibn Aziz, "was then 
severed from his foul body and was cast beneath the hoofs of 
the king's horse" *. Moreover the P. P. P. relates that Rama 
Raya's head was stuffed with straw 2 . 

Husain Nizam Shah then caused Rama Raya's head "to be 
placed on the point of a long spear, that his death might be 
thus announced to the enemy" a . 

The death of Rama Raya on the battlefield is also recorded 
in the Hindu contemporary sources. A grant of his brother 
Tirumala, 1568, says that when Sadasiva "was governing the 
kingdom of the world, the Mahamandalesvara Aliya Rama 
Rajayya Deva-Maha-Arasu having, by the action of kings, 
suddenly set," (died), etc. 4 In another similar grant of 
Tirumaia it is said that Rama Raya, "owing to the action of 
the kings of the Turukas (Turks, i. e. Muhammadans), having 
set" (died), etc. 5 The Pudukkottai plates of Srivallabha and 

1. Burhan-i-McCasir, 1. c. 

2. P. P. P.,Ap. A. 

3. Ferishta, III, p. 130. Burhan-i-Ma'asir, 1. c. Briggs, Ferishta, 
1. c., note * says that "the real head (of Rama Raya), annually covered 
with oil and red pigment, has been exhibited to the pious Muham- 
madans of Ahmadnagar on the anniversary of the battle, for the 
last two hundred and fifty four years, by the descendants of the 
executioner, in whose hands it has remained till the present 
period ". This was written in 1829. Since then no remains in 
Ahmadnagar of such a head can be traced. The Maratha 
account states that Rama Raya's head was sent to Benares. 
Chandorkar, o. c., p. 181. In the Museum of Bijapur there is 
a stone representation of Rama Raya's head. M. J. Bird, On the 
Ruined City of Bijapur, J. B. B. R. A. S., I, p. 376, says as follows: 
"The only other thing that formerly attracted notice at the citadel 
was the stone representation of Rama Raya's head. It was on the 
right of the gate at entering; but having been removed from there by 

the Raja of Sattara, was lately thrown into the ditch". As a matter 
of fact it seems to have been thrown into the Taj Bauri; for when it 
was subsequently cleaned out this head was discovered in the mud at 
the bottom. Cf. Cousens, Bijapur, p. 9, note 2. The sculpture is photo- 
graphically reproduced in the frontispiece ot this volume. 

4. Ep.Carn.t'Xl, Hk. 7. 

5. Ep.Carn., XI, Hk. 6. 

VJI. Battle of Kaksas-Tagdi. The execution of Rama Raya. 

(P.P. P.) 
( By kind permission of the Hony. Secretaries, Bharata Itihasa SanshoJhaka Mandala, Poona.) 


Varatungarama Pandya say that "in Vidyanagari the famous 
Rama Raya was killed by his enemies" 1 . The Chikkadeva- 
raya Vamsavali states that "in one of his invasions against the 
Yavana kingdoms of the North he lost his life" 2 . Rama 
Raya's deatlT is also mentioned in the Krishna Raya Rajya 
aleda vivara*. Finally his defeat and death are given in the 
Jangama Kalajmyana in a prophetic strain by Sarvajna, a 
Jangama priest, and his son, staunch devotees of Siva 4 . 

II. When news of the capture of Rama Raya reached 
AH Adil Shah, this affectionate Sultan, who sometimes called 
Rama Raya his father, proceeded to where Husain Nizam 
Shah was, in order to save the life of the old Monarch ; but be- 
fore he reached the spot his old friend had been beheaded, to 
the great sorrow of the Bijapur Sultan 5 . 

The noble head of Rama Raya was soon raised on the top 
of a pike, according to the Nizam's orders'; and this was the 
cause of the flight of the Hindu army. "The Hindus", says 
Ferishta, "according to custom, when they saw their chief 
destroyed, fled in the utmost disorder from the field" 6 
towards Vijayanagara 7 . They were pursued by the 
Muhammadans. " Husain Nizam Shah," says AH ibn Aziz, 
"pursued the fugitives ; and so many were put to the sword that 

1. T.A.S., I, p. 84, w. 161-164. 

2. S. Krishnaswami Ayangar, Sources, p. 302. 

3. Wilson, The Mackenzie Collection, p. 345. 

4. Ibid., p. 272. 

5. Couto, VIII, p. 92; Burhan-i-Ma'asir, 1. c., p. 194. One of the 
paintings of the P. P. P., reproduced here, shows the Sultan of Bijapur 
Begging for Kama Raya's life before Husain Nizam Shah. All Adil 
Shah is there represented as far too advanced in years. The Hindu 
accounts say generally that Kama Raya was beheaded by Adil Shah, 
and speak of him as having performed a meritorious action in saving 
Rama Raya from the disgrace of captivity. Of. Taylor, O. H. MSS. 
II, p. 142. See for instance Chandorkar, The Destruction of Vijayanagara, 
1. c., p. 181. 

6. Femhta, III, p. 130; Basatiiws-Salatin, p. 104. Maratha 
account, Chandorkar, o. c., p. 181. 

7. Ferishta, III, p. 249 ; Maratha account, Chandorkar, 1. o,, p. 


the plain was strewn with their accursed bodies " l . " The 
river", according to Ferishta, " was dyed red with their blood. 
It is computed by the best authorities ", he continues, "that 
above one hundred thousand infidels were slain during the 
action and in the pursuit " 2 . 

What was the fate of Venkatadri, the youngest brother of 
the deceased Raya ? Frederick says that both Venkatadri and 
his brother died 3 , and Couto * and Anquetil du Perron 5 
agree with the Italian traveller. But Fjrishta definitely asserts 
that Venkatadri "escaped from the battle to a distant fortress" 6 . 
The Ramarajiyamu seems to confirm this, while stating that 
"the combined armies of Nizam (Nizam Shah), Yedulakhana 
(Adil Shah) and Kutupusahu (Qutb Shah) altogether gave up 
the hope of capturing him " 7 . Finally, the Krishnapuram 
plates of Sadasiva, dated at least two years after the Raksas- 
Tagdi disaster, speak of Venkatadri as still alive ; they say that 
he shone on earth as a hero and a conqueror 8 . Probably the fact 
that he retired to that distant fortress was the cause of the 
belief that he was daad. Which fortress this was, it is difficult to 
say : Chandragiri, near Tirupati, would have offered him a safe 
refuge ; it is distant, indeed, from the Mussalman realms, and 
considered as one of the strongholds of the Empire ; Krishna 
Deva Raya had imprisoned there his three brothers and his 
nephew, as soon as he was enthroned, according to Nuniz . 

12. The victorious Muhammadans did not pursue the 
Hindus up to the walls of Vijayanagara. Their bloodthirsty 
pursuit perhaps extended over same leagues, but then they 

1. Rurhan-i-Ma'asir, 1. c., p. 194. 

2. Ibid., p. 130; Basatin-us-Salatin, p. 105. The anonymous 
chronicler agrees, Ibid., p. 414; but the Burhan-i-Ma'asir, I.e., says that 
the number of the slain was nine thousand. 

2. Purchas, X, p. 93. 

4. Couto, VIII, p. 91. 

5. Anquetil du Perron, I.e., p. 166. Accordingly Sewell, p. 180, 
seems to suppose that Venkatadri died also at Raksas-Tagdi. 

6. Ferishta, III, p. 131. 

7. Of. H. Krishna Sastri, The Third Vijayanagara Dynasty^ I.e. 

8. Ep. Ind., IX, pp. 330. 

9. Sewell, p, 315-6, 


VIII. Battle of Raksas-Tagdi. The retreat of the Hindu Army. 

Tirumala Raya in upper left corner. (P.P.P.) 
( By kind permission of the Hony. Secretaries, Bharata Itihasa Sanshodhaka Mandate, Poona.) 


returned to the battlefield and halted some time over there. 
Couto says they halted only three days l , but the anonymous 
chronicler, who is more reliable, expressly states that "the allied 
armies halted for ten days on the field of action" 2 , and Ali ibn 
Aziz agrees to his statement 3 . 

All the riches of the Hindu camp fell into the hands of the 
Muslims. "The victors," says the Burhan-i-Ma'asir 9 "captured 
jewels, ornaments, furniture, camels, tents, camp equipage, 
drums, standards, maidservants, menservants, and arms and 
armour of all sorts in such quantity that the whole army was 
enriched " 4 . "The plunder was so great," adds Ferishta, "that 
every private man in the allied army became rich in gold, jewels, 
tents, arms, horses and slaves, the kings permitting every 
person to retain what he acquired, reserving the elephants only 
for their own use'* 5 . The Maratha account states that the 
treasures Rama Raya had brought to the battlefield were valued 
at 12,357,411 huns 6 . Among all these jewels the Muhamma- 
dan writer mentions only "necklaces which had been brought 
into the treasury (of Ahmadnagar) from the plunder of Ramraj, 
composed of valuable rubies, emeralds and pearls". These 
necklaces became later on the cause of one of the mad 
excesses of Murtaza Nizam Shah 7 . 

This tremendous disaster to the army of Vijayanagara 
took place* on January 25th, 1565 . 

1. Couto, VIII, p. 92. 

2. Ferishta, III, p. 414. 

3. Burhan-i-Maasir, 1. c., p. 194. According to the Basatin-us- 
Salatin, p. 105, the Sultans lived for 20 days in the battlefield. 

4. Ibid. 

5. Ferishta, III, p. 130; Basatin-us-Salatin^ p. 104. "The army 
became rich in wealth and jewels/' P. P. P., Ap. A. 

6. Chandorkar, The Destruction of Vijayanagara^ 1. c., p. 172. 

7. Ibid., pp. 264-5. 

8. Ibid., p. 414. The date given by the anonymous chronicler 
seems the most reliable. Ferishta does not give the exact date. The 
one assigned by the Burhan-i-Ma'asir, Ind. Ant., L, p. 146, corresponds 
to January 7. 



SUMMARY. 1. Influence of the battle of Raksas-Tagdi on the history 
of the South of India. 2. A criticism of Rama Raya and his rule. 
3. Tirumala succeeds Rama Raya as Regent of the Empire. 
4. The Vijayanagara court flies up country. 5. Triumphal en- 
try of the Muslim Sultans into the city of Vijayanagara. 6. 
The sack of the city. 7. Departure of the Muhammadans. 8. 
Return of Tirumala and the court. 9. The imperial palace at 
this time. 10. Intercourse between Tirumala and Ibrahim Qutb 
Shah of Golkonda. 11. Sadasiva under the Regency of Tirumala. 
12. Tirumala transfers the capital of the Empire to Penukonda. 
13. Previous history of this place. 14. Further information 
about the city of Vijayanagara. 15. The abandonment of 
Vijayanagara deals a death blow to Portuguese commerce in 
India. 16. Muhammadan conquests in the North of the Empire. 
17. Internal state of the Empire. 18. The Krishnapuram 
grant at Srirangam. 19. Murder of Sadasiva. 20. An estimate 
of his reign. 

CONTEMPORARY SOURCES. 1. Hindu inscriptions and grants. 
2. Ferishta, Anonymous chronicler of Golkonda, Burhan-i- 
Ma'asir, Basatin-us-Salatin. 3. Couto, Corrca, Faria y Sousa. 
4. Frederick, Anquetil du Perron. 5. Chikkadevaraya Vamsavali, 
Poona Persian Poem. 

THE battle of Raksas-Tagdi is the milestone that sepa- 
rates the era of Hindu splendour in the South of India from 
the age of Muhammadan expansion. Impartial history acknow- 
ledges its influence centuries after, since it paved the way for 
the Maratha cavalry of Sivaji and his successors, fostered the 
ambitious ideals of Aurangzeb and his Nawabs, and attracted 
the ambitious Haidar Ali to overthrow the old Hindu dynasty 
of Mysore. The glorious Empire of Vijayanagara, faithful 
trustee- of the inheritance of the ^Hoysalas for two centuries 
and a half, was now seriously menaced by its secular opponents, 
the Muslim powers of central India. Perhaps this action would 
mark the end of its existence, but for a new family of fresh and 


vigorous blood, that succeeded in saving the imperial crown 
from the midst of that turmoil of death. The Empire of Vijaya- 
nagara thus lasted another century. Such was the destiny of 
the Aravidu family. 

Nevertheless, Vijayanagara never wholly recovered from 
that tremendous blow ; the foundations of this marvellous 
Empire, which was the wonder of both merchants and travellers, 
were deeply shaken, and its star never rose again to the zenith 
of its sky. " The Kingdom of Vijayanagara," wrote Ferishta 
at the close of that century, " since this battle has never reco- 
vered its ancient splendour" l . The victory meant for the 
Muhammadans the immediate recovery of all the districts which 
had been taken from Ibrahim Qutb Shah by the efforts of the 
deceased Rama Raya, as the anonymous chronicler of Golkonda 
informs us 2 . Accordingly the P. P. P. states that " with the 
falling of the head ot the infidel (Rama Raya). you may say the 
day of resurrection appeared " 3 . The Deccani Sultans 
were elated at their good fortune. Hence farmans with 
accounts of this important victory were sent at once to their 
several dominions and to the neighbouring states 4 . Ali ibn 
Aziz says that these letters "were sent to all parts of the 
world" 5. 

2. The death of Rama Raya, as it had been welcomed 
with great joy and exultation by the allied Sultans, so was, no 
doubt, a great and irremediable loss to the Hindu Empire. The 
chief of the Aravidu family had saved the Empire from the 
chaos created by Salakam Timma Raju and maintained the 
lustre which had belonged to it during the time of Krishna 
Deva Raya and Achyuta Raya. That chiefs indisputable 
qualities as a statesman, combined with his victorious cam- 
paigns as a warrior, place him among the great Hindu rulers 
of India. His reputation is indeed clouded by his usurpation of 
the throne and by the imprisonment of Sadasiva. But perhaps 

1. Ferishta, III, p. 131. 

& Ibid., p. 415. 

3. P.P.P.,Ap.A. 

4. Ferishta, III, p. 130. 

5. Burhan-i-Ma'asir, Ep. Ind., L, p. 194. 


even this fact was due more to the incapability of the young 
puppet sovereign than to his own ambition. From this point of 
view, his usurpation provides a special sidelight of self-sacrifice 
for the welfare of the country and the salvation of the Empire. 

As a matter of fact, the inscriptions and grants of that time 
have nothing but praise for Rama Ray a and his government. 
"While having uprooted all the enemies," we read in a grant 
of 1554, "Rama Raya ruled over the earth, as famous as Bharata 
and Bagiratha" 1 . "This heroic Rama Raya," the Kuniyur plates 
of Venkata III state, "resembled by his great fame Bharata, 
Manu, Bagiratha and other kings" 2 . He is said, in the Vellangudi 
plates of Venkata II, to have "ruled the earth with justice 
after having destroyed his enemies" 3 ; in the Krishnapuram 
plates of Sadasiva, to have been "endowed with valour, 
nobility and kindness" 4 ; and in one of his grants of 1561 he is 
" noted for valour, generosity and mercy" r> . His generosity 
towards his subjects seems to have become proverbial : 
Manucci extolled it a csntury later 6 , and the aforesaid Vellan- 
gudi plates of Venkata II affirm that "he surpassed even the 
wishing tree of the gods in his gifts" 7 . 

The Burhan-i-Ma'asir gives an interesting account of the 
power of Rama Raya just before the battle in which he met 
his end. It runs as follows : "Sadasiva Raya (Rama Kaya) was 
distinguished above all the kings of Vijayanagara for the 
strength of his army and for his power, and was puffed up with 
pride owing to the extent of his dominions. It possessed the 
whole of the kingdom of Vijayanagara with its sixty sea-ports. 
Its length was near 600 leagues and its revenue 120,000,009 
huns ; and that accursed infidel had reigned over this kingdom 
for a long time" 8 . 

1. M. A. D., 1923, PP. 125-7. 

2. Ep. Ind., Ill, p. 252, v. 13. 

3. Ep. Ind., XVI, p. 319, vv. 17-18. 

4. Ep. Ind; IX, p. 340, w. 28-30. 

5. Ep. Cam., V, Hn, 7. 

6. Of. Ch. Ill, No. 6. 

7. Ep. 7m*., XVI, p. 319, vv. 17-18. 

8. Burhan-4-Ma'asii , Ind. Ant. t L, p. 143. Perishta, III, pp. 
133-4, also speaks of the 60 sea-ports of the Vijayanagara Empire. 


3. Five sons were born to Rama Raya by his four 
wives 1 ; but none of them was destined to succeed his 
father in the difficult task of ruling over the Empire. 
Tirumala, Rama Raya's brother, who had been his 
prime minister during the last stage of the latter's life, was 
naturally the one man able to take over that responsibility, and 
he actually did so. Whether he was appointed by the King, or 
whether it was the result of circumstances and more in the nature 
of a self-nomination, we do not know ; but from the Krishna- 
puram plates of Sadasiva 2 and from the two Tirumala's 
grants of Holalkcre, mentioned in the preceding chapter, 
we know that Tirumala succeeded his brother in the regency of 
the Empire :{ . Moreover, in another inscription of Sadasiva, 
Gutti Tirumalayyadeva Maharaja, of the Aravidu family, is 
stated to have been the prime minister of the King 4 . The 
Chikkadevaraya Vamsavali records, too, that after the death of 
Rama Raya " his younger brother, Yera Timma Raja, then 
made himself ruler " 5 . If we are to believe this statement, 
Tirumala appointed himself the Regent of the Empire. 

4. What were his first steps on this rough road to save the 
Empire from a Muhammadan invasion ? It seems that when the 
first news of the d feat and execution of Rama Raya reached 
Vijayanagara, nobt dy thought of anything else but of hurrying 
to escape either certain death or ignoble slavery. Tirumala with 
his relatives, his wives and those of his brothers aad sons, the 
ministers and joules JL tne Em. ire, the generals a .d soldiers 
together with th, ir Emperor Sadasiva, who then for the first 
time appeared in public after six years of rigorous im A rison- 
ment 6 , left the city of Vijayanagara a few hours later 7 . A 

1. Of. Oh. 11, No. 4. 

2. Of. a little further on No. 18. 

3. Cf. p. 214, notes 4 and 5. 

4. 412 of 1911. 

5. S. Kr.shnaswami Aiyangar, Sources, p. 302. 

6. A circumstance only given in Frederick, Purchas, X, p. 93. 

7. The Maratha account says that " the mother and the 
wives of Rajbhuwar (Rama Raya), as soon as they came to know this 
untoward incident (the defeat and execution of the Hindu chief), set 
fire to the palace. " Chandorkar, 1. c., p. 181. If this is true, the palace 
referred to must he the zenana, since the palace of the King was seen 
and described one year later by C. Frederick. Cf. No. 9. 


great convoy followed them : one thousand five hundred and 
fifty elephants laden with treasure in gold, diamonds and 
precious stones, coins of the Empire, and other things of this 
kind, valued altogether at more than a hundred millions sterling. 
They also carried away the famous jewelled throne of the kings , 
celebrated and mentioned in the inscriptions in every corner of 
the Empire l . 

According to modern authors this convoy, as well as the 
noble retinue which preceded it, made for the fort of Penukonda 2 ; 
but nothing of the kind is said in the original contemporary 
sources. Ferishta does not speak of this retreat ; Frederick 
only remarks that they " fled away " 3 ; Faria y Sousa mentions 
no destination at all ; Couto alone gives a hint, so long for- 
gotten, which is the real solution of this problem. " They," says 
he, " with all this outfit left for the interior, and stored every- 
thing in the palace of Tremil ; for it was very well fortified on an 
impregnable mountain, at ten days' distance from Bisnaga" 4 . 
Now, where was this palace of Tremil ? We cannot offer a 
satisfactory answer, but it seems to us that the circumstances 
mentioned by the Portuguese author, viz. that it was a fortified 
up-country place, standing on the top of an impregnable 
mountain and ten days distant from Vijayanagara, and that its 
name was Tremil, cannot be applied to any other spot but to 
the temple on the Tirumala hill at Tirupati 5 . Its shrine of 

1. Couto, VIII, pp. 92-3 ; Faria y Sousa, II, pp. 433-4. 

2. Cf. for instance Scwell, p. 206 ; Rice, Mysore and Coorg, p. 120. 

3. Purchas, 1. c. 

4. Couto, VIII, p. 93. 

5. The Jesuits who lived at the court of Venkata II called the 
temple of Perumal, at Tirupati, the temple of Perumal or Primal. 
See Ap. C, No. VIII. Is not this a corruption similar to that of 
Couto ? Even Wilks, History of Mysore, I, p. 42, writes Tremul instead 
of Tirumala. Cf. Ch. IV, No. 4 and note 3 of p. 60. But the best proof is 
given by Correa, IV, p. 282, who evidently speaking of Tirupati says 
that *' the temple of Tremelle, that is the chief and richest house of 
the whole Kingdom of Bisncga (Vijayanagara), is in the port of 
Paleacate (Pulicat)." (So the Portuguese believed). Dos Santos, 
Etkipia Oriental, II, p. 304, likewise calls Tremel, this famous Hindu 
temple : " Um pagode tern estes gentios da India, a que ohaznan o 


Sri Venkatesvara Perumal, surrounded by three stone walls on 
the top of the holy hill Tirumala, 2,500 feet high, might easily 
be called by the Portuguese writer the impregnable palace of 
Tremil. Moreover, Correa states that the sovereigns of Vijaya- 
nagara had a house or palace at Tiru^ati 1 , and Sadasiva 
himself in the beginning of his reign used to go to the sacred 
fair held there 2 . On the other hand we recognize that its 
distance from Vijayanagara does not agree with the ten days' 
journey given by Couto ; but for a man who never travelled 
through the country, one or two days more does not make much 
difference. Indeed it would not be at all strange that the first 
monarch of the Aravidu Dynasty took shelter for a while, in 
those days of distress, in the same country where his successors 
settled finally : first at Chandragiri, just at the foot of the Tiru- 
mala hill, and then at Vellore. 

5. After the departure of the Emperor and the nobility 
from the capital, no garrison remained wit bin its walls to defend 
it against any attack. And Couto says that then the Bedues "who 
are jungle people " pounced down on the helpless city, and in 
six different attacks looted all its houses, carrying away number- 
less precious things left by the nobles in their hasty flight 3 . 

pagode de Tremel, mui nomeado, assim pcla muita riqueza, e thesouro, 
que dizem ter, como por ser casa de muita romagem dos gentios, en 
que se acham ordinariamente cada dia infinites, que ali vem de 
diversas partes e reinos, e muito mas no dia" da festa do dito pagode". 
According to this, Sadasiva retired to where he had been first crowned. 
Cf. Ch. II, No. 1. 

1. Correa, IV, p. 300. 

2. Ibid., pp. 302-3. 

3. Couto, 1. c. Couto does not say that the Bedues entered 
Vijayanagara on the day following the departure of the Emperor, 
nor that their six attacks all occured on the same day. I cannot 
trace where Sewell, p. 207, takes this information from. Were not 
these Bedues the Bergies whom Ferishta III, p. 141, speaks of as 
people living around Vijayanagara ? Their chief at the end of this 
century was Handistan Nayaka, of whom we shall again speak when 
discussing the reign of Venkata II. Most of them were finally put to 
death by the Sultan of Bijapur. Ibid., p. 142. 


But this calamity was nothing in comparison with the one 
which befell the unfortunate city some days after. 

The four Muhammadan Sultans of the Deccan \ after 
the ten days' rest on the battlefield, proceeded towards Vijaya- 
nagara with all their troops. Ferishta relates that they halted 
in the city of Anegundi on the other side of the Tungabhadra 
river, while their advanced armies penetrated to Vijayanagara 
itself 2 . This was done, no doubt, to prepare the great triumph, 
described by Frederick, of the four Kings on their entry into 
the capital of their enemy 3 . From Anegundi they crossed 
the river by the bridge built some years previously by Rama 
Raya, the piers of which can still be seen in the centre of the 
river. As soon as they reached Vijayanagara, the temple of Ach- 
yuta Raya stood before them with its high entrance gopuram, 
at the end of the so-called dancing girls 1 street ; but turning 
to the right, and passing in front of the temple of Kodanda 
Rama, they followed the way paved with large granite slabs 
that ru'is by the river side, until they reached the end of 
the broad bazaar of Ham i, just at thu foot of the tremendous 
mo.iolyth.c Nandi that watches siL .lly ov.r the first steps 
kadi ig to the top of the abru, t ridge 0,1 th. left. Here the 
state procession was probably arranged firs'; the soldiers, then 
the captains ; the prisoners next, and fii all\ the four Suitans 
riding on elephants or on horseback; a. id .1 is not even im, ro- 
bable that the head of Rama Raya was carried aloft before the 
Kings, on the top of a long spear, and shown to the terrified 
inhabitants of that desolate city. The gorgeous cavalcade, 
probably did not reach the Pampapati temple; but turning to 
the left, started the ascent of the rocky hill crowned by the two 
small shrines where the colossal statues of Ganesa were once 
worshipped. After a while they entered the enclosure of 
Krishna's temple, a fine specimen of the architectural work of 
Krishna Deva Raya : the road turns then to the right ; and on 
reaching the plains the victorious sovereigns of the Deccan 
passed before the shrine containing the huge monolythic statue 

1. Frederick, Purckas, X, p. 92. 

2. Ferishta, HI, p. 131. 

3. Frederick, 1. c. 


of the god Narasimha, which was mutilated by their soldiers 
shortly after. Subsequently, they entered the citadel, where the 
Sultans took up their residence either in the enclosure of the ro- 
yal palace or in the Danayak's enclosure; the zenana enclosure 
was also probably reserved for their wives. 

6. The Mussulman sovereigns spent six months at Vijaya- 
nagara l . During this time their troops were occupied in 
plundering the city and its surroundings. "The efforts of the 
conquerors," says the anonymous chronicler, "were directed 
to the plunder of the country and of the city" a ; and Frederick 
states that they were " searching under houses and in all places 
for money and other things that were hidden" 3 . The booty 
was enormous. Couto and Faria y Sousa state that AH Adil 
Shah got from the spoil a diamond as large as a hen's egg, 
and this was affixed to the base of the plume on the headdress 
of his favourite horse ; he also got another diamond not so large 
but very uncommon, besides a multitude of jewels and precious 
things 4 . 

Was this sack so destructive as it has been supposed ? I 
regret to say that Mr. Sewell, whom we may rightly call the 
pioneer historian of Vijayanagara, has completely misdescribed 
the state of Vijayanagara as caused by the Muhammadans 
during those six months 5 . More than three centuries have 

1. Anonymous chronicler, Ferishta, III, p. 415; Basatin-us-Salatin, 
p. 106; Frederick, Purchas, X, p. 93; Couto, VIII, p. 93. Faria y Sousa 
II, p. 432, says that they were at Vijayanagara five months only. 
The Burhan-i-Maasir, I.e., p. 194, states that they remained at Vijaya- 
nagara four months only. 

2. Ferishta, III, p. 414. Cf. Ibid., p. 131. 

3. Purchas, X, p. 93. 

4. Couto, VIII, p. 93; Faria y Souza, II, p. 433. Probably several 
pearls and precious stones the Sultan of Bijapur got from the sack of 
Vijayanagar were finally presented to the Mughal Emperor Jahangir, 
after the peace concluded between the Deccan and Prince Khurram 
in 1617. Cf. Memoirs of Jahangir, I, p. 399-401. 

5. Sewell, p. 207, says : "They slaughtered the people without 
mercy ; broke down the temples and palaces ; and wreaked such 
savage vengeance on the abode of the kings that, with the exception 
of a few great stone-built temples and walls, nothing now remains but 
a heap of ruins to mark the spot where once the stately buildings 
stood." (Italics are mine). How can it be supposed that the destruc- 
tion we see at present is the effect of the plunder of the Muham- 
madans only ? 



elapsed since those memorable days, and time is as sure a 
destroyer as man. His statement is perhaps founded on the 
Muhammadan authors, who seem to give a picture of a most 
tremendous havoc. Ferishta says: "They plundered, rased the 
chief buildings to the ground and committed every species of 
excess" *. The anonymous chronicler states that "the conquer- 
ors were directed to the destruction of the stone buildings" 2 , 
and Ali ibn Aziz relates that during their stay they were busy 
"destroying the temples and dwellings of the idolaters and 
utterly laying waste all the buildings of the country" 8 . 
I do not doubt that many a temple was desecrated in those days, 
that many idols were partially broken or completely destroyed, or 
that several shrines were, perhaps, razed to the ground by the 
fanatical iconoclasts ; but I cannot admit Ferishta's saying, that 
the chief buildings were razed to the ground, for the simple 
reason that the chief buildings of the capital of the old Hindu 
Empire may be partly seen even now. The huge imposing base- 
ments both in the royal enclosure and in the zenana ; the partly 
destroyed gopurams of the Vitthalaswami, Krishna and Achyuta 
Temples, of which only the brick-work has partially disappeared; 
the beautiful well-kept gopuram of the Pampapati temple 
at Hampi, one of the first the invaders saw on their coming 
from Anegundi ; even the two small shrines of Ganesa between 
the Hampi temple and the one of Krishna, of which not a stone 
has crumbled down after three centuries, are manifest proof 
of the exaggeration in Ferishta's statement. His religious 
prejudice against the idols and the temples of the unbelievers 
made him suppose things done in the imperial city of which its 
invaders were never guilty. 

I feel sure that almost all the idols worshipped at Vijaya- 
nagara were destroyed during those days, because they are not, 
as a general rule, discoverable in the ruined temples. The huge 
Narasimha was mutilated, no doubt, at the time, since it is not 
in the power of centuries to cut off such big limbs as that idol's. 
Two images, nevertheless, inexplicably escaped the general des- 

1. Fertahta, III, p. 131.* 

& IbicL, p. 414. 

3. Burha*-i-Ma'asir, I.e., p. 194. 





truction ; they are the above mentioned statues of Ganesa. As 
to the temples, the crumbling of the brick-work ctf the gopurams, 
the falling in of the ceiling slabs and the consequent shaking of 
the whole building, are things that require no help from any 
iconoclast invader. Time does it more quietly and more easily 
than any human agency can. 

Moreover we must admit that several edifices of the city 
were destroyed by the invaders, partly while searching for 
treasures and partly by order of Husain Nizam Shah, who set 
on fire a number of houses, according to the information given 
by Mirza Ibrahim Zabiri l . As a matter of fact we have 
often found traces of a conflagration while going through the 

Besides, the poor inhabitants of the city, who had taken 
refuge in the valleys of the surroundings, were diligently searched 
for by the Muslim soldiers ; and when found, tortured till 
something was exacted from them 2 . 

7. Anyhow the Mussulman sovereigns did not intend to 
destroy Vijayanagara. Their long six months' stay within its 
walls seems to demonstrate their purpose of retaining the city 
for themselves. Another fact, which has never been pointed 
out hitherto, tells the same story : their construction of new 
buildings in the old Hindu capital. There are still at Vijaya- 
nagara five or six buildings (such as the bath on the east side of 
the royal enclosure, the so-called elephants' stable, the lotus- 
palace in the zenana, the small building at the opposite corner 
of the same enclosure, the tower house in one of the corners of 
the Danayak's enclosure and the octogonal pavilion on the road 
to Hampi), that do not belong to the old Vijayanagara style, but 
to a new school that marvellously combines both Hindu and 
Muslim styles, the latter predominating. Moreover, the ancient 
Hindu structures of Vijayanagara were built without mortar : 
the basements of the royal enclosure, the walls of both the city 
and the different enclosures and the ruins of the temples show 
their mortarless construction. But for building the edifices in 
question mortar was used, and such mortar as has gloriously 

1. Basatin-us-Salatin, p. 106. 
3. Ibid., p. 107. 


'defied the destructive inclemency of the weather for three 
centuries and a half. Now, speaking of the buildings of Bijapur, 
and specially of the flat ceiling of the famous Ibrahim Rauza, 
Mr. H. Cousens, in his monumental work on Bijapur, says r 
" The whole secret of the durability of the masonry of those 
days is the great strength and tenacity of the mortar " l . Such 
was the secret of the masons of Bijapur. For these reasons I 
am inclined to believe that the buildings mentioned above were 
the work of the Deccani Sultans during their sojourn in the 
capital of the Hindu Empire. My opinion is confirmed by the 
following words we read in the Basatin-us-Salatin : "After this 
(the battle) they (the Sultans) devoted their attention to Vijaya- 
nagara and raised mighty and lofty buildings " 2 . 

Yet six months after their triumphal arrival, that is, at the 
end of July or at the beginning of August of the same year 
1565, they, with their respective armies, left Vijayanagara. 
" They departed to their own kingdom," Frederick relates, " be- 
cause they were not able to maintaine such a kingdom as that 
was, so farre distant from their owne Countrie" 3 . But 
before leaving, they received an embassy which ought to have 
been for them the cause of immense joy : " Venkatadri," says 
Ferishta, " who escaped from the battle to a distant fortress, 
sent humble entreaties to the kings, to whom he agreed to 
restore all the places which his brother had wrested from them" 4 . 
By whose authority did Venkatadri make such an overture ? 
No doubt by Tirumala's. If the distant fortress to which Ven- 
katadri escaped was Chandragiri, as we have supposed ; and if 
the palace of Tremil, where Tirumala and Sadasiva took refuge 
after the battle, is in upper Tirupati, as we have pointed out as 
probable in the beginning of this chapter, both brothers could 
have communicated with each other on important state matters; 
and Venkatadri could have opened these pourparlers with the 
Muhammadan sovereigns, as generalissimo of the Vijayanagara 

. army on behalf of hi$ brother, the new Regent of the Empire. 

1. Coupons,- B(/<#r, p. 72. 

2. Basatm-us-Salati, p. 105. 

3. Purchas, X, p. 94. 

4. Ferishta, III, p. 131. 


Misunderstandings among the four Sultans and among their 
respective generals, that had probably arisen during these six 
months, hastened their departure. Both the Golkonda chroni- 
cler and AH ibn Aziz, as well as Mirza Ibrahim Zabiri, refer 
quite clearly to this disagreement among them l ; and the wars 
that ensued soo:i after, and of which we shall speak a little 
further down, confirm our supposition. Nevertheless, no public 
manifestation of this mutual enmity was then given. They went 
together as far as Raich ur, where they "took leave of each other 
and returned to their respective dominions" 2 . The anony- 
mous chronicler informs us that before leaving Vijayanagara, 
the four Sultans deputed three of their generals, Mustafa Khan, 
Mauiana Inayatullah and Kishwar Khan " to attack Mudkai 
(Mudgal) and Raichur, which places were easily reduced " 3 . 

8. Vijayanagara was thus abandoned by its own con- 
querors ; and soon after, its natural lord again entered its gates. 
Tirumala " returned to Vijayanagara after the departure of the 
Dekanese," says Anquetil du Perron 4 . Mr. Sewell seems to 
attach little importance to the Regent's return ; but to my mind 
it is one of the outstanding events of those days. It signifies 
that after the battle of Raksas-Tagdi the ruler of Vijayanagara 
did not despair of restoring the Empire to its ancient grandeur ; 
to maintain the capital next to the boundaries of their enemies 
showed the indomitable courage that could still challenge the 
Deccani Muhammadans, with the sure hope of crushing them 
as in former days : for Vijayanagara was the City of Victory ! 

No inscription at Vijayanagara records this second stay of 
Tirumala within its walls after the battle of Raksas-Tagdi 5 . 
But fortunately we have an account by an eye-witness of 
this return of Tirumala to Vijayanagara after the departure 
of the Muhammadans. C. Frederick, who had seen it with his 

1. Ferishta, III, pp. 414-5; Burhan-i-Ma'asir, I.e., p. 194; Basatin-us- 
Salatin, pp. 109-10. Cf. Scott Waring, History of 

2. Ferishta, III, p. 131. 

3. Ibid., p. 414. Cf. Butlian-i-Maasir, I.e., p. 
4 Anquetil du Perron, I.e., p. 166. 

5. Cf. H. Krishna Sastri, The Third 
l.o M p. 181, note. 


own eyes, describes the royal palace as invested with no less 
splendour than before the Muslim invasion ; and he relates an 
episode relating to Tirumala, which is quite characteristic of 
that ruler. It is worth while to quote it in his own words : 

" When the kings were departed from Bezeneger, this 
Temiragio returned to the Citie, and then beganne fi|r to re- 
populate it ; and sent word to Goa to the Merchants, if they had 
any Horses, to bring them to him, and he would pay well for 
them ; and for this cause the aforesaid two Merchants, that I 
went in companie withail, carried those Horses that they had 
to Bezeneger. Also this Tyrant made an order or law, that if 
any Merchant had any of the Horses that were taken in the 
aforesaid battell (of Raksas-Tagdi) or warres, although they were 
of his owne marke, that he would give as much for them as they 
would : and beside he gave generall safe conduct to all that 
should _ bring them. When by this meanes hee saw that there 
were great store of Horses brought thither unto him, he gave the 
Merchants faire words, until such time as he saw they could 
bring no more. Then hee licenced the Merchants to depart, 
without giving them any thing for their Horses; which when the 
poore men saw, they were desperate, and as it were mad with 
sorrow and griefe" l . 

This episode clearly shows the determination of Tirumala 
to continue the war with the Muhammadans. For which pur- 
pose he was in need of horses and money ; that was why, after 
obtaining the horses, he refused to make any payment to the 
poor merchants. This fact discredits Tirumala's character in 
the light of impartial history ; a ruler who oppresses his foreign 
benefactors in order to carry out his designs is not a ruler but 
a tyrant. 

9. Frederick goes on to say that he " rested in Bezeneger 
seven months " 2 . His description of the imperial palace 
again proves that the Muhammadans did not raze to the ground 

1. Purchas, X, p. 94. This fact is also narrated by Sew ell, p. 
209, but as having occurred in Penukonda. No doubt it took place 
at Vijayanagara. Frederick says that he went there with the 

2. Ibid. 


every chief building in the city, as stated by Ferishta. " I have 
seehe many Kings Courts, " says he, " and yet have I seene 
none in great nesse like to this of Bezeneger ; I say for the order 
of his Palace, for it hath nine Gates or Ports. First when you 
goe into the place where the King did lodge, there are five great 
ports or gates : these are kept with Captaines and Souldiers : 
then within these there are foure lesser gates, which are kept 
with Porters. Without the first Gate there is a little porch, 
where there is a Captaine with five and twentie Souldiers, that 
keepeth watch and ward night and day ; and within that another 
with the like guard, where thorow they come to a very faire 
Court ; and at the end of that Court there is another porch as 
the first, with the like guard, and within that another Court. 
And in this wise are the first five Gates guarded and kept with 
those Captaines : and then the lessor Gates within are kept with 
a guard of Porters : which gates stand open the greatest part of 
the night, because the costume of the Gentiles is to doe bisinesse 
and make their feasts in the night, rather then by day " 1 . 

10. The return of Tirumala to Vijayanagara, and his 
attempt to repopulate this city, must have coincided with the 
attack of Bijapur against Ahmadnagar, in which even the Sultan 
of Golkonda took some part. Husain Nizam Shah had died 
shortly after his retreat from the Hindu capital ; and his son 
Murtaza Nizam Shah, although young, became very unpopular 
on account of his excesses ; so that before the end of the same 
year 1565, or perhaps in the beginning of 1566, Kishwur Khan 
wrote privately to the Sultan of Bijapur, inviting him to attack 
Ahmadnagar where there was, he said, a strong party in his 
favour. Such was the origin of this war in which Golkonda and 
Birar supported the Sultan of Ahmadnagar 2 . This was an 
ideal opportunity to enable the energetic Regent of Vijayana- 
gara to carry out his plan. 

And such was the luck of Tirumala that, shortly after, he 
himself was invited to interfere again, like his brother Rama 
Raya, in the destiny of their opponents. For Murtaza Nizam 
Shah, in order to be revenged on AH Adil Shah, "sent an 

1. Purohas, X, pp. 97-8. 

2, Anonymous chronicler, Ferishta, I [I, pp. 416*8, 


envoy to Golkonda, " says the anonymous chronicler, " inviting 
Ibrahim Qutb Shah to form an alliance against the king of 
Bijapur : while at the same time an envoy had been previously 
despatched for the same purpose to Ahmadnagar by the king 
of Golkonda, proposing that they should march to the river 
Krishna, when Yeltumraj (Tirumala), the brother of the late 
Ramraj, might be invited to join with his forces, when they 
could all proceed to the reduction of Bijapur. After reaching 
the Krishna, the kings of Golkonda and Ahmadnagar wrote to 
Yeltumraj, requesting him to become a member of the confe- 

This was an excellent chance for Tirumala to recover the 
countries taken by AH Adil Shah from Rama Raya, which he 
expected would be restored by the allies to Vijayanagara ; he 
also seized this opportunity to enfeeble his enemies by fostering 
war among them, following the Machiavellian policy of his late 
brother. But at the same time he received another despatch 
from the Queen Dowager of Ahmadnagar, Khunzah Humayun, 
who was ruling over the kingdom during the minority of her 
son, demanding from him the sum of two lakhs of huns for aid 
to be given him by the allies against the encroachments of the 
Sultan of Bijapur. Tirumala, very much astonished at the 
Queen's demand, sent a message to the Golkonda Sultan 
informing him of the circumstance. Ibrahim Qutb Shah 
promptly deputed a person to Ahmadnagar to express to the 
Queen his surprise at this unexpected demand, remarking that 
" it appeared very impolitic, in the present posture of affairs, to 
make demands of money on Yeltumraj, instead of conciliating 
one who was a useful ally at the head of ten thousand men, and 
who had reason to bear great enmity towards the powerful state 
which they were on the point of attacking". Khunzah Huma- 
yun, instead of acting on this advice, persisted in her demand, 
and even accompanied it with threats. Tirumala could not 
tolerate this ; accordingly, he not only refused to pay the money, 
but set out from his capital against the allies, Ibrahim Qutb 
Shah did not expect such an unfavourable turn of events ; and 
fearing the power of the Hindu army, dispatched an envoy to 
Tirumala, advising him to retreat to his country, and promising 


that his own troops would also move simultaneously. On the 
following day, both armies struck camp and retreated to their 
own countries l . 

II. It seems quite certain that Sadasivadid not come back 
to Vijayanagara with the Regent of the Empire ; the contem- 
porary sources do not give any information on this point, and 
from their silence we may deduce that he probably remained in 
the palace of Tremil, Upper Tirupati, or that perhaps he was 
transferred to the neighbouring fortress of Chandragiri. Frede- 
rick merely says that Tirumala " had in prison the lawful 
king" 2 . This statement is confirmed by the Ckikkadevaraya 
Vamsavali, which states that Tirumala governed " setting aside 
the nominal sovereign Sadasiva" :i . We know from these 
testimonies that Sadasiva's imprisonment did not end at the 
death of Rama Raya. Tirumala, who had probably formerly 
rebelled against his brother on hearing of his sovereign's 
imprisonment, now followed the same policy himself. 
Chandragiri was a splendid prison for a king ; and since the 
only place where we find Sadasiva hereafter is Srirangam, where 
he made the Krishnapuram grant, we may reasonably suppose 
that he never went back to the North of his Empire. Venkatadri 
who was probably at Chandragiri, might have been his 
jailor ; or perhaps this office was filled by the third son of 
Tirumala, Venkata, the future Venkata II, who seems to have 
governed a portion of the Empire during the reign of Sadasiva 4 , 
and during the reigns of his father and of his brother Ranga I, 
had been their viceroy at Chandragiri, and was at this time, 
according to an inscription of Markapur, of 1467, already one of 

1. Ferishta, III, pp. 418-20. The chronicler says that Tirumala 
marched to Penukonda ; he seems to ignore the fact that tho Regent 
was at Vijyanagara at this time, as we know from the sources men- 
tioned above. This campaign of the Golkonda Sultan against the 
Sultan of Bijapur is mentioned, too, in the Telugu poem Tapatisam- 
varanam. Cf. 8. Krishnaswami Aiyang.'ir, Sources, p. 238 ; and hinted 
at in the Basatin-us-Salatin, pp. 113-4. 

2. Purchas, X, p. 97. 

3. 8. Krishnaswami Aiyangar, Sources, p. 302. 

4. M.E.R., 1905-6, para 49, 


the ministers of the Empire 1 . In the year 1567 he made a 
grant to the Puranist Parankusan Lakshmanaiya a . Another 
of his gifts is recorded in an inscription of 1568 8 . 

Tirumala therefore was the sole ruler of the Empire. We 
know of several grants made in his own name without any 
mention of Sadasiva at all; such was the one given in 1567, as 
recorded in an inscription close to Siva's temple at Kanda- 
kuru, Cuddapah 4 . One year later he granted Holalkere as an 
amara-magam to the great KamagettiKasturiMedakeri Nayaka 5 . 
In another similar inscription of the same place, the donee 
is called Maha-nayakacharya ; and it is further stated that he 
made over the village to his brother-in-law, Gulliyapa Nayaka, 
as an umballi 6 . In the same year he made two grants to the 
temple of Vishnu at Khairuwale 7 . Then the fort villages 
granted to Jvarakandesvara "the lord of Vellore", at the request 
of Chinna Bomma Nayaka, were the gift of Tirumala alone 8 . 
Occasionlly, however, some grants of Sadasiva are found 
among the inscriptions of those days; one, for instance, of the 
year 1567 comes from Ahobilam, Karnul 9 . Sometimes both 
the sovereign and the Regent are mentioned in the inscrip- 
tions, showing the subordinate office of Tirumala: for example, 
during the reign of Sadasiva, Tirumala, under his orders, made 
a charitable grant to the barbers of Battepadu, Udayagiri, and 
exempted them from taxes 10 ; the Krishnapuram plates, of 
which we shall speak a little further on, are another instance 
of the same. But we know two inscriptions in which Sadasiva 
and Tirumala are placed on the same level. The one states that 

1. Of. H. Krishna Sastri, The Third Vijayanagara Dynasty, l.o. ? p. 

2. 163 of 1905. 

3. 240 of 1897. 

4. Sewell, I, p. 132. 

5. Ep. Car*., XI, Hk, 7. 

6. Ibid., 6. 

7. Sewell,I,p.93. 

8. Of. Ch. VIII, No. 12. 

9. Sewell, I, p. 101. 

10, Butterworth, I, pp. 217-8, 


during the reign of Sadasiva, by his command and by order of 
Tirumala Rajaya, a private person gives a grant to a god for 
cars and festivals 1 ; the other is a Telugu copper plate of 
Komarunipalli, Cuddapah, which records that in the reign of 
Sadasiva and Gutti Tirumalayya, the fourteen villagers of 
Utukuru district gave to Lakkanayadu lands and fees at three 
panams for a marriage in these villages 2 . In 1569 one 
Chinnapanayaningaru declares himself subject to Tirumala, 
while no mention of Sadasiva is made 3 . Nevertheless, it seems 
that the Regent never took imperial titles until after Sadasiva's 
death *. 

12. But Tirumala's stay at Vijayanagara did not last very 
long. Anquetil du Perron states that " not long after he trans- 
ferred his court to Panegorde " (Penukonda) 5 ; and the 
Chikkadevaraya Vamsavali records that " after a short time he 
changed his capital from Vijayanagara to Penukonda " c . But 
Frederick gives the date of this important event : " In the year 
of our Lord God 1567, for the ill successe that the people of 
Bezeneger had., the King with his Court went to dwell in a 
Castle eight dayes journey up in the land from Bezeneger, called 
Penegonde " (Penukonda) 7 . We must say here that the 
transfer of the capital to Penukonda could not have taken place 
in the beginning of this year 1567, because this traveller went 
to Vijayanagara in the same year 8 , and spent six months in 
that city 9 , without witnessing the departure of Tirumala, of 
which he was made aware later on. Now if we suppose that 

1. Ep. Cam., X, Gd. 52. ~ " 

2. Rangacharya, I, pp. 580, 58. 

3. 166 of 1905. 

4. Cf. H. Krishna Sastri, The Third Vijayanagara Dynasty, I.e., 
p. 180. 

5. Anquetil du Perron, I.e., p. 166. 

. S. Krishnaswami Aiyangar, Sources, p. 302. 

7. Purchas, X, p. 97. Not in Saka 1493, immediately after his 
usurpation of the throne, as H. Krishna Sastri, The Third Vijayanagara 
Dynasty, p. 181, says; the inscriptions and grants are not the only 
sources of information. 

8. Purohas, X, p. 92. 

9. Ibid., p. 94. 


his return to the city after the departure of the Muhammadans 
occurred at the end of 1565 or the beginning of 1566, (since the 
enemy had left either in July or August) we must admit that 
Tirumala spent about two years at Vijayanagara. 

What was the motive of his final departure ? Frederick 
seems to attribute it to another war with the Muhammadans l ; 
and the Chikkadevaraya Vamsavali says clearly that he changed 
his capital "on account of the constant attacks of the Muham- 
madans" 2 , which naturally baffled all attempts on the part 
of the Regent to repopulate the city. 

Now, we know from Ferishta that about that time, AliAdii 
Shah of Bijapur led his army against the Hindus of Vijayana- 
gara and Anegundi. The Hindu chief then applied for relief to 
Khunzah Humayun, the Regent of Ahmadnagar, who herself 
marched at the head of an army, accompanied by her son, 
against the dominions of Bijapur. Ali Adil Shah was compelled 
by this sudden attack to retreat from Aaegundi to defend his 
own country 3 . The Muhammadan writer does not mention 
any action between the two armies. But we feel sure that some 
fighting ensued; and it was probably in the course of this war 
that Tirumala's minister, Chennappa Nayadu, defeated the 
Muslim general Rambikesaru Khanu (Kishwar Khan ?), as is 
recorded in an inscription at Penukonda 4 . 

Nevertheless, this war showed the Hindus that life in the 
capital was insecure on account of the proximity of the 
Muhammadan possessions; the few inhabitants who had come 
back to repopulate the city retired to a more secure place; 
and Tirumala was obliged to abandon the old capital 
for good. This however betrayed a certain faintness of heart 
on the part of the Regent of the Empire. He had returned to 
Vijayanagara, after the retreatof the Muhammadans, as an enter- 
prising hero and worthy successor of Krishna Deva Raya and 
of his brother Rama Raya ; but now, giving up possession of the 
old capital in favour of Penukonda was equivalent to retiring 

1. bf. Gubernatis, Storia, p. 290. 

2. 8. Krishna swam i Aiyangar, Sources, p. 302. 

3. Ferishta, III, pp. 131-2 and 251. 

4. 341 of 1901. 


from the front line to the second post of the Empire, and at 
the same time to abandoning all hope of victory over his ene- 
mies. Vijay anagara was giving up its offensive lines, and retreat- 
ing to a position of defence. 

13. The new capital of the Empire of Vijayanagara deserves 
some notice here. Penukonda was a hill fort, three thousand 
feet high, in the South of the present Anantapur District ; 
" eight dayes journey up in the land from Bezeneger (Vijaya- 
nagar)", in the words of Frederick. The town is situated at the 
foot of a hill which gives its name to the place : Penukonda 
means ' big hill '. 

Kriyasakti Wadeyar, an ancestor of the Rajas of Beilur, 
is said to be the founder of the fort of Penukonda l ; but its 
main fortifications were built or enlarged during the reign of 
Bukka I. According to an inscription of 1354 on the eastern side 
of the northern gate of the fort, Bukka entrusted the province 
of Penukonda to his son Vira Virupana Udaiyar, by his wife 
Janema Devi ; and during the rule of this Virupana over 
Penukonda, the fort was enlarged and fortified by his minister 
Anantarasa Odeyaru 2 . Subsequently, when Narasa Nayaka 
deposed the last representative of the Saluva dj-nasty, Immadi 
Narasimha, the unfortunate young prince was first confined 
and then, according to Nuniz, murdered in Penukonda by the 
usurper 3 . This was one of the favourite towns of Krishna 
Deva Ray a, who, according to tradition, made it his resi- 
dence for some time 4 . We read in an ancient inscription that 
Penukonda is a god-built city and that no man could possibly 
boast of taking its surrounding fortifications 5 . 

1. Kriyasakti Wadeyar, Wilson, The Mackenzie Collection, p. 345. 

2. 339 of 1901. 

3. Sewell, p. 308. 

4. Of. Francis, Anantapur Gazetteer, p. 191. In an inscription of 
1543, Rama Raya is said to be ruling the Empire of the world in 
Penukonda. Ep. Cain., IV, Kr, 79. This is probably a spurious ins- 
cription, since it represents Rama R *ya with imperial titles, " seated 
on the jewelled throne ," which was unusual in the first days of 
Sadasiva's reign. 

5. 341 of 1901, 


Such was the place selected by Tirumala for the capital of 
the Empire. The Muhammadans were not likely to shake again 
the throne of the Telugu Empire as long as it was lodged within 
such a fortress, especially after the Regent himself had repaired 
its fortifications, under the direction of Chennappa Nayadu ! . 
Penukonda was to be, according to him, a worthy successor of the 
old capital, the second City of Victory. And it seems probable that 
it was called at this time Vij ay anagar a- Penukonda, because 
the History of the Karnataka Governors begins as follows: 
" Vizianagaram-Penu-Kondaipatnam was for many years the 
capital of the Rayer " 2 . 

14. The transfer of the capital to Penukonda was the cguse 
of the abandonment and destruction of Vijayanagara. Two 
inscriptions of Tirumala, of the following year 1568, describe 
the city as * destroyed and in ruins ' 3 . We cannot believe 
that the buildings of the city were in a ruinous state only a 
year after the departure of the court ; the above mentioned 
inscriptions refer, no doubt, to the moral body of the citizens, 
to the Civitas, not to its buildings. Anquetil du Perron expressly 
says that " the town of Bisnagar, being abandoned, became the 
dwelling of wild beasts " 4 . And Frederick in his memoirs 
wrote : "The Citie of Bezfeneger is not altogether destroyed, yet 
the houses stand still, but emptie, and there is dwelling in them 
nothing, as is reported, but Tygres and other wild beasts <' 5 . 
Orme records that at the end of the l6th century, " the city of 
Bisnagar was part of the dominion of the Mahomedan 
king of Viziapore (Bijapur) " 6 . Accordingly when Filippo 
Sassetti passed through Vijayanagara in 1584-5, he found a 
Muhammadan Governor there, as a letter of his, dated Goa, 
November 9th, 1585, relates 7 . But at the close of the century 

1. 3K6ofl901. 

2. Taylor, O. H. MSB., II, p. 3. 

3. Ep. Cam., XI, Hk, 6 and 7. 

4. Anquetil du Perron, 1. c., p. 166. 

5. Purchas, X, p. 97. 

6. Orme, Historical Fragments, p. 61. 

7. Gubernatis, Storia dei Viaggiatori, p. 202. 


Ferishta wrote : "The city itself is now totally in ruins 

and uninhabited" l . 

The information of the Muhammadan writer, however, is 
not up-to-date : because a servant of the East India Company 
passed through Vijayanagara in that year and found inhabi- 
tants there : hence the city was not yet totally destroyed. A 
letter of Peter Floris to Mr. Tho. Aldworth at Surat, dated 
Misiopatam (Masulipatam), June l/th, 1614, gives this infor- 
mation : " Yesterday arrived here a fellow who caileth his name 
John, saying, he come sent from you with letters from Sir 
Thomas Smith our Governor, brought by land; and that he hath 
been but thirty three days from you, or the next day that you 
did send your letter per this peon ; and coming to Barampur 
(Burhampur) in company of a certain English merchant John 
Bednall, and one Thomas Lock with one Frenchman whom he 
did leave at Barampur ; and this John coming from Barampur 
(Burhampur) towards Bagnagar (Bisnagar) was robbed by the 
way, by his own report, of a camel, a horse, six fine clothes, a 
hundred pagodas in money and other apparel. So coming to 
Coulas, he did send back two servants for Barampur and one 
for Surat ; but he himself came to Bagnagar, where he did meet 
with a certain gentile, being a goldsmith, an old acquaintance 
of mine, who did take him into his house and did write me of 
it what is passed with this John ". And a little later he adds : 
" Because he tells me that the English merchants from Baram- 
pur will be here within this ten or twelve days, I have been 
content to write Attnrachan and Malicktosuer in Bagnagar in 
his behalf, to see if they can get his stolen goods again, " etc. 2 . 
It is quite evident from this letter that at the beginning of 
the l/th century there were still some inhabitants at Vijaya- 
nagara. And in the middle of the same century Timma or 
Tirumaia, a nephew of Ranga III, by his brother Venkatapati, 
built there the lofty eastern gopuram of the temple of 
Virupaksha 8 . 

1. Ferishta, III, p. 131. 

2. Letters Received by the E. /. C., II, pp. 60-1. 

3. Ramarajiyamu, 3. Krishnaswami Aiyangar, Sources, p. 311, 


15. Nevertheless, the ancient populous capital of the 
Empire had become a small village, showing only in its temples 
and palaces the past grandeur which was crumbling away 
little by little. Its decay was the first death-blow to Portuguese 
commerce in India : " From that time onwards", says Couto, 
" the inhabitants of Goa have been on the decline " l . And 
Filippo Sassetti, in the above quoted letter, says also that the 
traffic between the two cities had completely perished, and 
gives the following instance to illustrate the great loss that 
this entailed to Portuguese commerce : "The revenue of the tax 
on the horses that came from Persia for Vijayanagara was 
from a hundred and twenty thousand to a hundred and fifty 
thousand ducats ; and the present revenue does not reach even 
six thousand " 2 . 

For the King of Portugal, this news was naturally most 
disappointing ; for precisely on February 27th, 1568, a few months 
after the departure of Tirumula from Vijayanagara, he wrote 
from Lisboa to Dom Luiz de Taide (d'Ataide) as follows : " If 
the merchandise that comes from Cananor, Cochin and other 
places, to be sold in Narsinga (Vijayanagara), passes through 
Goa, the revenue derived from the tariff duties on them will be 
a great service to me " 3 . The Portuguese sovereign was 
never to see the finances of his " state of India " increased by 
the commerce with Vijayanagara ; the Portuguese trade in that 
city had perished for ever. 

16. The departure of the Court from Vijayanagara to 
Penukonda naturally encouraged the secular covetousness 
of the Sultans of Bijapur and Golkonda ; that confession of the 
weakness of the Hindu government was a tacit invitation to 
them to seize the territories North of the Empire. Accordingly 
Ali Adil Shah, in the year 1568, captured the fortress of Adoni, 
which " was fortified with eleven walls, one within another, so 
that it appeared impossible to reduce it by force " 4 . It was 

1. Couto, VIII, pp. 93-4. 

2. Gubernatis, o. c., p. 202. See Ap. B, No. VI. 

3. Archivo Portuguez Oriental, III, p. 14. 

4. Ferishta, III, pp. 134-5, 


then that Malik Rahiman Khan was appointed first Mussulman 
governor of Adoni l . 

But the campaign most calamitous for the Hindu Empire 
was the one led by Rifat Khan, the Golkonda general, in the 
North-East corner of the Empire, which wrenched for ever that 
province from the central power. The anonymous chronicler of 
Golkonda gives a detailed account of this expedition, which is 
sometimes rendered somewhat obscure by his lack of geogra- 
phical knowledge. 

This general had before the battle of Raksas-Tagdi re- 
duced part of the country surrounding Rajamundri and, after 
the rupture of relations between Tirurnala and Ibrahim Qutb 
Shah, was sent again to that province to accomplish its reduc- 
tion. But before capturing the city of Rajamundri he had to take 
the two forts of Pentapur and Rajpundi which were in the 
possession of a chief called by Ferishta Setupati. The first was 
taken by storm without much opposition ; and Setupati and his 
family made their escape through the woods to the fortress of 
Rajpundi. After some days the Muhammad an s followed them 
thither ; whereupon Setupati fled to Rajamundri and took refuge 
in the Court of Vidiadri (sic), the Raja of that place. After the 
capture of Rajpundi Rifat Khan invested Rajamundri. After a 
siege of four months his artillery began to produce some effect 
on the walls, and made a breach of nearly fifty paces in one of 
the curtains. At this stage the Raja surrendered the fort on 
condition "that Vidiadri and Setupati, with their families, should 
be permitted, after, evacuating the fort, to proceed whither- 
soever they chose without molestation ". Accordingly Vidiadri 
proceeded to Krishnacota and Setupati to Vijayanagara, and 
the campaign was over by the end of 1567 2 . 

In the following year Rifat Khan was directed to conquer 
the old kingdom of Orissa, which was under Vijayanagara from 
the time of Krishna Deva Raya ; and this was likewise success- 
fully accomplished not very long after. Vijayanagara had lost 
that country for ever 3 . 

1. Of. Sewell, I, p. 108L 
V 2. Ferishta, III, p, 421-3, 
3. Ibid., p. 423-6, 


17. What was the interior state of the Empire in the 
meanwhile ? Both Couto and Faria y Sousa relate that after the 
battle of Raksas-Tagdi the whole territory of Vijayanagara was 
divided among the sons and nephews of Rama Raya l ; and 
several modern authors have blindly followed their statements 2 . 
But we know from epigraphical records that there was at that 
time no such break up of the empire: the members of the 
Aravidu family remained as united as ever. That explains 
why the anonymous author of the life of St. Xavier, who 
wrote his book a little later, writes to this effect, after narrating 
the battle of Raksas-Tagdi : " Nevertheless the king of this 
country was not so much knocked down, for he is still very rich 
and powerful ; and he possesses a large state, and has quite a 
good number of elephants and great cavalry and infantry " 3 . 

In particular, Ferishta supposes that Venkatadri had rebelled 
against his brother and taken over the reigns of government 4 ; 
but this is inconsistent with the fact that he is highly praised in 
the Krishnapuram grant, in language which would never have 
been used in speaking of a rebel. His stay at Chandragiri, which 
we think very probable, would by no means mean a break in the 
allegiance between the two brothers 5 . The Penuguluru grant 
of Tirumala, who was already at that time king at Penukonda, 
states expressly that he was "respected by his younger 
brothers " * 

Nor can the following extract of the same writer be under- 
stood in a general sense : " The country has been seized by the 
tributary chiefs, each of whom hath assumed an independent 
power in his own district " 7 . Of which Sewell's opinion is 

1. Couto, VIII, p. 93 ; Faria y Sousa, II, p. 433. 

2. " Different members of the family settled in Penukonda, 
Chandragiri, Vellore, and some returned to Anegundi ". Wilson, The 
Mackenzie Collection^ p. 269. " Two members of the Vijayanagara 
family established themselves, the one at Penukonda and the other at 
Vijayanagar ". Gribble, Cuddapah Manual, p. 88. 

3. M. H. S. /., Man. Xav. t I, p. 62. 

4. Ferishta, III, p. 131. 

5. Of. Taylor, 0. H. AfSS., II, p. 142. 

6. Ep. Ind. t XVI, p. 257, w. 44-62. 

7. Ferishta, III, p. 131, 


nothing else but a replica : "The nobles", says he, ''began to 
throw off their allegiance, and one after another to proclaim Iheir 
independence. The country was in a state of anarchy" *. 
Ferishta spoke probably of the feudatory chiefs of the North of 
the Empire, adjoining the Muhammadan possessions ; but his 
statement cannot refer to the states of the South, which we 
know from the Krishnapuram plates to have been on friendly 
terms with the imperial power. 

It seems, indeed, that several petty chiefs and governors 
of the North of the Empire, either through fear of the Muham- 
^madans, or on account of their own ambition, proclaimed them- 
selves independent in their cities or fortresses. We know of 
several of these defections in the North from the same Ferishta. 
The governor of the fortress of Adoni, one of the main officers 
of the late Rama Raya, was one of them 2 ; Velappa Raya, 
another of Rama Raya's attendants, likewise assumed 
independence at Bankapur, Dharwar, and even compelled the 
Rajas of Jerreh, Chundraguti and Karur to become his tributa- 
ries 3 ; Trukal too was soon lost to the Empire : it had 
fallen into the hands of Venkutti Yesu Ray (Venkatayasu 
Raya) an officer of the Bijapur government, who retained it 
for himself, throwing off his allegiance with the Sultan 4 . 

Perhaps the only one who withdrew his allegiance in the 
South was the chief of Kalasa-Karkala, South Kanara ; although 
it appears probable that he already enjoyed some sort of 
independence, ever since the time of the overthrow of the 
Saluva family 5 . 

18. Precisely in the year 1568, the Emperor Sadasiva 

made a tour through the South of his Empire and received the 

IT Sewell, p. 2() ~~" 

2. Ferishta, III, p. 134. 

3. Ibid., p. 136. 

4. Ibid., p. 135. 

5. H. Krishna Sastri, Karkala Inscription of Bhairava II, Ind. 
Ant., VIII, p. 127. Burgess, Chronology, p. 21, says that in 1565 Vira 
Chama Raya Wodeyar, of Mysore, set upas an independent Sovereign. 
No trace of such rebellion may be found in the original sources. We 
hope to show further on that the -independence of Mysore com- 
menced sefre'ral years later. 


homage of many feudatery chiefs, and of Krishnappa Nayaka, 
the ruler of Madura among them. The reason for this 
journey might have been to make an imperialistic propaganda, 
by showing to his subjects the person of the Emperor, 
imprisoned so many years ago. The Krishnapuram plates of 
Sadasiva show him to us "on the banks of the sacred river 
Kaveri, .in the presence of the god Ranganatha" *. Here 
Tirumala, at the request of Krishnapapati (Krishnappa Nayaka 
of Madura), himself respectfully begged Sadasiva Rayatomake 
a gift of the village of Krishnapuram and nine other neighbour- 
ing villages to the god Venkatesa. Sadasiva, who is called 
here 'the respected of the learned man', surrounded by his 
staunch friends, the priests, the followers of the imperial 
retinue, all kinds of learned men, and finally the ambassadors 
of his feudatory chiefs, who had come to acknowledge him on 
behalf of their respective lords, joyously granted the aforesaid 
village with gold and pouring of water 2 . 

The information afforded by this grant is of more than 
passing interest. To see Sadasiva Raya three years after 
the battle of Raksas-Tagdi surrolmded by the ambassadors 
of his subordinate chiefs of the South, acknowledged by the 
powerful Nayak of Madura, requested to do a favour by the 
very Regent Tirumala, is a scene very different from the dark 
pictures drawn by some authors. The Empire was not yet split 
up 3 . 

19. This was, however, one of the latest grants of 
Sadasiva. There is another of his inscriptions belonging to the 
same year, in Tinnevelly district 4 , and another of the 
following year 1569, in Coimbatore 5 , and besides two other 
inscriptions of the year 1570, one in Madura , and another 

1. Ep. Ind., IX, p. 340, vv. 44-45. 

2. Ibid., p. 341, vv. 70-96 and 102-4. 

3. Mr. T. A. Gopinatha Rao and Rao Sahib T. Raghaviah 
seem to suppose "that Sadasiyaraya ended his days in Srirangam". 
Ibid., p. 330. There is no reasonable ground for such an opinion. 

4. 64 of 1908. 

5. 15 of 1910. . 

6/103 of 1922. ' ^ '""" 


in ,Nellqre l , recording facts which occurred during the 
reign of Sadasiva. But at this time the unfortunate Sovereign 
had already met his end, as we shall see in the following 
chapter: the news of his death, however, had not reached the 
distant corners of the Empire. 

What sort of death did Sadasiva meet with after his twenty- 
eight years' rule ? "Tirumala", says Mr. Sewell, "murdered his 
Sovereign Sadasiva and seized the throne for himself \ 
Messrs. Venkayya and H. Krishna Sastri seem to admit the 
culpability of Tirumala in Sadasiva's death 3 . 

It seems, indeed, beyond doubt that Tirumala is more or 
less responsible for this murder ; but whether he committed it 
himself is not so clear. According to Frederick, " the sonne 
of this Temiragio had put to death the lawful King which he 
had in prison" 4 . But Anquetil du Perron states that "His 
(Tirumala's) son murdered the son of the ancient King of 
Bisnagar, who had been imprisoned as well as his father" 5 . 

From these two extracts it seems quite evident that the 
one who committed that murder was not Tirumala, but one of 
his sons; there is no contemporary authority that attributes 
such a crime to Tirumala. Nevertheless, the common 
juridical test 'cui bono* points to him at least an accomplice 
and abettor. Whether the murdered man was the king himself 
or his son is not so evident. As a matter of fact it seems that 
Sadasiva had a son named Vitthala Raya, who made a grant to 
a temple as recorded in a copperplate of Tirukarangudi, Tinne- 
velly 6 . The fact is that the two above-mentioned authorities 
have not the same value : Frederick was probably still in 
India, when this abominable crime was perpetrated ; while 
Anquetil du Perron travelled through the country one century 

1. Butterworth, II, p. 868-70. 

2. Sewell, p. 212. 

3. Venkayya, Ancient History of the Nellore District, Ind. 
Ant., XXXVIII, p. 94 ; H. Krishna Sastri, The Third Vijayanagara 
Dynasty, 1. c., p. 179. 

4. Purchas, X, p. 97. 

5. Anquetil du Perron, 1. c., p.-16B. 

6. Sewell, 1,-p. 315. 


later. Frederick's authority seems therefore more reliable. 
Hence we may venture on the assertion that Sadasiva Raya was 
murdered by one of the sons of Tirumala l . 

It is not an easy task to decide precisely which of the sons of 
Tirumala was the author of this regicide. Of his four sons we 
know that the eldest, Raghunatha, preceded his father to 
the grave; and since we hear nothing further of him after the 
battle of Raksas-Tagdi, in which he was dangerously wounded, 
it is reasonable to suppose him dead at this time. The other 
three, Ranga, Rama and Venkata were still living. If Sadasiva 
was kept prisoner in the fortress of Chandragiri, Venkata 
being his jailor, we must conclude that the future Venkatapati- 
raya II, the most glorious monarch of the Aravidu Dynasty, 
was responsible for the death of the last representative of the 
Tuluva family. Anquetil du Perron .seems to confirm our 
supposition ; since he, speaking of Venkata II, says that " he 
caused Sadasiva's son to be murdered " 2 and " had 
dethroned the lawful king of Bisnagar " y . 

20. The Mamidipundi grant of Sadasiva says that he was 
" the best of the Kings " 4 ; and in an inscription in the 
Madavaswami temple at Vijayanagara he is called "the fortunate, 
the great king of kings, Paramesvara, happy, famous 
and heroic " 5 . We cannot but smile at such brazen 
flattery, after having so carefully surveyed the whole of his 
reign. Though we must really admit that we do not 
sufficiently know Sadasiva as a king, because he had always 

1. What was the fate of Sadasiva's son is not known. 
Perhaps, he died before his father's assassination, perhaps he was 
imprisoned for life, perhaps he was only a natural son, since we hear 
no word at all of the Queen of Sadasiva. According to the Satsam- 
pradayamuktavali Sadasiva had a daughter, who, having become 
possessed, was exorcised by the trustee of the Ahobala temple and 
agent of Rama Raya, Parankusa Van-Saihagopa-Jiyamgaru. Of. 
Rangacharla, II, p. 971, 579. 

. Anquetil du Perron, 1. c., p. 166. 

3. Ibid.,cf.Ch.XV,No.5. 

4. Butterworth, I, p. 104, v. 70. 

5. Raveushaw, Translation of Various InstriptfrHS, 1. c., p. 35. 


been merely one in name ; still a nominal king is by no means 
entitled to the appellation of " the best of kings". As far as we 
can judge, he was not born a king at all, though Correa 
says he was " a sensible man and a great warrior " l . A real 
king, a heroic sovereign, he would even in his youth have 
found countless opportunities to break the bars of his prison 
and escape from his unlawful jailors. Sadasiva was unable to 
do so, and history can pass no better judgment on him that he 
happened to be a king of the type of those who closed the 
Merovingian dynasty of France. 

1. Correa, p. 282. 



SUMMARY. 1. Accession of Tirumala to the throne of Vijaya- 
nagara. 2. Dynastic propaganda through the Empire, revised 
through contemporary inscriptions and grants. 3. Rebellions 
of feudatory chiefs and Rajas against the Emperor. 4. Erection 
of the three Viceroyalties of the Telugu, Kanarese and Tamil 
countries. 5. Muhammadan conquests in the North. 6. Action 
of Tirumala against the invaders. 7. Sriranga appointed 
Yuvaraja. Death of the Emperor. 8. Tirumala's piety and 
wisdom. 9. Final criticism of the first Sovereign of the 
Aravidu Dynasty. 

CONTEMPORARY SOURCES. 1. Hindu inscriptions and grants. 2. 
Apocryphal prophecy of the Mackenzie Collection. 3. 
Ferishta. 4. Anonymous life of St. Francis Xavier. 5. Frederick, 
Anquetil du Perron. 6. Ramarajiyamu Vasucharitramu, Chikka- 
devaraya Vamsavali. 

THE assassination of Sadasiva Raya naturally led to the 
accession of the Regent as Emperor of Vijyanagara. When 
this event took place, Tirumala was a venerable old man : his 
eldest brother Rama Raya was ninety-six at the time of his 
death, 1565. Now if we allow only a ten years' difference between 
them, Tirumala must have been close on ninety when the 
last representative of the Tuluva family was murdered four 
years later. 

According to an apocryphal prophecy contained in one of 
the MSS. of the Mackenzie Collection, Tirumala's coronation 
took place in Penukonda l . " At the coronation of this moon 
among kings", we read in the Kuniyur plates of 
Venkata III, " foremost among the famous, this earth, being 
sprinkled with floods of water poured out at donations, occupied 
the place of queen" 2 ; while in two grants of Venkata II and in 
one of the same Tirumala, 1571, it is said that "at his anointing 
the earth was also so anointed as to appear as his crowned 

1. Taylor, O. H. AISSL/H, p. 98. 
3. Ep. Ind.> m, p. 252, v. 16, 


Queen" 1 ; and in a grant of Ranga III, 1645, it is recorded that 
"the streams poured forth with gifts made by this most famous 
of kings at the time of his anointing to the throne, caused the 
earth to appear as if she also was so anointed" 2 . 

It appears certain from these extracts that the Queen was 
not present at the ceremony of coronation, being probably 
still in the palace of Tremil, as a place safer from the 
Muhammadan incursions. Both the Tumkur and Budihala 
copperplates say that Tirumala's Queen was named Channa- 
devi or Channamadevi 3 ; but many other grants give the name 
of Vengalamba or Vengalambika, as the one belonging to the 
wife of Tirumala 4 . Probably Vengalambika had been Tiru- 
mala's first wife, since she is declared to be the mother of his 
four sons 5 ; but it is not improbable that he should have lost 
her by his ninetieth year ; on that supposition, Channamadevi 
ivas the second wife who sat beside him on the throne of Vijaya- 

1. Tirumala's grant, 1571, Ep. Cam. XII, Ck, 39; Mangalampad 
grant of Venkata II, Butterworth, I, p. 30, v. 20; Venkata II's grant, 
1589, Ep. Cam., XII, Tra, 1. 

2. Ep. Cam.) X, Mb, 60, For this ceremony the old jewelled 
throne of Vijayanagara was no doubt used. It had been carried 
to~ the palace of Tremil, and from there, probably on this occasion, 
was brought over to Penukonda to be used at the enthronement of 
the first king of the Aravidu dynasty. When later on the court was 
transferred to the Tamil country by Venkata II, the jewelled throne 
was probably transferred again to the East; anyhow it went back to 
Fenukonda after more than half a century, because all the successors 
of Ranga III, so far known, were at Ghanagiri (Penukonda), as the 
inscriptions often record. 

3. Tumkur copper-plates, Ep. Cam., XII, Tm, 1; Budihala copper- 
plates, Cf. H. Krishna Sastri, A. S. /., Report, 1911-12, p. 180, note 8. 

4. Maredapalli grant of Ranga I, Ep. Ind.< XI, p. 328 : ArivilU 
mangalam plates of Ranga I, Ep. Ind., XII, p^ 357, v. 19 ; Dalavay 
Agraharam plates of Venkata II, Ep. //., XII, p. 186, v. 23 ; Vilapaka 
grant Of Venkata II, Ep. Ittd. t IV, p. 270, w. 20-2 ; Venkata IPs 
grant, 1587, Ep. Cam. VII, Sh, 83; Venkata II's grant, 1589, Ep. 
Cam., XII, Ck, 39; Venkata Ill's grant, 1639, Ep. Cant., Ill, Nj, 
198; Ramarajiyamu, 3. Krishnaswami Aiyangar, Sources, p. 213. Cf. 
Gopinatha Rao, Copper-plate Inscriptions of the Karnakoti Pitha, p. 82. 

5. Ramarajiyamtt, Ibid., p. 213 : Vasucharitramu, Ibid., p. 2)6. 


nagara. A Teiugu poem of Bhattu Murti, a poet at his court, 
speaks of Tirumala and his Queen sitting together, and 
compares them to the god Siva, and Tirumala himself to 
Sukracharya, the preceptor of the Asuras. The propriety of 
this comparison lies in the fact that " Siva is described in one 
of his forms as half man and half woman, and as having three 
eyes, the ordinary two and * the eye of wisdom '. When 
Tirumala and his wife sat side by side they had only three eyes 
between them (Tirumala having lost one in the battle of Raksas- 
Tagdi). Sukracharya, the preceptor of the demons, is said to 
have only one eye, the other having been blinded by the god 
Vishnu when he took the form of a dwarf. Both Siva and 
Sukracharya are considered by Sanskrit writers to be omniscient, 
and are termed Sarvagna (all-knowing)" l . The flattery of the 
poet is as delicate as it is acute. 

* Now, when did the coronation of Tirumala take place ? 
We have said in the preceding chapter that the inscriptions 
belonging to the year 1570, but recording facts that occurred in 
Sadasiva's time, were carved in the reign of Tirumala ; because 
the year 1569 must be assigned as the year of Tirumala's 
accession, and of the foundation of the new dynasty. There is in 
Udayagiri an inscription of 1569, " while Tirumala seated on 
the diamond throne was ruling the kingdom of Vijayanagara" 2 . 
The above mentioned apocryphal prophecy, which was 
probably written in 1630, also places the beginning of 
Tirumala's reign in 1569; but it must have been very near the 
end of the year, since the same document gives Tirumala only 
eleven months' rule and lays down the commencement of his 
son's rei^n in I572 3 . 

2. From this time onwards the inscriptions of Tirumala 
show him with imperial titles, as successor of the old Emperors 
of Vijayanagara. In 1571 he is stated to be " ruling the earth" 
with the title of Maharajadhiraja 4 . In 1571 he is called 
Virapratapa Tirumalayadeva Maharaya 5 . In the same 

1, Ibid., p. 221-2. 

2, Butterworth, III, p. 1328-9. 

3, Taylor, O.K. MSS., II, p. 98. 

4, Bp. Cam., XII, Mi, 10, 

5, 497 of 1905. 


year a stone inscription from the Shimoga district calls him 
" the glorious king of kings, the great lord of kings, ruling the 
whole kingdom from his throne at Pehugundi (Penukonda) 
which belongs to Hampi-Hastinavati (Vijayanagara) " 1 . The 
Tumkur plates of the same date give him imperial titles as 
used by the old Emperors of Vijayanagara 2 . Finally in his 
Penuguluru grant, made in the same year, he is described "seated 
on his throne ruling the whole kingdom extending from the 
Sethu (Rameswaram) to the Sumeru, and from the hill of sunrise 
in the East to the end of the western mountain, eclipsing in 
fame and righteousness even Nriga, Nala, Nahusha and such 
others on earth" 3 . 

His being anointed *to the peerless and matchless 
sovereignty' is often mentioned as being that of the lawful 
founder of the dynasty, not only in his grants 4 , but even in 
those of his successors Ranga I 5 , Venkata II 6 , Venkata 
III 7, and Ranga III . 

Accordingly, the pedigree of the Aravidu family and its 
connection with some of the ancient and most famous dynas- 
ties of India, whether true or forged, were propagated in those 
days throughout the length and breadth of the Empire, with a 
view to establishing the new Aravidu family firmly on the 
throne. Thus in the Madanagopalasvamin temple at Madura, 
Tirumala's pedigree is found engraved on thirteen stones ' J . 
Then in an inscription of Gurzala, Krishna District, he is called 
' the most excellent in the family of Satyasraya and the gem of 

1. Ep. Cam.. VIII, Sb, 55. 

2. Ibid., XII, Tm, 1. 

3. Ep. Ind., XVI, p. 256, v. 43. 

4. Tirumala 's grant, 1571 , Ep. Cam., XII, Tm, 1. 

5. Arivilimangalam plates of Ranga I, Ep. Ind., XIT, p. 357, 
v. l6. 

6. Vellangudi plates of Venkata II, Ep. Ind., XVI, p. 319, v. 20 ; 
Mangalampad grant of Venkata II, Butterworth. I, p. 30, v. 19 ; 
Venkata II's grants, 1587 and 1589, Ep. Cam., VII, Sb, 83 and XII, 

7. Kuniyur plates of Venkata III, Ep. Ind. t III, p. 252, v. 15 ; 
Venkata Ill's grant, 1639, Ep. Cam., Ill, Nj, 198. 

8. Ranga Ill's grant, 1645, Ep. Cam., X, Mb, 60. 

9. 510 of 1907. 


the Chalukyas ' l . And in the above mentioned Penuguluru 
grant he is said to be 'the foremost of the Chola family' 2 . 

3. This propaganda in favour of his family's rights to the 
imperial throne would appear to suggest that his authority was 
in danger ; and we find indeed that a good number of his 
subjects did not acknowledge him in the beginning of his rule 
not on account of his ancestors, who had been several times 
connected with the previous dynasties, but because of the mur- 
der of Sadasiva. 

The author of the anonymous life of St. Xavier quoted 
above, who finished his work during the reign of Tirumala 8 , 
writes to this effect : " There were several wars over the 
question of the succession to the throne ; for there was no more 
issue of the royal family, and various nobles and leading chiefs 
of the kingdom did not acknowledge the one who is ruling at 
present " 4 . This fact is also recorded in a letter of Tirumala 5 
to Velappa Raya of Bankapur, kept by Ferishta. The 
King complains that " most of the dependents of the house 
of Bijanagar (Vijayanagara) had become rebels from their 
duty" 6 . But Frederick, who was travelling through the Empire 
at the time, gives us more details. While describing 'the 
place where they get Diamants ', ' sixe dayes journey from 
Bezeneger (Vijayanagara) ' he states that " it is many yeeres 
agone since they got any there, for the troubles that have been 
in that kingdome. The first cause of this trouble was, because 
the sonne of this Temaragio had put to death the lawful 
king,... for which cause the Barons and Noblemen in that 
kingdome would not acknowledge him to be their king, and by 
this meanes there are many kings, and great division 

1. Sewell, I, p. 58. 

2. Ep. Ind., XVI, p. 257, vv. 44-62. 

3. Of. M. H. S. /., Man, Xav., I, p. XXIII-XXIV, 

4. Ibid., p. 62. 

5. Ferishta says Venkatadri, but this is an evident mistake. 
The one who was at Penukonda at this time was Tirumala. Anyhow 
the letter we are going to quote here would prove the same if written 
by Venkatadri. 

6. Ferishta, III, p. 136. 


in that kingdom " *. Again, Anquetil du Perron, after the 
account of the regicide, adds: "Many troubles sprang from 
these revolutions : the nobles refused to acknowledge the new 
king" 2. 

This was certainly a very difficult position for the new 
sovereign in his ninetieth year. On the one hand there was 
the Muhummadan menace on the northern frontier; on the other 
he suddenly saw many of the feudatory chiefs of the Empire re- 
belling against his authority. We do not know who these 
rebels were ; but we may assume that the Nayaks of Madura 
and Tanjore did not make any movement, because their first 
rebellion is mentioned as having taken place during the reign 
of Venkata II. It seems quite certain that the King set out with- 
out delay to subdue these disloyal chiefs, and actually received 
the homage of several of them. One of his grants of 1571 
records that " he subdued and made his own the eighty-four 
durgas; he curbed the pride of Avahalu Raja, and showed 
his skill in conquering the Utkala king (Orissa), the chief 
gem in the garland, Araviti-pura, the Suratrapa of Urigola 
(Warangal) " 3. 

These were probably some of the rebel chiefs reduced by 
Tirumala to his obedience ; but they were not all, for according 
to the apocryphal prophecy of the Mackenzie Collection, from 
the year 1 569 on wards, ' the country will be in great confusion 
then for five years ' 4 . From this we conclude that the re- 
bellion lasted until the first years of the reign of Ranga I, and 
was perhaps one of the causes of Tirumala's abdication. 

4. One of its immediate results was beyond doubt the 
inauguration of a new system of government, which proved 
efficient for some years. Such was the division of the whole 
Empire into three viceroyalties to be distributed among the 
sons of the sovereign. 

The Arivilimangalam plates f) and the Maredapalli grant 

1. Purchas, X, p. 97. 

2. Anquetil du Perron, I.e., p. 166. 

3. Ep. Cam., XII, Tm, I.. 

4. Taylor, i.e. 

5. Ep. Ind. t XII, p. 357, v. 19. 

6. Ibid., XI, p. 328. 


mention only one son of Tirumala, Ranga ; the Vellangudi * 
and the Dalavay Agraharam plates * and the Vilapaka grant 8 
give two names, Ranga and Venkata, as corresponding to two 
sons of Tirumala ; three are to be found in the Chikkadevaraya 
, Vamsavali*but the Kuniyur plates of Venkata III 5 and a grant 
of Ranga III, 1645 6 , along with the Vasucharitramu 7 and the 
Ramarajiyamu 8 mention four-Raghunatha, Ranga, Rama and 
Venkata. The eldest died probably after the battle of Raksas- 
Tagdi, and this is the reason why no reference to him is made 
in many of the preceding documents; while Rama was also over- 
looked in several of them, because he never ascended the masnad. 
Ranga and Venkata were the future Ranga I and Venkata II. 

At this time Raghunatha was already dead. Hence the 
whole Empire was divided into three viceroyalties, and each of 
them placed under one of the three surviving brothers. The divi- 
sion was made on a racial basis, and followed the different 
peoples that occupied the territory of the Empire : the Telugu 
viceroyalty in the North, the Kanarese viceroyalty in the West, 
and the Tamil viceroyalty in the East and South 9 . 

"Sri Ranga Raya was the Viceroy of the whple Teiugu 
country with his capital at Penukonda", says the Chikkadevaraya 

1. Ibid., XVI, p. 300. 

2. Ibid., XII, p. 186, vv. 23 and 27. 

3. Ibid., IV, p. 270, vv. 20-22. 

4. S. Krishnaswami Aiyangar, Sources, p. 302. 

5. Ep. Ind., Ill, p. 252, v. 18. 

6. Ep. Cam., X, Mb, 60. 

7. S. Krishnaswami Aiyangar, o. c., p. 216. 

8. Ibid., p. 213. 

9. None of the contemporary sources say that Tirumala appoint- 
ed his four sons to the several governorships of the kingdom, as it has 
often been asserted. Raghunatha is not mentioned at this time, from 
which we conclude he was dead. Even in Richards, Salem Gazetteer, 
p. 67, we read that "the Empire, about this time, was divided into six 
vicef oyalties : 1. Andhra ; 2. Earnata ; 3. Madura r 4. Chandra- 
gin ; 5. Jinji ; 6. Tanjore". Here the three great Nayakships of 
Madura, Tanjore and Jinji have been mixed up with the three 
oeroyalties created by Tirumala. 


Vamsavali l . The establishment of his capital at Penukonda 
took place later, when he was appointed Yuvaraja ; but the 
capital of his viceroyalty seems to., have been Udayagiri, in 
the heart of the Telugu country. "Making Udayagiri his 
residence," we read in the Dalavay Agraharam plates of 
Venkata II, "he conquered Kondavidu, Vinikondapura and 
other forts, and began to rule at Penukonda" 2 . The same is 
recorded in the Maredapalli grant of Ranga 1 3 , in the 
Vellangudi plates 4 and the Padmaneri grant of Venkata II 5 , 
and another grant of the same monarch of the year 1589 6 . 
Another of the same Ranga, of 1576, says that when he 
was at Udayagiri he conquered the 'inaccessible fortress of 
Kondavidu, Vinukonda, etc. ; and that he was, at the time of 
the inscription, residing with all the insignia of royalty at 
Penukonda 7 . It is quite evident from these grants that 
Ranga's rule at Udayagiri was previous to his rule at 
Penukonda. At this time and after the conquest of Kondavidu, 
he is also called governor of this place, when in that 
capacity he granted a village to a local temple 8 . 

"The next brother, Rama", says the Vasucharitramu, 
"was governing in peace the whole country from the Kaveri to 
the Sea (Arabian Sea), with his capital at the island town of 
Seringapatam " 9 . The country under Rama is specified in 
greater detail in the Chikkadevaraya Vamsavali. " His brother 
Rama Ray a ruled the whole Kanarese country from his capital 
Seringapatam ". 10 During the reign of Sadasiva, immediately 

1. 8. Krishnaswami Aiyangar, Sources, p. 302. 

2. Ep. Ind.> XII, p. 186, v. 23-26. 

3. Ep. Ind., XI, p. 328, v. 31. 

4. Ep. Ind. t XVI, p. 319, vv. 28-30. 

5. Ep. Ind., XVI, p. 297, vv. 24-25. 

6. Ep. Cam., XII, Of. 39. Ck, Ep. Cam., VII, Sh, 83. 

7. 23 of 1911. One year previous to this grant, in 1576, 
Kondavidu had been granted by the .si me Ranga to a Brahman. 
Catalogue of the Copper-plate Grants in the Government Museum, Madras, 
p. 53. 

8. Sewell, II, p. 188. 

9. S. Krishnaswami Aiyangar, Sources, p. 217, 
10. Ibid., p. 302, 


before the battle of Raksas-Tagdi, Rama Raya seems to have 
been governor of the fortress of Penukonda \ and about that 
time he made a gift of the village of Kolagala to a certain Rama- 
raja Nayaka 3 . He is said to have previously defeated the 
Nizam Shah 3 ; but his rule at Seringapatam has been noted 
as weak 4 . The times however were not favourable to the 
Kanarese Viceroy. I feel sure that many of the petty chieftains 
of the Kanarese country were in revolt against Tirumala and the 
new dynasty ; several rebellions occurred there, too, after the 
accession of Sadasiva r> , Rama's task was not at all easy, and 
his life was not to last lon#. During the time of his viceroyal- 
ty, he constructed the math of Satyabhodarayalasvami at 
Penukonda, as recorded in a Kanarese inscription in the same 
place 6 . By his wife Narasingama 7 he had two sons, 
Tirumala and Sri Ranga 8 , whose great influence in the history 
of the Aravidu family will be traced in due course. 

The Tamil country was under the third brother Venkata. 
" The last of the four brothers, Venkatapati", says the Vasu- 
charitramu, "was governing as Viceroy the kingdom of 
Chandragiri, having under his authority many feudatory 
princes " 9 . Who several of these princes were, is mentioned in 
the Chikkadevaraya Vamsavali : "Venkatapati, the third brother, 
was the Viceroy of the Tundira (Jinji), Chola (Tanjore) and 
Pandya (Madura) countries with his capital at Chandragiri " 10 . 
We have no special information about his rule as Viceroy ; 
his authority was above that of the three powerful Nayaks of 
Madura, Tanjore and Jinji, and was similar to that of Prince 

1. Of. H. Krishna Sastri, The Third Vijayanagara Dynasty, 1. c, 
p. 183. 

2. 15 of 1010. 

3. Ramarajiyamu, 3. Krishnaswami Aiyangar, o. c., p. 213. 

4. Of. Richards, Salem Gazetteer, p. 67. 

5. Of. Oh. IV, No. 2. 

6. Sewell,I,p.l20. 

7. Ramarajiyamu, 1. c. 

8. Kuniyur plates of Venkata III, Ep. Ind. , III, p. 253, v. 21 ; 
Ranga Ill's grant, 1645, Ep. Cam., X, Mb, 60 ; Ramarajiyamu, 1. c. 

9. 8. Krishnaswami Aiyangar, Sources, p. 217, 
10. Ibid., p. 302. 


Vitthala, the cousin of Rama Raya, during the time of his 
viceroyalty in the South. 

This new administrative arrangement, inaugurated by 
Tirumala, was intended to meet the then urgent necessities of 
the Empire. The monarch, leaving the affairs of government 
in the hands of his sons, could devote himself to checking the 
advance of the Muhammadans on the northern frontier. The 
division being naturally made according to the three great 
different races of the Empire, a greater administrative success 
in each part could reasonably be expected ; and the Viceroys 
being of the royal blood, and in this case sons of the Sovereign 
himself, the fear of rebellion was reduced, since they were bound 
to be very loyal to the Emperor their father. The only fear was 
that these viceroyalties being hereditary, the future viceroys, 
though related to the Emperor, would not feel that love which is 
natural between close relations, and the consequences would 
prove fatal to the Empire. But this apprehension was never 
realised, since the viceroyalties ceased to exist after half a 

5. The Muhammadans, indeed, continued seriously to 
menace the northern territories. After the battle of Raksas- 
Tagdi, Tirumala had delivered the territory from an invasion of 
Ali Adil Shah, by soliciting the aid of the Queen Mother of 
Ahmadnagar, Bibi Khunzah Humayun, who by marching an 
army into the Bijapur dominions had forced Ali Adil Shah to 
retreat from Vijayanagara l . But in the year 1569, the same 
Ali Adil Shah and Murtaza Nizam Shah met on the borders of 
their kingdoms, and came to a mutual agreement to extend 
their conquests in such different directions as not to interfere 
with each other : the Sultan of Ahmadnagar should be allowed 
to occupy Berar, and the sovereign of Bijapur should be per- 
mitted " to conquer as much of the dependencies of Bijanagar 
(Vijayanagara) as he thought proper, without any interference 
on the part of Murtaza Nizam Shah " 2 . 

This agreement was fatal to the Hindu Empire. Ali Adil 
Shah set out at once to invest the fortress of Turkal, then in 

1. Of. Ch. X, No. 12. 

2. Ferishta, III, p. 135, 



possession of Venkatayasu Raya, who surrendered after seven 
months of strenuous defence. Then the Sultan proceeded to 
reduce Dharwar, "one of the strongest of the forts in the 
Karnatik, and at that time in possession of one of the officers 
of the late Ramraj, who, though he paid annually a small tribute 
to Yeltumraj (Tirumala), had now acquired great power." The 
fortress, however, took six months to subdue. Then Ali Adil 
Shah turned his arms to Bankapur. Its Raja, Velappa Raya, who 
rebelled against Vijayanagara after the Raksas-Tagdi disaster ', 
"shut himself up in the fort, and detached his son, with a 
thousand horse and ten thousand foot, to occupy the woods and 
passes, in order to harass the enemy as opportunity offered, and 
to endeavour to cut off his resources". At the same time, he 
sent a message to Tirumala asking for help. But the Emperor's 
answer carried unutterable despair to his heart ; for Tirumala 
replied that " by his wickedness and evil example most of the 
dependents on his house had become rebels, and departed from 
their duty, so that it was with difficulty he could support hiroselt 
at Periukonda and Chandragiri, the only places which the kings 
of Islam had left him. He advised him therefore, if money or 
jewels could purchase terms from the Muhammadans, to 
procure them on any conditions ; but if he should find 
this impossible, he recommended him by all means to 
induce the neighbouring Rajas to espouse his cause, and to 
prevail on them to join his son with their followers, in 
order to harass the Mussulmans by cutting off their supplies 
and making frequent night attacks. He promised, moreover, 
to issue orders to all his vassals to assist him, though 
he could not rely on their obedience". Accordingly, Velappa 
Raya prevailed on some chiefs to join his son ; and they acted 
with such vigour " that grain became scarce in the king's 
camp", says Ferishta, "which was molested every night by 
bands of robbers and assassins, who did much execution... 
They entered the tents at night, and without mercy stabbed the 
soldiers while sleeping. Every night numbers were killed by 
them in this treacherous manner: and so great a dread and 
discontent prevailed among the troops, that they were near 

1. Of, Ch. X, No. 17. 


forcing the king to raise the siege"; but the tactics of Mustafa 
Khan freed the camp of these night marauders, and then 
confidence was restored among the Muslim soldiers. The 
siege, however, lingered on for one year and three months. 
Velappa Raya surrendered at last after the demise of his son, 
on condition of being allowed to depart with his family and 
effects 1 . When this fort fell, Ranga I was already Emperor. 

6. What was the action of Tirumala against the invaders 
of his Empire ? We have read somewhere that teritoriaiiy he 
left it at the time of his death just as it was before the battle of 
Raksas-Tagdi ; but we have not anywhere discovered any 
source of information so optimistic about his reign. His great 
military prowess is extolled in many of the grants of his 
succesors 2 ; he is called ' the king of the powerful arm ' 3 
who ' defeated his enemies ' 4 , ' conquered ' or * subdued hostile 
kings in battle ' 5 and 'scorched hostile kings with the fire of 
his valour ' 6 . 

The V asucharitramu relates that Tirumala destroyed the 
forces of the Muhammadans sent against him under the 
command of a certain Khana (Khan). Incidentally the poem 
says that Tirumala " verily bestowed upon the hills of 1 Pena- 
gonda(Penukonda) the girisabhava (the state of being the best of 
hills), by spreading thereon the skins of mad elephants and the 
skulls (of slaughtered soldiers)" 7 . This was probably the 

1. Ferishta, III, p. 135-9. This campaign against Bankapur is 
also mentioned by the anonymous chronicler of Golkonda, Ibid., 
p. 432. 

2. Penuguluru grant of Tirumala, Ep. Ind., XVI, p. 256, vv. 
44-62; Arivilimangalam plates of Ranga I, Ep. Ind., XII, p. 357, v 16 ; 
Mangalampad grant of Venkata II, Butterworth, I, p 30, v. 19 ; 
Kuniyur plates of Venkata III, Ep. Ind., Ill, p. 252, v. 15. 

3. Penuguluru grant of Tirumala, Ep. Ind., XVI, p. 257, vv. 

4. Arivilimangalam plates of Ranga I, Ep. Ind., XII, p. 357, 
v. 16; Vellangudi plates of Venkata II, Ep. Ind., XVI, p. 319, v. 20. 

5. Kuniyur plates of Venkata III, Ep. Ind., Ill, p. 254, v. 15 ; 
Mangalampad grant of Venkata II, Butterworth, I, p. 30. v. 19. 

6. Penuguluru grant of Tirumala, Ep. Ind., XVI, p. 257, w. 

7. Of. H.Krishna Sastri, The Third Vijayanagara Dynasty, Ire. 
p. 181. 


occasion when Tirumala's minister, Chennappa Nayadu, 
distinguished himself by defeating the Muhammadans near 
Penukonda, as is recorded in a local inscription \ 

7. It is generally asserted that Tirumala retired from the 
Karnata throne in favour of his son Ranga. But I cannot 
support this statement with any contemporary authority. The 
Vasucharitramu only says that "Sri Ranga was nominated 
Yuvaraja by Tirumala Raya and was looking after the 
affairs of the whole Empire*' 2 . His appointment as heir- 
apparent does not imply his father's renunciation of the 
throne; nor is this implied by the second fact, which was 
probably contemporary with the first, viz. that he was looking 
after the affairs of the whole Empire. Tirumala no doubt 
felt that he was too old to rule so turbulent a country, and 
therefore appointed his eldest living son his heir-apparent and 
associated him in the government ; it was then that Ranga 
' began to rule at Penukonda' 3 . 

This occurred probably at the end of 1571; but in the begin- 
ing of 1572 Tirumala, who was then ninety-two, passed away, 
according to the apocryphal prophecy in the Mackenzie Collec- 
tion 4 . 

8. The grants of his successors extol the virtues of the ' ex- 
cellent' Tirumala, as he is called in the Kuniyur plates of Ven- 
kata III 5 . The Penuguluru grant pronounces him "an ocean 
of praiseworthy qualities, the prosperous abode of unrestrained 
charities" 6 , "illustrious, distinguished for his prudence, the 
gifts from whose hands excelled even those of the tree 
of Indra, and who was a fountain of good qualities" 7 . 
He is said "to rule the whole earth with great glory 
and unequalled renown, like Hari (Vishnu) among the 

1. 341 of 1901. 

2. 3. Krishnaswami Aiyangar,. Sources, p. 217. 

3. Dalavay Agraharam plates of Venkata II, Ep. Ind. t XII, 
186, w. 23-26. 

4. Taylor, 1. c. 

5. Ep. Ind., Ill, p. 252, v. 73. 

6. Ibid., XVI, p. 257, w. 44-52. 

7. Ibid., w. 177-178. 



Trimurti" l , or " to protect the earth like Vishnu among 
the Trimurti " 2 . 

Two qualities among the rest are selected for special 
praise: his piety and his wisdom. As to the first, the Penuguluru 
grant says that he is ' a repository of nectar-like devotion to 
Hari (Vishnu)* 3 . "This king," the Vellangudi plates of 
Venkata II inform us, "performed frequently all the danas 
mentioned in the agamas, such as the kanaka-tuba-purusha and 
the upadanas in the temple of Kanchi, Sriranga, etc., and at 
the sacred tirthas " 4 . He built temples and bathing-places 
for pilgrims at Kanchi, Srirangam, Seshachala, Kanakshaba, 
Ahobaladri and other places r> . In 1569, while * seated on the 
diamond throne ' and ' ruling the Kingdom of Vijayanagara, 
he made a grant to the god Anjaneya ' at Udayagiri 6 . In the 
following year another was made "with pleasure and libations 
of gold and water, as a sarva-manya, to Brahmans, of several 
sakkas, names, gotras and sutras, of the rich village named 
Penuguluru, with the two other villages, Yalanimapadu-Chenna- 
palli and Konduru-Chennapalli, beautiful with gardens " 7 . 

His wisdom is likewise acknowledged and highly praised 
by his successors : he is called 'wise 7 8 and 'learned' 9 ; and 
even in a Sadasiva's grant of 1558 he is said to be as 

1. Arivilimangalam plates of Ranga I, Ep. Ind., XII, p. 357 
v. 16 ; Mangalampad grant of Venkata II, Butterworth I, p. 30, v. 19; 
Kuniyur plates of Venkata III, Ep. Ind., Ill, p. 252, v. 15. 

2. Vellangudi plates of Venkata II, Ep. Ind., XVI, p 317, 
v. 20. 

3. Ep. Ind., XVI, p. 245. 

4. Ibid., p. 319, v. 27. 

5. Tirumala's grant Ep. Cam., XII, Tm, 1; Venkata II's grant, 
1587, Ep. Cam., VII, Sh, 83; Venkata II's grant, 1589, Ep. Cam., XII, 
Ck, 39. 

6. Butterworth, III, p. 1328. 

7. Ep. Ind., XVI, p. 257, w. 44-52. 

8. Arivilimangalam plates of Ranga, I, Ep. Ind. XII, p. 357, v. 
16 ; Mangalampad grant of Venkata II, Butterworth, J, p. 30. v. 19* 
Kuniynr plates of Venkata III, Ep. Ind., Ill, p. 252, v. 15. 

9. Ranga Ill's grant, 1645, Ep. Cam., X, Mb, 60. 


* learned as Bhoja Raja ' *. He was ' highly esteemed by 
wise kings ' 2 . He sedulously patronised wise people 
and endeavoured to propagate wisdom among his subjects. 
In order to commemorate the first death anniversary of his 
father, he granted the village of Jillellamuduku to a wise 
man, called Srinivasacharya 3 . Then, when he made the 
Penuguluru grant to Brahmans, the entire village was divided 
into 128 vrittis and given to Brahmans who were highly learned 
in the sastras and were masters in the Vedanta : one of the 
vrittis was granted for the study of the Rig- Veda and another 
for that of the Yajur-Veda 4 . At the end of this volume we 
shall mention his literary exploits; we shall here only quote some 
words of the Penuguluru grant rnenioned already, which gives a 
beautiful description of the pious and wise Tirumala, "being 
surrounded by pious and loving priests and attendants, and by 
various wise men who follow the ways laid down in the Vedas 
and are highly educated" 5 . Such was the company with which 
Tirumala loved to surround himself ; the great warrior never 
lost sight of the claims of piety and the value of high 

9. We cannot doubt that Tirumala had the most excellent 
qualities which must adorn a ruler ; since he proved it when a 
minister during the reign of Sadasiva, and specially after the 
usurpation of his brother, when he was in charge of all state 
matters. He marvellously cc-operated with Rama Raya for the 
welfare of the Empire, and the success they attained was due 
to the efficiency of both ; the glory of the Empire of Krishna 
Deva Raya still illuminated the combined rule of Rama Raya 
and Tirumala. But after the disaster of Raksas-Tagdi, and 
specially during his short rule as Emperor, he was too old to 
maintain the Empire in its pristine glory. The Muhammadan 
attacks on the northern frontier and the rebellions of the 

1. Ep. Cam., IX, Op, 186. 

2. Penuguluru grant of Tirumala, Ep. /</., XVI, p. 257, w. 

3. Rangacharaya, I, p. 639, 678. 

4. Ep. Ind., XVI, p. 245. 

5. Ibid., p. 257, vv. 44-62. 


feudatory chiefs throughout the whole of the Empire were too 
much for the old Sovereign. He then thought of dividing his 
task among his sons, by creating the three Viceroyalties of 
Udayagiri, Seringapatam and Chandragiri ; and as even that 
was not enough, he associated his eldest son in the 
government to share with him the conduct of state affairs. 
The weakness he showed in translating the court and capital 
from Vijayanagara to Penukonda became clearer and clearer 
every year. The Muhammadans were continuously advancing 
and even reached the walls of Penukonda. Nor were the domestic 
revolts yet brought under at the time of his demise. Tirumala 
was not at all a successful monarch. 

His usurpation of the throne may be easily justified. A. 
pageant king like Sadasiva was a grave danger to the Empire 
at such a turbulent time ; and if any relics of imperial power 
were to be saved, the removal of Sadasiva was a political 
necessity. Neverthless political necessity never justified a 
murder ; if Tirumala is responsible for the assassination of 
Sadasiva Raya, the first monarch of the Aravidu dynasty of 
Vijayanagara will always beiblamed for having sprinkled the 
steps of his throne with the blood of his predecessor. 


SUMMARY. 1. Enthronement of Ranga I. Retains his capital at Penu- 
konda. 2. His officers. Subdues the rebellious chiefs. 3. Muham- 
madan invasion of Kanara. 4. First attack of Bijapur against 
Penukonda. Alliance between Vijayanagara and Golkonda. 5. 
Second attack on Penukonda. Ranga imprisoned by his 
enemies. 6. Third attack. Jagadeva Raya. 7. The Sultan of 
Golkonda invades Ahobilam. 8. The province of Udayagiri 
captured by the Golkonda troops. 9. Further Muhammadan 
inroads. 10. Ranga I's religious conduct. 11. His death. A 

CONTEMPORARY SOURCES. 1. Hindu inscriptions and grants. 
2. Ferishta, Anonymous chronicler of Golkonda. 3. Ramaraji- 
yamit, Chikkadevaraya Vamsavali, Annals of Handc Anantapuranii 
Charuchandrodayatti, Yayaticharitramu, Lakshimivilasam. 

SRIMAD Rajadhiraja Rajaparamesvara Sri Vira Pratapa Sri 
Rangarayadeva Maharayalu 1 naturally succeeded his father 
Tirumala at the beginning of 1572. * Ranga was installed in 
the kingdom of Penukonda ', we read in the Utsur grant of 
Ranga III 2 ; and in the Kuniyur plates of Venkata III we 
find that he ' was crowned to the kingdom of Penugonda ' *. 
As to the actual ceremonies of his coronation, a grant of 
Venkata II, 1587, informs us that he was * anointed by his 
chief Brahmans' 4 ; but the Mangalampad grant of the same 
records that he ' was installed according to the rules by the 
best of the Brahmans ' 5 . Both grants mention the sovereign's 
munificence on this occasion; and the Vellangudi plates of 
Venkata II even state that ' by the gifts made by this King at 

1. Such is the full imperial title given him in the inscriptions. 
Cf. Rangacharya, II, p. 1098, 374. 

2. Butterworth, I, p. 46, v. 23. 

3. Ep. Ind., Ill, p. 252. v. 19. 

4. Ep. Cam., VII, Sh, 83. 

5. Butterworth, I, p. 30, v. 22. 


the time of his coronation poverty was completely wiped out for 
good men" 1 . His queens were Tirumala Devi and 
Krishnamba 2 . 

The statement has been made that Ranga transferred the 
capital of the Empire to Chandragiri 3 . This is not founded 
on any contemporary source. The Vellangudi plates of Venkata 
II say that ' he made Penugonda his capital ' 4 ; and the 
Kondyata grant of Venkata III calls him the 'king of 
Penagonda ' 5 . Moreover, we know of inscriptions of all the 
years of his reign, excepting two. They clearly state that he 
was ruling over the Empire from the hilly town of Anantapur. 
In 1572 certain inhabitants of Mannur, Cuddapah, gave away 
their annual fee from the village to the god Chennakesava, in 
the reign of Srirangaraya of Penukonda 6 ; an inscription of 
1573 says that that he 'was ruling at Penukonda' 7 ; his 
Maredapalli grant was made in 1574 ' in the presence of the god 
Ramachandra (in Penukonda)' 8 , and it states that he was 
residing at Penukonda 9 ; again, another inscription of 1574 
records that he was 'ruling at Penukonda' 10 ; three in- 
scriptions of 1575 speak of him as still ' seated in Penukonda ' u ; 
another of 1576 again commemorates the fact of his 
'ruling at Penukonda' 12 ; in 1577-8 he makes the 

1. Ep. /</., XVI, p. 319, vv. 28-30. 

2. Venkata JI's grant, 1589, Ep. Carn., XII, Ck, 39. Tirumala 
Devi is called Timmamba in the Ramarajiyamu, S. Krishnaswami 
Aiyangar Sources, p. 213 ; and Sewell, II, p. 252, calls the second wife 

3. Brackenbury, Cuddapah Gazetteer, p. 37 ; Francis, Anantapur 
Gazetteer, p 21. 

4. Ep. Jnd. t XVI, p. 319, vv. 23-30. 

5. Ind. Ant., XIII, p. 126. 

6. Rangacharya, I, p. 643, 783. 

7. Ep. Cam., XII, Ck, 39. 

8. Ep. Ind., XI p. 328. 

9. Ibid., v. 31. 

10. 70 of 1915. 

11. Butterworth, III, p. 1259-61 ; Rangacbarya, II, p. 1143, 688 ; 
Catalogue of the Copper-Plate Grants in the Government Museum^ 
Madras, p. 53. 

12. 23 of 1911, 



Arivilimangalam grant 'in the presence of the god 
Ramachandra of Perunkondapura (Penukonda) ' l ; again, 
he is said to be 'ruling over Penukonda' in 1578^; and in 
1579 he is ' ruling the kingdom of the earth at Penukonda ' 8 ; 
this is also said of 1579-80, 4 ; in 1582 he is 'seated on the 
diamond throne at the city of Penugonda' 6 ; in 1582-3 he is 
said still to be ' ruling at Penukonda ' 6 , and finally he is 
called ' Sri Ranga of Penukonda ' and ' ruling at Penukonda' 
both in 1584 7 and in 1585 8 , the last year ofTus reign. 

No inscription has hitherto been discovered stating that 
Ranga ruled at Chandragiri. What is more puzzling is an 
inscription of Podili, Nellore District, that records a grant of a 
village by a private person ' while Ranga was ruling at Vijaya- 
nagara ', in 1575-6 9 . We feel sure that the capital of the 
Empire was never removed again to the imperial city on the 
Tungabhadra. Two inscriptions of these same years, mentioned 
above record his domicile at Penukonda. He may have visited 
the ancient capital of his predecessors in the course of one of 
his expeditions against the Muhammadans, but this would not 
imply his ' ruling at Vijayanagara '; probably, the traditional 
capital was here mentioned out of the regard which the kings 
still cherished for that city. 

2. Penukonda was therefore the town where Ranga I 
' ruled in splendour with all insignia of royalty ', to quote the 
Vellangudi plates of Venkata II 10 . Pemmasani Pedda Timma- 
raja seems to have been his minister ", or at least one of his 

1. Bp. Ind., XII, p. 341. 

2. Sewell, I, p. 100. 

3. Butterworth, II, p. 657-9 ; Rangacharya, II p, 1098, 374; Af. A. 
D., Report, 1923, p. 44. 

4. Butterworth, II, p. 657-9. 

5. Rengacliarya, II, p. 1115, 491. 

6. Butterworth, II, p. 892-4. 

7. Rangacharya, I, p. 153, 193 ; 70 of 1915. 

8. Ibid., p. 622, 534. 

9. Butterworth, III, p. 1185-6. 

10. Ep. Ind., XVI, p. 319, w. 28-30. 

11. Of. H. Krishna Sastri, The Third Vijayanagara Dynasty, 
1. Q>, P. 185. 


ministers, because in an inscription of 1581 Ranga mentions 
Megoti Timma Nayadu as his agent and minister l . Another 
who seems to have been in charge of the matters of government 
is Timmaya Mantri ; for the author of the Charuchandrodayam, 
his cousin, says that he " was the right hand of the Emperor 
Sri Ranga Raya and was presented by him with elephants, 
horses, palanquins and umbrellas" 2 . His dalavay, or com- 
mander-in-chief, was one Obala in 1572 3 ; but nine years later, 
in 1581, Venkatappa Nayadu occupied this post . Rayasam 
Venkatapati was also one of his officers : in his poem Lakshmi- 
vilasam he informs us that he got the name of Rayasam after 
his office in the court, which was despatch-writer, and he was 
the manager of the Secretariat of the Empire. He was much 
loved by the Emperor, who presented him with a village and 
gold jewels 5 . 

Mr. H. Krishna Sastri suspects that the whole of the West 
coast and its petty rulers had asserted their independence in 
the beginning of Ranga's reign G . He is probably right, because 
it is certain, in view of the above-quoted apocryphal prophecy 
in the Mackenzie collection, that the great disturbances and 
rebellions following the murder of Sadasiva lasted five years, 
viz. one year of Tirumala's reign and the first four years of 
the reign of Ranga. This was a trying task for the new 
sovereign to cope with ; but it seems, he finally subdued the 
rebels. It is probably in this connection that his Maredapalli 
grant and Arivilimangalam plates inform us that he ' destroyed 
or reduced the Chaurasi-durga (the eighty-four hill forts) ' 7 ; 
the Arivilimangalam plates say moreover that he ' put to 
shame Avahaluraya ' 8 , while the Maredapalli grant extols 
him ' as the vanquisher of Avahaluraya and the king of 
Utkala ' . 

1. 178 of 1913. 

2. &. Krishnaswami Aiyangar, Sources, p. 241. 

3. Rangacharya, II, p. 979, 630. 

4. 178 of 1913. 

5. 8. Krishnaswami Aiyangar, Sources, p. 230. 

6. Of. H. Krishna Sastri, 1. c. and note 3. 

7. Ep. Ind., XII, p. 357, v. 20; XI, p. 328, v. 35. 

8. Ep. Ind., XII, p. 357, w. 21-26. 

9. Ep. Ind^ XI, p. 328, vv. 37-38, 


Moreover the rebellions were not all confined to the West. 
Trouble also arose in the South of the peninsula. The country 
of Marava and its neighbours the Kallar tribes, had broken 
allegiance with the Empire; but Ranga, according to an inscrip- 
tion of Tindivanam, "subdued the insolent Kallar and Maravar 
(tribes), inhabiting Kongu and Malai-nadu, and their treasures 
he distributed (among the poor)" \ 

3. In the meanwhile the Muhammadans had not yet 
ceased attacking the northern frontier. In the year 1575, to 
safeguard his new possessions, AH Adil Shah rebuilt the 
ancient fortress of Chandragutti, Shimoga District, which was 
built upon a lofty hill 2 . While here, he was invited by Shankar 
Nayak, probably one of those petty chiefs of Kanara who had 
rebelled against the new dynasty of Vijayanagara, to make a 
tour through his own country. " Ali Adil Shah ", says Ferishta, 
' accepting the offer, left his army at Chandarguti, and with 
Mustafa Khan and four or five thousand men proceeded to the 
fortress of Karur (Kadur)." This place is situated in a mountain- 
eous country full of forests, and so difficult of access that most of 
the passes allow only one horseman to enter at a time. The king, 
disliking the appearance of the country, returned to Chandar- 
guti, leaving all his possessions to the Nayak; but Mustafa Khan 
tried to make a virtue of his master's necessity, by telling the 
Nayak that it was with difficulty he had dissuaded him from 
reducing it ; therefore, if he consulted his own safety, he would 
submit and pay tribute and induce the surrounding rayas to do 
the same. Shankar Nayak, by these representations, prevailed on 
Siva Nayak of Jerreh, the Rani of Barcelor (Basrur) and several 
other chiefs, to pay their respects to the Sultan, to whom they 
presented offerings of considerable value, and agreed to pay 
annual tribute. On the day on which these chiefs received 
their state robes from the Sultan, women's robes were prepared 
for Har Devi, Bhar Devi, the Rani of Barcelor and another Rani. 
But these they declined accepting, saying that, though women 
in sex, they held their dominions by the power of masculine 
minds ; upon which the Sultan presented them with men's robes 

1. Of. H. Krishna Sastri, 1. c., p. 183-4. 

2. Ferishta, III, p. 139. 


and applauded their high spirit. After this the Sultan of Bija- 
pur appointed a Brahman to superintend the revenue of the 
newly-acquired country, answering more or less to the modern 
districts of Shimoga and Kadur. l . * 

4. Ranga could not render assistance to his rebel chiefs of 
the Kanara country against the Muhammadans. As a matter of 
fact, it seems that just at this time he was proceeding towards 
Chandragiri ' in the course of a royal tour ' 2 . AH Adil Shah, 
after his short campaign in the Kanara country, again joined the 
troops of Mustafa Khan and advanced towards Penu- 
konda 3 . When Sri Ranga learnt this he rapidly returned 
to his capital 4 , but found himself unequal to the forces of 
Bijapur ; so, perhaps even before he reached Penukonda, he 
despatched an envoy with magnificent presents to Ibrahim 
Qutb Shah of Golkonda, demanding his aid against Adil Shah. 
The Golkonda Sultan "readily agreed to the overtures of Sri 
Ranga Raya," says the anonymous chronicler of Golkonda, 
" promising him to oppose AH Adil Shah, and to prevent him 
from making further aggression. Accordingly he detached his 
general, Shah Muhammad Anju, wkh a light force, to skirmish 
and plunder the borders of Adil Shah's dominions, while he 
prepared to move to the South in support of Sri Ranga Raya. 
On the Bijanagar frontier he was joined by Shah Muhammad 
Anju, after he had sacked the towns and laid waste the enemy's 
country, agreeably to his instructions. He was shortly after^- 
wards met by Sri Ranga Raya ; and their junction induced AH 
Adil Shah to raise the siege of Bijanagar (vis. its capital Penu- 
konda) 5 and to return to Bijapur " . 

1. Ibid., p. 140-1. 

2. Annals of Hande Anantapuram, 8. Krishnasvvami Aiyangar, 
Sources, p. 231. 

3. Ferishta, III, p. 141. Ferishta's following account of the 
attack of Penukonda is evidently out of place. I shall prove in due 
course that facts narrated here by the Muhammadan writer could 
not have taken place except during the reign of Venkata II. 

4. Annals of Hande Anantapuram, 1. c. 

5. The removal of the capital from Vijayanagara to Penu- 
konda seems to be completely ignored by the anonymous chronicler. 

6. Ferishta, III, p. 435. 


Such is the account of th retreat of All Adil Shah as 
given by the Mussulman writer ; but the Annals of Hande 
Anantapuram provide us with some other details. Ranga had 
also summoned Hande Malakappa Nayadu, the governor of 
Bukkasamudram, and ' with the assistance of his troops fought 
with the Muhammadan invaders and routed them ' l . This 
seems to imply that a battle was fought between the two armies; 
and it was probably then that ' Ranga's war-drums were heard 
in the town of Vijapura (Bijapur) ', as we read in the Narapati- 
vijayamu 2 . 

After this combined action the relations beween Golkonda 
and Vijayanagara apparently became still more friendly. It 
was perhaps then that Fak-1 Khan went with a large army as 
an envoy of the Sultan of Golkonda to the court of Ranga and 
took the latter to his sovereign's capital, where a treaty of 
alliance was concluded between the two monarchs :J . 

5. But not long after, probably in the following year 1576, 
the Sultan of Bijapur reappeared in the territories of Vijaya- 
nagara with a large army. Ranga set out from Penukonda to 
check this expedition. When the two armies met, a great battle 
ensued, in the course of which the Emperor Ranga unfortu- 
nately fell a prisoner into the hands of Ali Adil Shah ; this 
mishap turned the tide against the Hindu army, which was 
beaten and routed by the enemy. The immediate result of this 
^ictory was the possession of the territories to the North of 
Penukonda, which never went back into the hands of the Vijaya- 
nagara Emperors. " On hearing about this defeat of Sri Ranga,*' 
continues the author of the Annals of Hande Anantapuram, 
" Hande Malakappa Nayadu, thinking that the Muhammadan 
fortunes were destined to rise and his master's to wane, trans- 
ferred his allegiance to them and behaved obediently in their 
service. So they showed great favour to him, and bestowed 
upon him the lands formerly granted to him by the Vijaya- 
nagara sovereigns : Bukkapatnam in the Elamanchi country, 

1. 8. Krishnaswami Aiyangar, Sources, 1. c. Of. Brown, The 
Wars of the Rajas, p. 6. 

2. Of. H. Krishna Sastri, 1. c., p. 183, note 3. 

3. Yayaticharitram, 8. Krishnaswami Aiyangar, Sources, p. 236. 


and Anantasagaram along with the hamlets under them, with 
the title of Padishah Vazir " l . This misfortune of Ranga 
justified a strange title given him two years before : in a grant 
of 1574, this sovereign is called ' Establisher of the kingdom x>f 
the Mussulmans ' z . 

More fortunate still was another chief who also fought in 
this battle against the Muhammadans. Sal Nayakahad, after the 
battle of Raksas-Tagdi, become the leader of a band of free- 
booters, and succeeded in capturing Kandikere and Shettikere. 
Incidentally, he joined Ranga at Penukonda with a force, on 
condition of his conquests being confirmed. After the defeat 
of the Hindu army and the capture of their Emperor, he 
escaped to his own country with such plunder as he could 
secure, including, it is said, twelve elephants. Chiknayakanhalli 
was founded a while after, made the seat of his government and 
named after his brother ; then Honnavalli, Turuvekere and 
Nonavinkere were added to his possessions. Such was the origin 
of the Hagalvadi chiefs, whose territory was finally annexed to 
Mysore by Chikkadeva Ray a :t . 

6. Ranga I, probably, soon won his liberty by a heavy ran- 
som ; because the inscriptions of the following year 1577 show 
him * ruling at Penukonda * 4 . But the attack on Penukonda 
was renewed that very year ; unquestionably Ali Adil Shah was 
bent on destroying the new capital of the Empire, as he had 
helped in the destruction of the old. We are not aware whether 
Adil Shah was present at the siege of the fortress; the Satya- 
parinayam mentions only four generals of his army. Jagadeva 
Raya, the Sudra chief of Baramahal, was at the moment in 
charge of the defence of the city ; he was closely related to the 

1. S. Krishnaswami Aiyangar, Sources, p. 231-2. Of. Brown 
The Wars of the Rajas, p. 6. 

2. Seweil, II, p. 185. 

3. Rice, Mysore, II, p. 165. 

4. Cf. above No. 1. Nevertheless there is an inscription of this 
year in the Nellore district, in which Ranga appears as * ruling at 
Chandragiri '. Butterworth, I, p. 399, note. Was his capture perhaps 
concealed by saying that he was ruling at Chandragiri, where his 
brother Venkata was perhaps governing the Empire on his behalf? 


Emperor by his marriage with one of the latter's daughters l . 
The attack was more than once valiantly repulsed by this hero. 
One general, Sujata Khan, was slain in one of the actions; another, 
Chitta Khan, was captured ; and the other two, Murtija Khan 
and Naru Khan, being successively defeated, the Bijapur army 
was forced to raise the siege 2 . 

The Emperor rewarded Jagadeva Raya's services liberally. 
He gave him a large district which extended from Baramahal 
in the East to the western Ghats in the West. He fixed his 
capital at Channapatna, which his descendants held till 1630, 
when it was captured after a long siege by the Raja of Mysore 3 . 
Perhaps Koneru Raya also distinguished himself on this 
occasion ; because an inscription of 1579 records the fact that 
the Emperor Ranga gave two villages to him for services 
rendered in a bloody battle, and exempted them from all 
taxes 4 . 

7. In the meanwhile the Sultan of Golkonda, Ibrahim 
Qutb Shah, had broken the alliance made lately with Ranga ; 
and having joined the Hande chief Malakappa Nayadu, who, as 
we have already noted, had been a traitor to the Empire, invaded 
and occupied the Ahobalam district. A local inscription 
dated 1584-5, from which we get this information, adds that 
the religious teacher, Sri Van Sathagopa Swami, then went to 
the Emperor Ranga ; and "reporting to him the sad condition of 
the temple of Ahobalam and the surrounding country, request- 
ed him to recover the district from the Muhammadans and to 
restore the temples to their ancient glory. Thereupon the Emperor 
Sri Ranga Raya himself prepared to lead an army into the 
district in person and to drive out the enemy. But the High 
Priest said that he need not lead the expedition in person, 

1. Rice, Mysore and Coorg, p. 164, says that Jagadeva 's daughter 
was married to Ranga, but he himself in his further work, Mysore, 
I, p. 356 and 357, affirms that lie was the king's son-in-law. Sewell, 
I, p. 194 and II, p. 251, agrees. 

2. 3. Krishnaswsmi Aiyangar, Sources, p. 229. 

3. Rice, Mysore, I, p. 22, This author, as well as Sewell, II, p. 
251, assigned the year 1577 as corresponding to the date of this 
third siege of Penukonda. 

4. M. A. A, Report, 1923, p. 44. 


but might entrust it to his subordinates, Kondaraju 
Venkataraju and Kondaraju Tirumalaraju who were 
designated by the god of Ahobaiam in a dream, as the fittest 
persons to lead the attack and to restore the temples. The Em- 
peror was struck with this ; and having presented the chiefs with 
jewels and titles, ordered them to march against the enemy. 
Then the chiefs started with their army along with the priest ; 
and having defeated the Hande chiefs and the other allies of 
Ibrahim, made vast additions to the temples and bestowed on the 
temples more than their former prosperity " \ This action 
is probably the one referred to in the Lakshmivilasam, which 
states that Ranga I " defeated the large armies of Qutb Shah 
and captured his royal inisgnia " 2 . And again the Narapati- 
vijayamu says that ' his sword split the bodies of the Golkonda 
warriors' 3 . 

8. Soon, at the end of 1579 or beginning of 1580, the 
Golkonda troops entered the province of Udayagiri situated at 
the North-East of the Empire 4 . After crossing the Krishna 
they easily captured the forts of Inaconda, Cacherlacota and 
Cammum (Cumbum) ; but the fortress of Kandbir was not so 
easily taken. "Here Haidar-ul-Mulk", says the anonymous 
chronicler, "was informed that Kandi Timana, Mudna Chinna 
and Kasturi Ranga had collected a force of thirty thousand 
men, and were on the'point of marching to attack him. He there- 
fore deferred the siege of Kandbir and moved to meet them. 
The Hindu infantry poured in upon the king's troops on 
all sides from the woods; but they only rushed on to 
their own destruction. The Muhammadans gained a com- 
plete victory, and pursued the enemy to the fort of Guram, 
which surrendered". The fort of Belamkonda and all 
the minor forts of the neighbourhood fell also into the 
hands of the Muhammadans ; and thereafter Haidar-ul-Mulk 
proceeded to Kandbir. "A long time was expended in 

1. 3. Krishnaswami Aiyangar, Sources, p. 233.4. Of. 70 of 1915. 

2. Ibid., p. 230. 

3. Lives of Telu&t fleets, p. 356. Of. H. Krishna Sastri, The Third 
Vijayattagara Dynasty, 1. o., p. 183, note. 

4. Sewell, I, p. 137, has an inscription of a local chief of this 
province acknowledging Ranga I as his-sovereign in the year 1579. 



attempting to reduce this strong fortress without effect ; and 
Haidar-ul-Mulk found it necessary to apply for reinforcements 
toGolkonda, on which Ibrahim Qutb Shah appointed Syad 
Shah Tacki, known by the appellation of Amir Shah Mir, with 
a considerable detachment of Mughals and Persians, to proceed 
and to take the command from Haidar-ul-Mulk of all the forces 
South of the Krishna. On his arrival at Kandbir, Shah Mir 
made many attempts to carry the place by escalade, but invari- 
ably failed, till at length he resolved, whatever might be the loss 
sustained, to drag his guns up the hill to within a moderate 
distance of the walls. By this means part of one face was 
battered down, and an attack made one morning both at the 
breach and on the South gateway. The Hindus were prepared 
to receive the storming parties and fought desperately ; but 
they were driven back, though not without heavy loss on the 
part of the assailants. The fort was eventually taken through 
the exertions of the elephants, who forced open one side of the 
gate. The Muhammadans then rushing in took the place ; and 
Kapury Timraj, son-in-law of the celebrated Ramraj of Bija- 
nagar, fell into the hands of the victors " '. 

The Aminabad inscription of Amin Mulk gives further 
information concerning this campaign. Besides the successive 
capture ot the fortresses of Vinukonda, Bellamkonda, Tangeda 
and Kondavidu, it specifies the taking of the fort of Udayagiri 
which was defended by Venkata Raju probably the brother of 
Ranga and his successor to be who was driven back to the 
South 2. It seems that one of the leaders of this expedition 
was a Maratha Brahman called Raya Rao, who was in the 
service of the Qutb Shah monarch ; he was the one who attacked 
Kondavidu, the governor of which place was assailed with 
bribes and surrendered in 1580 3 . 

It was probably at this time that Vemala Nayadu, second 
Raja of Udiripikotida, was defeated and sent away to Goikonda 
to serve the Sultan 4 . 

1. Ferishta, III, p. 436-8. 

2. S. Krishnaswami Aiyangar, Sources, p. 230-40. 

3. Sewell, II, p., 188, who gives his information as taken from 
Telugu chronicles on Kondavidu. 

4. Francis, Anantapur Gazetteer, p. 165, Information gleaijed from 
the Mackenzie MSB, 


Thus one of the provinces of the Empire that constituted 
the greatest part of the Telugu country, fell into the possession 
of the Golkonda Sultan, and was lost for ever to Vijayanagara. 
Nevertheless, even under the domination of the Muhammadans, 
inscriptions were carved, specially in the southern taluks, 
acknowledging the suzerainty of the Vijayanagara Emperors. 
Naturally the Telugu folk preferred the rule of the Telugu 
sovereigns to the blood-thirsty sway of the followers of Islam \ 
9. These were the last conquests of Ibrahim Qutb Shah. 
In the year 1580 Ali Adil Shah of Bijapur was assassinated 2 ; 
and in the same year Ibrahim Qutb Shah passed away and was 
succeeded by his son Muhammad Kuli Qutb Shah. This 
monarch attempted to conquer the fortress of Naldrug, but 
without any success. He was even deserted by one of his 
generals, Ali Khan Lur, who with his army and with the 
assistance of Mikar Tima, the son-in-law of Ranga Raya, 
wished to recover some of the fortresses of the province of 
Udayagiri for the Emperor of Vijayanagara. But his campaign 
was a most dismal failure. The anonymous chronicler says 
that Ranga I ' refused them his countenance or support ' 3 . 

The new Sultan of Bijapur, Ibrahim Adil Shah II, being a 
mere child, was under the regency of the Dowager Queen, the 
famous Chand Bibi ; but she was soon confined by the minister 
Dilawar Khan, and this intriguer assumed the reins 
of government. " The first act of his power ", says 
Ferishta, "after he found himself secure, was to detach Balil 
Khan with an army to collect the arrears of tribute from the 
Rays of Malabar (Kanara). Balil Khan, after being joined by 
Arsappa Naik, Ray of Jerreh, marched against the fort of 
Shankar Naik, Ray of Carur, who refused to pay the tribute. 
One night during the siege, while visiting the batteries, Balil 
Khan had the misfortune to be taken prisoner by a body of 
the enemy, and was carried into the fort, where he was confin- 
ecj in heavy chains. His troops, missing their chief, raised the 
siege and dispersed to various quarters. Balil Khan, after 

L Of. Butterworth, II, p. 892. 

2. Ferishta, III, p. 142. Of. Ind. Ant., XVII, p. 221. 

3. Ibid., Ill, p. 447-9. 


some time, by promises of great rewards, prevailed on his 
keepers and a seller of grass to assist in his escape ; and he 
was carried out by the latter upon his shoulders, concealed in a 
bundle of forage. When he had gained a convenient spot he 
contrived to strike off his chains, and hastened with all expedi- 
tion towards the Bijapur frontiers. Arriving in safety he 
procured a horse and proceeded to Bankapur, from whence he 
informed Diiawar Khan of his escape and requested to be 
supplied with another army to take revenge on Shank ar Naik. 
But the Regent declined for the present to make any further 
attempts in that quarter " l . 

This was the last attack of the Muhammadans on the 
possessions of Vijayanagara during the reign of Sri Ranga I. 
The result was not very satisfactory to him. " Most of the 
petty Rajas of Bijanagar (Vijayanagara)", says the anonymous 
chronicler, "had now bent their necks to the Muhammadan 
yoke " 2 . Of course, the Muhammadan writer speaks only of 
the Rajas of the North of the Empire, who were near the 
frontier of the Deccani states. 

10. These military operations did not in any way 

interfere with the piety of the Emperor; for he was 

a staunch devotee of Vishnu, as we shall see in one 

of the following chapters. An Inscription of 1572, just a little 

- before he ascended the throne, in the Gopinatha temple of 

Srirangarayapuram, Guntur, records a gift of land to Ganga- 

deva Rameswara for worship by Prince Sri Ranga, son of 

Tirumala 3 . We know besides several other religious grants 

made by Ranga during his reign, in 1575-6 4 , 1578 5 and 

1585 6 . In 1573 his agent in Nellore made arrangements for 

a religious festival 7 ; in 1581 the Dalavay Venkatappa Nayadu, 

under orders of Negoti Timma Nayadu, the minister of the king, 

1. Ibid., p. 157-8. 

2. Ibid., Ill, p. 453. 

3. Rangacharya, I, p. 762, 130 B. 

4. Butterworth, III, p. 1185-6 and 1259-61. 

5. Ep. Cam., IV, Ch, 23. 

6. Sewell, I, p. 92. 

1. Butterworth, III, p. 822-33. 


remitted several taxes due on the land owned at Bukkasagaram 
and Anantapuram by the temple of Chavudesvari T . 

The inscriptions also record that some new temples and 
shrines were consecrated during Ranga's reign. In 1577 the 
image of Chennakesavaraya was set up in the village of Mogal- 
luru, and a gift of land was made to the temple *. In 1580 the 
temple of Kesavasvami of Penukonda was solemnly dedicated a . 
Finally, a record from Tindivanam fixes the voluntary 
contributions to be paid by the principal inhabitants, "by the 
merchants whose business extended over the fifty-six countries 
and the eighteen districts", and by others who gathered together 
on each Wednesday-market held at Gidangil. These contri- 
butions were supposed to be needed to carry out repairs in the 
Tindisuramudaiya-Nayinar temple at Tindivanam 4 . 

II. Ranga's latest inscription corresponds to the year 
1584-5 f) . In Ahobiiam, Karnul, there is an inscription by a local 
chief in the reign of Sri Ranga of Vijayanagara at Penukonda, 
dated 1584. Another inscription by the same chief, of the folio w- 
ingyear 1585, mentions the name of Venkatapati of Vijayanagara 
as ruling in Penukonda 7 . Hence the inscription of Srimush- 
nam, of the year 1586, stating that Ranga was still ruling in 
Penukonda, must be an evident mistake 8 . Ranga must have 
died in about the first half of the year 1585, and, as the Chikka- 
devaraya Vanisavali informs us, ' without issue ' 9 , viz. without 
male offspring ; for the anonymous chronicler of Golkonda 
mentions a son-in-law of his, named Mikar Tima 10 , and 
Jagadeva Raya of Chennapatna probably married another 
daughter of the King n . 

1. 178 of 1913. ~ ~~~~ 

2. Rangaoharya, II, p. 1143, 688. 

3. Sewell, II, p. 120. 

4. Cf. H. Krishna Sastri, The Third Vijayanagara Dynasty, 1. c., 
p. 184. 

5. 237 of 1903. 

6. Sewell, I, p. 101. 

7. Ibid. 

8. 262 of 1916. 

9. 8. Krishnaswami Aiyangar, Sources, p. 302. 

10. Ferishta.TII, p. 448. 

11. Of. above No. 6. 


Ranga I, who, according to the Kuniyur plates of Venkata 
III, ' was renowned in the eight regions ' and ' had crossed the 
milk-ocean of policy ' 1 , seems to have been the kindest and 
most obliging sovereign that had ever sat on the jewelled throne 
of Vijayanagara. He ' was a parijala to dependants ', says the 
Utsur gr&nt of Ranga III 2 ; this is more clear in the Manga- 
lampad grant of Venkata II, which states that he was ' the 
bestower of wealth on dependants ' 3 . According to an inscrip- 
tion at Nagalapuram, Ranga granted several privileges to the 
five artisan communities 4 . 

The public aspect of his life, as defender of the interests of 
the Empire, is not as bright as his private one. It is striking, 
indeed, to read in the Ramarajiyamu that Ranga "resuscitated 
the glory of the Karnata Empire which had waned" 5 . This 
poetical flattery is nothing but an echo of the laudatory expres- 
sions which we find applied to him in certain inscriptions. In 
one at Elvanasur he is called ' the conqueror of all countries' 6 ; 
and in another at Tindivanam he is said to have ' received 
tribute from all countries and from Ham (Ceylon) ' 7 . In his 
own grants we also read some characteristically empty boasts, 
as the two following : in the Arivilimangalam plates he says 
that he has ' been praised by the kings of the Kamboja, Bhoja, 
Kalinga and Karahata countries' 8 ; and in the Maredapalli grant 
he calls himself 'the suzerain of the Ratas and Magadhas' 9 . 
And even several years later the Kallakursi grant of Ranga III 

1. Ep.'Ind., Ill, p. 253, v. 19. 

2. Butterworth I, p. 46, v. 22. Parijata is a mythical tree of tho 
Hindu Paradise. 

3. Ibid., p. 30. v.28. 

4. 620 of 1904. These five classes of artificers are also mention- 
ed in another inscription of the year 1573, that records the remission 
of the taxes payable by them by the chief of the Budihal country, 
Sripati Raja Vallabha Rajayya Deva Maharasu. Ep. Cam., XII, Ck, 8. 

5. S. Krishnaswami Aiyangar, Sources, p. 213. 

6. Of. H. Krishna Sastri, The Third Vijayanagara Dynasty, 1. c., p. 

7. Ibidi 

8. Ep. Ind., XII, p. 343. 

9. Ep. Ind., XI, p. 328. 


states that he was * Honoured by the kings of the Bhojas and 
Magadhas ' *. More inexplicable still is an inscription of 
Kanchivaram, dated 1574, which gives him the titles of 'esta- 
blisher of the kingdom of the Mussulmans and destroyer 
of the Gajapatis ' 2 . We cannot fathom the real meaning of 
this most original piece of flattery. 

Now, if we consider dispassionately the reign of Sri Ranga I, 
we" cannot but say that it is one of the most fatal periods in 
the history of Vijayanagara. The Mussulmans were not checked 
at all in their conquests within the boundaries of the Empire; 
in their depredatory expeditions they thrice reached the walls 
of Penukonda, and on one of these occasions even Ranga himself 
fell a prisoner into their hands. The territory to the North of 
Penukonda was already in the possession of Bijapur, and the 
Sultan of Golkonda had likewise taken possession of the 
province of Udayagiri ; the only territory that was recovered 
by Vijayanagara was the country round Ahobilam in the 
Karnul district. We do not deny Ranga's good qualities and 
military prowess ; we even admit that he perhaps deserved the 
appellation of ' long-armed brave king ', found in a grant of 
Venkata III 3 , and borne out by the very fact of his 
imprisonment. But ill-luck dogged his footsteps. In managing 
his home affairs he was, it seems, more fortunate ; but even 
here the subjugation of the rebel chiefs was only apparent, as 
the desertions to the Muhammad an s prove. Even some of the 
rebellions that broke out during the reign of Venkata II were 
nothing but later manifestations of the same antipathy towards 
the new dynasty which had been created by the bloody event 
that had opened to its members the door to the throne. 

1. Ind.Ant., XIII, p. 153. 

2. Sewell, I, p. 185. 

3. Venkata Ill's grant, 1639, Ep. Cant., Ill, Nj, 198. 



SUMMARY. 1. Venkata, the brother of Ranga II, Viceroy of the 
Tamil country. 2. Death of Krishnappa Nayaka of Madura. 
An estimate of his life. 3. Accession of Virappa Nayaka. 
Rebellion of the Palaiyakaran of Mavalipuram 4. His relations 
with the Pandyas and with Ranga I. First war between Madura 
and Vijayanagara. 5. Behaviour of Sevvappa Nayaka of Tan- 
jore towards the! Empire. 6. Beginning of the reign of Achyu- 
tappa Nayaka. 7. Some information about Jinji. 8. Ohinna 
Bomma Nayaka of Vellore and Ranga I. 9. Other chiefs. 

CONTEMPORARY SOURCES. 1. Hindu inscriptions and grants. 2. 
History of the Karncdoka Governors, Mrtyunjaya AfSS. 3. Tanjavuri 
Andhra Rajula Charitra, Sahityaratnakara, Rukmini-parinaya, Bhava- 

BEFORE commencing the history of the successor of Sri 
Ranga I we shall give, in this and in the following chapter, an 
account of the two viceroyalties into which the whole Empire 
was divided after the death of Tirumala. We do not know 
whether, after Ranga was raised to the throne, he still kept the 
government of the Telugu viceroyalty, or whether a new viceroy 
was appointed. But we are rather inclined to believe that that 
territory was attached to the Tamil viceroyalty, both being 
under the governorship of Venkata, the youngest brother of 
Ranga. The above-mentioned Aminabad inscription relates 
that when the troops of Golkonda took possession of the fortress 
of Udayagiri, Venkata Raju was driven from the place *. If 
this Venkata is the brother of Ranga, as seems probable, his 
being found at Udayagiri would confirm our opinion. 

Anyhow Venkata continued to rule over the Tamil 
country, his capital being Chandragiri. An inscription in the 
ancient temple of Triplicane tells us that during the reign 
of Ranga, Tirumala Nayaningaru, the general of Venkata 
of Chandragiri, made a gift of the villages of Sembiyam 

1 8. KrishnaswamLAiyangar, Sources^ p. 239-40. 


and Nidambaram and a garden to the aforesaid temple '. 
Gobburi Tirumalal Nayakkar was no doubt another 
general of his army. In the year 1579 he gave a piece 
of land at Kunrattur to the temple of Talasayana Perumal 
at Kadalmallai in return for the services of the King's brother 
Venkatapatideva Maharaya 2 . It seems that during the time 
of his viceroyalty Venkata led a military expedition to Ceylon. 
Ranga I claims to have levied tribute from Ceylon 3 . But we 
are sure that he was too busy with the Muhammadans to spare 
the time to force the Ceylon sovereign to pay the tribute due 
to him. Now Venkata also boasts of having conquered Ceylon 5 , 
and since we do not know of any Ceylon campaign during 
the time of his reign, we may reasonably conclude that any such 
conquest took place only during his brother's lifetime. 

2. The most important state subordinate to the 
viceroyaity of Venkata was Madura. Only a few months 
after the demise of Tirumala, the King of Madura, Kumara 
Krishnappa Nayaka also died. The date given for this event by 
the Mrtyunjaya MSS. corresponds to December 3rd, 1572 . He 
had been a capable ruler and a worthy successor of his father. 
His successful campaigns against Tumbichchi and the Raja 
of Kandi proved him also a valiant and resolute warrior. He 
thus checked for the rest of his reign the evil ambitions of the 
other Palaiyakarans. The Krishnapuram plates ofSadasiva 
speak very highly of his qualities as well as of his deeds. 
Krishnappa Nayaka, according to them, was a King "of 
sacred fame, the ocean of mercy, who was the jewel of 
the family of Kasyapa...who was always studying the art 
of protecting others ; who was a wise man ; whose mind was 
purified with truthfulness ; who shone by his desire to do 
good actions ; who possessed great wealth ; who was endowed 
with the virtues of a wise man ; whose policy was like that of 

1. 237 of 1903. 

2. 255 of 1909. 

3. M. E. R. 1904-5, para 35. 

4. Ibid., /9Q5-6, para 49. 

5. Taylor, O. H. MSS., II, p. 119. Of. Sathyanatha Aiyar, 
History of the Nayaks, p. 76, 


Man u;... on whom much wealth was conferred by (the god) 
Visvanatha, who was pleased with his devotion 9 * l . The 
Kuniyur plates of Venkata III eulogize him, more than half a 
century after, stating that he was a ruler "who was renowned 
in the world, who seized the diadems of hostile kings in 
conformity with his name (vis. who was a worthy namesake 
of the ancient Krishna), who governed the inhabitants of the 
earth with justice, whose disposition resembled that of Kubera, 
the lord of wealth" 2 . 

Krishnappa Nayaka had founded two towns : one to the 
West of Tinnevelly named Kadaiyam-Krishnapuram, and 
another to the East of Palamcotta called Krishnapuram after 
his own name. To this he seems to have devoted greater 
attention ; for he built there a Saiva temple, a Vaishnava 
temple and many agraharas : he dug out a teppakulam and 
furnished the town with ail customary appurtenances 3 . The 
Krishnapuram plates of Sadasiva give some more details ; by 
his care " was built a temple at Krishnapura", they say, "which 
was encircled by a wall of the shape of the pranava and 
surmounted a broad and lofty tower. It has a large ranga- 
mandapa raised on a series of beautiful stone pillars and 
adorned with rows of spouts. He built a car like the Mandara 
mountain, and also broad roads round the temple, for the 
propitiation of the god Vishnu set up there " 4 . Then in 1563 
he made a gift of six villages and some lands to the 
same temple of Vishnu, (venerated there under the name of 
Tiruvengalanatha), ' for the merit of his father ' G . Two years 
earlier he had presented a piece of land to the Nelliyappar 
temple at Tinnevelly 6 . 

He seems to have continued his father's policy towards the 
Pandyas, as the title Pandydkulasthapanacharya, given him in 

1. Ep. /*, IX, p. 341, w. 46-57. 

2. Ibid., Ill, p. 254, v.50. 

3. History of the Karnataka Governors .Taylor, O. H.MSS. % II, p. 

4. Ep. Ind., IX, 1. c. 

5. 17 of 1912 ; M. E. R., 1912, p. 76. 

6. 121 of 1894. 


the Krishoapuram plates 1 , shows. His relations with the 
Emperor Sadasiva were those of loyalty, as the aforesaid plates 
prove : in them he is said ' to know the truth about duty ' 3 ; 
and his influence at the court of Vijayanagara is seen in every 
verse of their text. Then a damaged record of Sadasiva, belong- 
ing to the year 1568, also mentions Krishnappa Nayaka 3 ; and 
another inscription by the same King, of the year 1571, records a 
gift for the merit of the son of Visvanatha and others 4 . 

3. Krishnappa was succeeded by his two sons Visvanatha 
and Virappa, according to the Pandyan Chronicle 5 . But the 
former is never mentioned either in the inscriptions or in the 
History of the Karnataka Governors ; from which we suspect that 
he died shortly after and that Virappa Nayaka remained the 
sole ruler . He is called Vira-Bhupati in the Vellangudi plates 
of Venkatall 7 . His queen was Tirumalambika 8 . An inscrip- 
tion at Goripalaiyam, Madura, on a pillar set up within the 
Muhammadan Masjid, declares that a considerable quantity of 
land was presented to the Mussulmans by Kuna Pandya, and 
that the grant was confirmed by Virappa Nayaka in 1573 9 . 
This is probably the earliest lithic mention of this King. 

It was probably not long after his accession that 
Virappa had the opportunity of giving a proof of his resolute 

1. Ep. Ind., IX, 1. c. 

2. Ibid. 

3. 64 of 1908. 

4. 403 of 1912. 

5. Taylor, O. H. AfSS., I, p. 33. The succession of both brothers 
is also confirmed by the statues of the Nayaks in the Tirumala's 
choultry at Madura. The third statue is that of Periya Krishnappa 
Nayaka, another name of Virappa, it seems. Cf. Nelson, p. 105. The 
inscription of the fourth statue, as much damaged, cannot be read: I 
suppose this statue represents Visvanatha. Of. Heras, The Statues of 
the Nayaks of Madura, Q. J. M. S., XV, p. 212. 

6. Vellangudi plates of Venkata II, Ep. /</., XVI, p. 320 ; 
Padmaneri grant of Venkata II, Ibid., p. 297, w. 62-64. 

7. Ibid. 

8. Padmaneri grant of Venkata II, Ep. Ind., XVI, p. 297, vv. 65-66 ; 
Vellangudi plates of the same, Ibid., p. 320. 

9. 77 of 1905 ; Sewell, I, p. 292. 


character; "The king of Mavalipuram," says the History of the 
Kamataka Governors, "came with hostile intent, placed a 
fortified camp before Manamathurai and Kalaiyarcovil, and 
conquered some places in the Pandya country. 1 ' This king of 
Mavalipuram was one of the Palaiyakarans belonging to the 
family of Mavali-Vanadarayar, of whose ancestors at the begin- 
ning of the sixteenth century we know several inscriptions l . 
The action of the Nayaka was swift and decisive: he at once set 
out from his capital, defeated the chief, conquered his kingdom, 
and annexed it to his own possessions -. That was a good 
lesson for the rest of his subordinates. 

His rule over Madura was also distinguished by the build- 
ings he constructed, some of which still proclaim his munifi- 
cence. The southern walls of the Trichinopoly fort, as well as 
the fortress of Aruppakkottai, Ramnad, were built by him 3 . 
But his chief work was the mandapa, erected in front of 
the shrine of Sundaresvara, the presiding deity of the famous 
temple at Madura, which is supported on beautiful * pillars 
of rare workmanship ' 4 . It was completed in 1583 &. 

1. 109, 113, and 121 of 1903 ; 585 and 187 of 1902. Taylor, 
O. H. MSS.i II, p. 143-4, is inclined to believe that the chief of Mavali- 
puram was the king of Mahavalipuram or Seven Pagodas. 

2. History of the Kamataka Governors, Taylor, O. H. MSS., II, p. 25. 
One of the Palaiyakarans of Madura at this time was Kumara 
Ettappa Nayacker who had founded the city of Ettayapuram about 
1567, shortly after the disaster of Baksas-Tagdi. In one of the wars 
of the Nayaks of Madura, Kumara Ettappa helped the Madura Nayak; 
but he was treacherously killed during the war. The Nayak, who was 
probably Virappa Nayak, out of regard for the deceased chief, 
conferred Ealugumalai on his family and granted the title of Aiyan to 
his successor. Ketchila Ettappa Nayacker Aiyan, Kumara Ettappa's 
successor, was a great warrior and an intrepid rider. He defeated the 
Setupati of Ramnad and captured from him some insignia of royalty 
and two state horses. Madhava Rao, The Ruling Chiefs, I, p. 597. 

3. Ibid. Of. Rangachary, The History of the Naik Kingdom, Ind., 
Ant., XLV, p. 91, note 30. ^~ 

4. Vellangudi plates of Venkata II, Ep. /</., XVI, p. 320 ; 
Dalavay Agraharam plates of Venkata II, Ep. Ind., XII, p. 187, w 
67-79; Padmaneri grant of Venkata II. Ep. Int., XVI* *>. 288. 

5. Rangacharya, o. c., lud Ant., XLV, p. 91. 


This was not the only act of devotion towards that temple. 
He also presented the goddess Minakshi with a kavacha or man- 
tle ' made of gold and set with rare gems/ He also made the 
sixteen Mahadanas, beginning with hemasva l . 

4. His relations with the Pandyas continued on the same 
good terms as during his father's life. The copper-plates of Sri 
valiabha and Varatungarama Pandya record the gift of the 
village of Pudukkottai by a certain Tirumala Nayaka, with the 
approval of Virappa a . 

His subjection to the Vijayanagara overlords is clearly 
shown in the epigraphical records in the first years of his reign. 
In 1577, 'during the reign of Sri Ranga Raya/ Virappa Nayaka 
made a gift of land for the merit of his father Krishnappa 
Nayaka to a temple of Krishnapuram, as stated in a local ins- 
cription ;j . In the following year Virappa Nayaka, who calls 
himself 'an agent to the King/ made a gift of land to a temple 
in Sermadevi for conducting certain festivals 4 . And in the 
year 1579, a record of Ranga in the Appar temple of Sermadevi, 
Tinnevelly, mentions Visvanatha Krishnappa Virappa Nayaka 
as his feudatory 5 . 

But somewhat before 1583 a war broke out between the 
Nayak and Venkata of Chandragiri, the Viceroy of Vijaya- 
nagara. What was the cause of this rupture of relations ? 
The success of Virappa against the Mavalipuram chief perhaps 
excited his ambition, and he consequently refused to pay his 
tribute to the Emperor. This was invariably the cause of all 
the following wars between Madura and Vijayanagara. Nor 
do we groundlessiy attribute the same cause to the first of these 
wars e . We are made aware of it by the Pudukkottai plates 

1. Ibid., and Padmaneri grant of Venkata II, Ep. Ind., XVI, p. 
297, vv. 62-64. About his acts of devotion, sec Ep. Ind., XIII, p. 161. 

2. T. A. S., I, p. 61-88. 

3. 16 of 1912; Sewell, I, p. 310. 

4. 663 of 1915. 

5. 187 of 1895. 

6. The tribute paid by Madura to Vijayanagara was, according 
to Barraclas, 600,000 pagodas ; Sewell, p. 230. Fr. A. Vico writing to 
Fr. A. Laerzie from Madura, August 30, 1611, states that the annual 
tribute was of six to ten million francs ; Bertrand, La Mission de 
Madure,Il, p. 124. Queyroz, Conquistade Ceylao, p. 308, says: "O 
Naique de Madura le paga sinco centos pr. ano." 


of Srivallabha and Varatungarama Pandya. They speak only 
of the final battle between the two armies : Venkataraja him* 
self was at the head of his 'huge army', one of his officers being 
Basavaraja, a Telugu chieftain who had also been present at 
the battle of Raksas-Tagdi l . Achyutaraya, the Tanjore 
Nayak, had also joined Venkata against Virappa. The army 
of Madura was commanded by Tirmularaja, who, in the same 
plates, is called the right hand of Virappa. He "employed in 
his wars against his enemies iron guns which he charged with 
leaden shots." This Pandya document states that Tirumularaja 
killed Basavaraja in the battle of Vallaprakara, and defeated 
Venkata's army. "The armies of Viraraja", it says, "were 
destroyed, but that of Achy utaraja fled away. Tirumalalraja 
collected all the horses from the battlefield" 2 . We may admit 
the first fact, but the defeat of Venkata's troops is a figment of 
imagination. How can we explain the fact that Virappa Nayak a 
himself acknowledges the authority of the Vijayanagara Em- 
peror in the beginning of the reign of the same Venkata, a few 
years later ? These plates are all a panegyric of Tirumalairaja, 
at whose request the Pandya sovereigns made the grant of 
Pudukkottai. We are sure that Venkata obtained a victory 
over his enemies on this occasion. This implies also the pay- 
ment of the tribute due. 

5. Passing from Madura to Tanjore, we find again in the 
old Choi a capital the venerable person of Sevvappa still ruling 
over his kingdom, and making extensive grants to many 
temples during the considerable period of his peaceful 
rule 3 . 

Sevvappa Nayaka's attitude towards the Empire seems to 
have been that of a faithful vassal. There is an inscription in 

1. Cf.Ch. IX, No. 3. 

2. T. A. 5., I, p. 84, w. 61-67 and 161-164. If the date of these 
plates is correct, and there is no ground hitherto for reasonable 
doubt, we must place this battle during the time of Venkata's 
viceroyalty in Chandragiri. It is very strange that Prof. Sathya- 
natha Aiyar, o. c., does not mention this rebellion of Virappa 
Nayaka at all. 

>. S^^JT&yavuri Andhra Rajula Charitra, S. Krisboaswami Aiyangar, 
Sources, p. 323. 


the Vallalgopuram in the Arunachalesvara temple at Tiru- 
vannamalai, in which the names of both the Emperor and the 
Nayak's son are to be seen together. It deals with the remission 
of certain taxes in the villages belonging to the temple. This 
was done by order of Achyutappa Nayaka, Sadasiva still reign- 
ing l . Again, in the year 1566, one year after the battle of 
Raksas-Tagdi, and during the reign of his father, 
Achyutappa Nayaka made a gift of the village of Tiruvesh- 
kalam to several shrines of the Tirumalasthanam, for the merit 
of Tirumaia Raya, then the Regent of the Empire *. Finally 
one year later, an inscription of Sadasiva at Tiruvannamalai 
records the remission of taxes in the villages belonging to the 
temple by order of Achyutappa Nayaka 3 . This policy of 
Sevvappa continued unchanged during the reign of Ranga. In 
1574, at the request of Sevvappa Nayaka, Ranga I granted the 
village of Arivilimangalam to the Madhva guru, Vijayindra 
Tirtha. The grant had been made by Prince Achyuta, but now 
the formal sanction from the Vijayanagara Emperor was ob- 
tained 4 . 

6. Further, these inscriptions show that during the last 
years of Sevvappa's rule, his son Achyuta took a prominent 
part in the government of the state. He was actually made 
Yuvaraya some time before the death of his father 6 , most 
probably before 1 577; because there is an inscription of this 
year in which Achyuta appears as actually ruling over the 
whole kingdom. Sevvappa's last inscription is of the year 1572- 
73 ; it refers to the son of Timmappa Nayakkar of the chaturtha 
gotra '. Achyutappa's first inscription is dated 1577; it is 
found in the southern outer wall of the second gopura of the 
temple of Brahathesavaraswami in Tanjore, and records that 
Achyutappa Nayaka gave some land on perpetual free tenure 
to goldsmiths \ 

1. 567 of 1902. 

2. 259 of 1913. 

3. 567 of 1902. 

4. Ep. Ind., XII, p. 357, w. 27-44. Of. Catalogue of Copper-Plate 
Grants in the Government Museum Madras, p. 53-4. 

5. Sahityaratnakara^ canto III, v. 14. 

6. 497 of 1907. 

7. 22 of 1897. Cf. Kuppuswami Sastri, A Short History, p. 5, 


His Queen was named Murtyamba l , and his minister 
and general was the famous Govinda Dikshita 2 , 
a very learned Kannada Brahman, of whom we shall 
speak at length when dealing with the literature of this 
period. The Tanjavuri Andhra Rajula Charitra says that 
Achyutappa ' ruled the kingdom in peace and prosperity for a 
considerable period ' s . During his time, the anicut across the 
Kaveri was repaired and flights of steps at various places 
along its course were put up, as for example at Mayavaram, 
Kumbhakonam, Tiruvidaimarudur, etc. 4 . We shall speak 
again of Achyutappa when we come to the reign of Venkata II. 

7. Going northwards, Jinji offers us no better information 
at this period than during the reign of Sadasiva. According to 
the drama Bhavanapurushottama, Surappa Nayaka was still 
ruling at Jinji during the reign of Ranga. He seems to have 
helped the Emperor of Vijayanagara, either Triumala or 
Ranga I, to repulse one of the Muhammadan invasions ; for 
which he is given the title of *the flrm establisher of the throne 
of Karnata'. He founded the villages of Surasamudra, Peta- 
samudra and Vengalambapura, calling them after himself, his 
father and his mother respectively 5 . Such is the slight 
information we get about Jinji at this time. 

8. During the time of Ranga, the chief of Vellore was 
still Chinna Bomma Nayaka, of whom we have previously 
spoken ". We find him mentioned several times by the 
Emperor himself: one of the latter's inscriptions records the 
gift of the village of Perumai, North Arcot, by Krishnappa 
Nayaka, his feudatory, at the request of Chinna Bomma 
Nayaka to the Jvarakandesvara shrine at Vellore 7 . Two 
other inscriptions mention the donation of the villages of 

1. Raghunathabhyudayatn , S. Krishnaswami Aiyangar, Sources, 

2. Ibid., p. 323. 

3. Ibid. 

4. Rukmini-parinaya. Of. Ep. Ind., XII, p. 343. 

5. 8. Krishnaswami Aiyangar, Soifrccs, p. 272, note. 

6. Of. Ch. VIII, No 12. 

7. 43 of 1887, 


Sattuvachcheri and Sampanginailur under the same terms \ 
Chinna Bomma Nayaka is again mentioned in a Tamil inscrip- 
tion of Ranga I of 1578 at Devikapuram, North Arcot *. 
In 1582 he was still living, since an inscription of his at 
Ada i pal am records that Appaiya Dikshita constructed the 
temple of Kalakanthesvara ". 

Some other members of this family are occasionally men- 
tioned in the lithic records of those years. An inscription of 
Ranga, of 1578, at Devikapuram registers a gift made to the 
temple for the merit of Agastyappa Nayaka of Vellore 4 . 
Another of the same, of the year 1583, at Tindivanam, South 
Arcot, records that Virappa Nayaka, son of Pappau Nayaka of 
Vellore, who was apparently the governor of Padaividurajya, 
ordered that toll should be levied according to a fixed scale on 
all the articles brought into the market at Gidangil on 
Wednesdays, and that the proceeds should be spent on the 
repairs of the Tintrinisvara temple 5 . 

9. Some other chiefs of the Tamil country are occasionally 
mentioned in the inscriptions of those years: first one Vaiyappa 
Krishnappa Kondama Nayaka, who built the wall round the 
Srimushnam temple 6 ; then one Achyutappa Nayaka, son of 
Bayyappa Nayaka, who established a shrine for the goddess in 
the temple of Adivarsha Perumai of Srimushnam, besides 
making several other gifts to the same temple 7 ; finally one 
Kanchi Paparaju, who gave some land to the Reddis at Kotta- 
palli in 1585 in the reign of Sri Ranga Ray a of Penukonda *. 

1. 41 and 42 of 1887. 

2. 399 of 1912. 

3. 395 of 1911. 

4. 399 of 1912. 

5. 30 of 1905. 

6. M.E.R., /9/6, para 73. 

7. Ibid. 

8. Rangacharya, I, p 622, 534. 



SUMMARY. 1. Government of Rama, Viceroy of Seringapatam. Rama 
is succeeded by his sons Tirumala and Ranga. 2. The Nayaks 
of Ikeri. 3. Chamraj Wodeyar and Raja Wodeyar of Mysore. 
4, Dealings between the Queen of Gersoppa and the Portuguese 
as to the possession of Honavar. 5. War between the King of 
Tolar and the Portuguese. Capture of Basrur. 6. The Portu- 
guese defeat the Nayak of Sanguicer. 7. Dom Luiz d'Ataide 
settles some differences between the Queen of Ullal and the King 
of Bangher. 8. The Nayaks of Bellur. 9. Other chiefs. 

CONTEMPORARY SOURCES. 1. Hindu inscriptions and grants. 
2. Faria y Sousa. 3. Ramarajiyamu, Ckikkadevaraya Vamsavali, 
Keladi Arasu Vanisavali, Stvatattvaratnakara. 

WHEN Ranga I ascended the throne, the Kanarese vice- 
royalty was under Rama, the third son of Tirumala. It has been 
said that his rule at Seringapatam was weak, and that on 
account of this the local chieftains rebelled *. Now we have 
previously spoken of the rebellion of several chiefs of the Kanara 
country, who refused to acknowledge the authority of the 
Aravidu family, the head of which did not spare bloodshed in 
order to ascend the throne. This, not the weak rule of the 
Viceroy, was the origin of the rebellion. Nevertheless if his 
government was really weak (though of this we have no esta- 
blished proofs) we may naturally suppose that this was the 
ultimate cause of the rebellion. The Ramarajiyamu only tells us 
that Rama ' defeated the troops of the Nizam Shah ' *. Whether 
this victory was obtained during his viceroyalty or pre- 
viously to that time, we are not in a position to ascertain. The 
.KuAiytir plates of Venkata III praising Rama's generosity state 
that his ' deeds put to shame the celestial trees ' 8 . 
: '- One of his agents was named Dantikanti Lingappana, 
who in the year 1577 repaired the bund across f the stream 

1. Richards, Salem Gazetteer, p. 67, 

2. S. Krishnaswami Aiyangar, Sources, p. 213. 

3. Eft Int., Ill, p. 353, v. 21. 


Bhogavati, on the West side of the Mallikarjuna temple on the 
top of a hill near Srisailam, Karnul l . We know from this 
inscription that Rama was still living in the year 1577 ; but his 
death must have occurred shortly after, because the 
Chikkadevaraya Vamsavali states that 4 Rama Raya died after 
a short time ' and soon after Tirumala's death 2 . 

Rama had married Narasingama and had by her two sons, 
Tirumaia and Sri Ranga, who must have been quite young at 
the time of their father's death ; for when the throne was vacant 
some years later after the demise of their uncle Ranga I, they 
were still considered too young to rule the Empire, as we shall 
see later on. On this occasion both brothers jointly succeeded 
their father in the viceroy alty ; but probably on account of 
their tender age, its administration was left in the hands of 
their Dalavay, Remati Venkatayya 3 . 

2. No reliable information is extant concerning the 
Nayaks of Ikeri during this period. Sewell says that the reign 
of the second son of Sadasiva Nayaka, Chikka Sankana 
Nayaka, lasted till 1603, in which year he retired from govern- 
ment 4 ; and it seems that the Keladi Arasu Vamsavali 
of the Mackenzie collection agrees with this statement 5 . He is 
mentioned in an inscription of Ranga, of 1570 . According 
to the Sivataltvaratnakara, he once defeated and routed the 
Bijapur general, Majjhula Khan, who had attacked him with 
a number of horses and elephants. He likewise vanquished 
Bhaira Devi, Queen of Gerasappi (Gersoppa) and other chiefs 
in its neighbourhood, getting much wealth from them 7 . No 
more information is hitherto available about the Keladi Nayaks 
before the accession of Venkatapati, of whom we shall 

1. 43 of 1915. 

2. 8. Krishnaswami Aivangar, o.c., p. 202. 

3. Ramarajiyantu, Ibid., p. 213 ; Kuniyur plat 
Ep. Ind. HI, P. 253, v. 21 ; Vilapaka grant of 
XIII, p. 126. Cf. Ap. C, No. 5. 

4. Chikkadevaraya Vamsavali, Ibid., p. 

5. Sewell, II, p. 177. 

6. Wilson, The Mackenzie Collection, p, 

7. 170 of 1901. 


speak when dealing with the reign of his namesake the 

3. As to the neighbouring state of Mysore, nothing worthy 
of mention occurred until 1571. In this year Heri Chamraj 
succeeded to the government of the state. He was probably 
one of those princes of Kanara who did not pay homage to the 
new dynasty on account of the murder of Sadasiva. It is stated 
that he evaded payment of his tribute to the Viceroy of 
Seringapatam, and obtained permission to erect works, ostensi- 
bly for the purpose of keeping away wild hogs from destroying 
crops ; but no sooner were the works erected, than they were 
converted into barriers against the collectors of the royal tribute, 
who were ignominiously expelled from Mysore. These measures 
rendered him obnoxious to Rama at Seringapatam, and led to 
an attempt to seize his person while performing his devotion in 
the temple of Ranga, at the very court of the Viceroy ; but as 
the Raja was previously warned, the attempt failed. 
Emboldened by his successful resistance, he continued with 
impunity to withhold all payment of tribute. 

Heri Chamraj Wodeyar died childless in 1576, after a reign 
of five years, and was succeeded by a cousin of the elder 
branch of the family, named Bettad Wodeyar, son of Dodda 
Cham a Raja Wodeyar 1 . The new Mysore Raja had no 
capacity for government. He was brave, but wild, thoughtless 
and imprudent. Accordingly in the short space of two years 
he had thrown the finance into such disorder, that the elders 
of the family thought it necessary to depose him and to install 
his younger brother Raja Wodeyar 2 ; but the latter declined 
the appointment on the ground that the financial state of the 
country was in too hopless a state for him to try to mend it. 
The treasury was empty ; the total arrears of tribute due to the 
viceroy of Seringapatam amounted to 5,000 pagodas. But his 
way was smoothed by a contribution from the members of 
the royal family, and thus he started his rule in 1578 8 . 

1. Ep. Cam., Ill, Sr, 157, and TN, 116. 

2. He in supposed by S. Krishnaswami Aiyangar, Ancient India, 
p. 280 and p. 286, to be his cousin. 

3. Of. 8. Krishnaswami Aiyangar, o. c., p. 279.. 


Raja Wodeyar, who may be taken to be the real founder of 
the dynasty of Mysore, began gradually to subdue all the lesser 
chiefs in his neighbourhood. Once the chief of Carugalli, a 
relation of the family, attempted to seize Mysore by surprise, 
and accordingly appeared suddenly before it ; but he was 
thoroughly defeated by the action of Bettad Wodeyar, and 
his estate subsequently annexed to Mysore. Shortly after, in 
passing to the court of Seringapatam accompanied by his usual 
retinue and band, he met the petty chief of Kambala going to 
court, also attended by music. The Mysore chief inquired 
whose retinue it was, and on ascertaining it, ordered his own 
music to stop. On his arrival at Seringapatam he was asked 
why he had not come to the court with his usual state. And it 
is said that he answered : 

" Music is no distinction, if my inferiors are also allowed 
to use it ". 

On hearing this insinuation, the Raja of Kambala, incensed 
with fury, made some outrageous remarks. 

" Let us meet ", replied Raja Wodeyar, " and determine 
the superiority, and with it the right to the music." 

In vain did the viceroy try to appease them. The next day 
Raja Wodeyar marched against Kambala, defeated its chief and 
captured the place. 

These annexations formed from the first a part of the policy 
of the dynasty of Mysore, and continued to the time of Chikka- 
deva Raya. We shall see the same Raja Wodeyar, during the 
reign of Venkata II, taking possession of the very capital of the 
viceroyalty, Seringapatam. The aim of Raja Wodeyar was 
obvious: to became the supreme lord of the Kanara country *. 

4. The Portuguese chronicles supply us with abundant 
information about several petty chiefs of the Kanara coast, 
some of whose sea-ports were gradually taken by the successors 
of Albuquerque. Several of these petty rulers had, as we have 
seen during the reign of Sadasiva, been compelled to consent, 
against their will, to pay an annual tribute to the viceroy of 
Goa. One of these was the Queen of Guarcopa (Gersoppa), 
named Bhaira Devi *, who a little after, by the instigation of 

1. W\\*.*, History of Mysore, I, p. 35-8. 

2. Sivatattvaratttakara, 8. Krishnaswami Aiyangar, Sources, p. 339. 


some of the rulers of Malabar, refused to pay the promised tri- 
bute 1 . In order to chastise such contumacious conduct the 
Viceroy, Dom Luiz de At aide, sailed thither in November, 1569, 
with a fleet of more than 130 ships and about three thousand 
Portuguese and Indians. Having entered the river Onor, which 
flowed through the possessions of the sovereign of Gersoppa, he 
succeeded in landing 2,300 men ; but not without opposition 
on the part of the enemy. The city of Onor (Honavar) was 
by nature very strong; for it was built on the top of a 
rocky hill near the sea-shore, and was well fortified. The 
Queen was there herself with five hundred soldiers and several 
pieces of ordnance and ammunition. The Portuguese, notwith- 
standing, commenced to ascend the hill in the face of a shower 
of bullets ; and as soon as they reached the summit, the enemy 
along with their Queen deserted the city and retired inland. 
Onor, which contained much wealth and many fine buildings, 
was first plundered and afterwards reduced to ashes. The fort 
was then attacked, and after four days' bombardment, the 
garrison surrendered upon condition of being allowed to march 
out without arms. The Portuguese then occupied the fort, and 
Mass was said there on St. Catherine's day, November 25th. 
Jorge de Moura with 400 men was left in command *. 

At the end of the same year, the Queen of Gersoppa mani- 
fested her desire to come to terms with the Viceroy * ; but in 
the meanwhile she was secretly making preparations to carry 
on war against the invader of her possessions. On receiving 
this information, Captain Luiz de Mello burnt many of her 
towns and laid waste the country around 4 . Nevertheless the 
Viceroy was not without anxiety about Honavar, as the enemy 
had endeavoured to annihilate the Portuguese, and to effect by 
treachery what they had failed to do by force. The Queen or 
her generals bribed some Kanarese, who were there in the 
service of the Portuguese, to poison them with the fruit of 
the Stramonium, which " has the effect ", says Faria y Sousa, 
" when eaten, of making men forget all things, and of rendering 

1. Faria y Sousa, II, p. 472. 

2. Ibid., p. 474-5. 

3. Ibid., p. 480. 

4. Ibid., p. 481. 


them insensible even to their wounds ". The treachery was 
discovered, and the conspirators hanged over the walls as a 
warning to those who had bribed them. That was the cause of 
open hostility ; but at about the same time a galley and three 
other small vessels with some picked troops entered the port of 
Honavar to relieve the fortress l . 

It happened after a while, in the beginning of March, 1570, 
that Ali Adil Shah of Bijapur prevailed upon the Queen of 
Gersoppa to declare war against Honavar. He was then attacking 
Goa in alliance with the Zamorin of Calicut, and thus wanted to 
weaken the Viceroy's forces by division 2 . She collected an 
army of 3,000 men which, in conjunction with 2,000 soldiers of 
the Bijapur Sultan, invested Honavar. News of this further 
attack reached the Viceroy in July, 1570. He immediately des- 
patched Antonio Fernandes de Chale with command of two 
galleys and eight other vessels, and such troops as the vessels 
could accommodate. In five days Antonio Fernandes reached 
Honavar, and having joined the commander of the place, Jorge 
de Moura, fell upon the besiegers, driving them back with great 
loss. The latter fled in panic, and nearly all their cannon fell 
into the hands of the Portuguese 3 . As subsequent to thi 
action no other mention of this Queen is made in the Portuguese 
chronicles, we must take it to imply her subjection to them 4 . 

1. Ibid M p. 481-2. 

2. Ibid., p. 500. 

3. Ibid., p. 511-2 

4. In the narrative of Archbishop Menezes* travels there is 
an account of an idol-procession annually celebrated in this city 
of Gersoppa. "Faz se hua grande procissam, & acode a ella muita 
gente de todas as partes do Canara : na qual uay hum Pagode (idol) 
metido em certas charolas ricamente lauradas, o qual se poem em 
bu carro niuyto concertado, em q. uao seruindo algus Bramenes, & 
offerecendolhe offertas. Diante do carro uao muitas bailadeiras 
cantando, as quaes todas .sao molhcres publicas, q ganhao em suas 
deshonestidades pera o Pagode (idol), and das rendas delle se 
Bostentao, viuendo em casas ao redor delle, como en casa publica, 
& destas andao senipre aco;\uihudos ps Pagodes (idols) grandes da 
India q tern rendas, & sao como seruidoras suas...O carro te huas 
pontas agudas que cortao como naualhas, e em quanta a procissam 
uay andando acodem muitos que ve offerecer suas vidas ao Pagode 
(idol), & depois de se asentarem de joelhos, & fazerem sua 
reuerencia muy profunda se lancao no ohao de fronte do carro, & 
assim uay passando por cima delles, & os vay espedacando, aos 
quaes elles te por sanctos, como nos aos martyres". Gouvea, 
lorttada do Arcebispo de Goa, p. 126, back. 


5. For a similar refusal to pay the tribute, Dom Luiz de 
Ataide, after attacking Honavar at the end of 1569, despatched 
a fleet of thirteen sail under the command of Pero da Silva e 
Menezes to wage war against the chief of Tolar. The Viceroy 
was anxious, it seems, to seize the fort of Barcelor (Basrur), 
which belonged to that King. Accordingly the first place to be 
attacked was this fortress. Basrur rivalled Honavar in natural 
strength and position; but the Viceroy had made arrangements 
with the commander whereby he was to betray it to him. Ac- 
cordingly the commander of Basrur delivered up the fort to Pero 
da Silva at night ; and the Portuguese rushing into the town 
slaughtered and captured more than 200 of its inhabitants. But 
the ruler of Tolar, informed of this treacherous surrender, ad- 
vanced the same night, accompained by the neighbouring King 
of Cambolim (Gangolly). They were easily repulsed, since their 
joint force consisted only of 1,500 men ; but they reappeared on 
the following night reinforced by 5,000 more soldiers. After a 
hot engagement, in which both parties suffered heavy losses, the 
Portuguese came to the conclusion that the fortress was unten- 
able; so they quitted it with the honours of war, taking with them 
twenty cannon and a great quantity of ammunition and 



But the Viceroy wanted the fortress at all costs, and after 
some months proceeded himself to take possession of it. The 
landing was very difficult, indeed, as the Portuguese were 
opposed by a force of 11,000 men ; but after some hard fighting 
the Portuguese captured some of the outworks. This so dis- 
mayed the defenders that those in the fort abandoned it into the 
hands of the invaders. The two rulers of Tolar and Gangolly 
mentioned above, joined forces again and made another attack 
by a very dark night. But the commander of the fort, Pero 
Lopes Rebello, with 400 men, was ready to receive them. 
Within a short time the Hindu army lost 300 men ; and the 
two rulers, despairing of success, concluded a treaty of peace 
by which they bound themselves to pay a greater tribute than 
before. The Viceroy held, before leaving, an interview with 
those rulers as well as with the Queen of Gangolly ; after which 

1. Faria y Sousa, II, p. 469-70, 


they parted on terms of great friendship. Then the Portuguese 
constructed a new fortress in a more convenient place between 
the city and the mouth of the river, which was finished within 
two months. Antonio Botelho was appointed its commander l . 

The building of this fortress roused the inhabitants 
of the neighbourhood against the Portuguese. In 1571 an 
army 0f six thousand Hindus appeared suddenly before 
its walls. Ruy Goncaives da Camara, the commander, having 
sent to the Viceroy for assistance, made preparations 
for a regular defence. Five ships came immediately to his relief; 
and then twelve others followed under the command of 
Dom Jorge de Menezes, who on arriving at Basrur found all 
was safe, thanks to the timely arrival of the first five ships 2 . 

Nothing worth relating about Basrur is found in the years 
that followed. But we shall return to Basrur and Gangolly 
in the next volume. 

6. In the neighbourhood of Honavar stood the fortress 
of Sanguicer, which had belonged to the Queen of Gersoppa. 
But one of her captains had seized the fortress for himself and 
styled himself the Nayak of Sanguicer. He fortified the place 
and defied the power of the Portuguese, protecting the pirates 
who infested the coast, and doing great damage to the 
Portuguese trade. To put an end to his insolence, Dom Giles 
Yanez Mascarenhas was sent there in the year 1584, with orders 
to destroy the fort. Dom Giles carried with him a fleet of 
fourteen sail and 300 men from Goa; but his own vessel ran 
aground between the reeks and would not float again. He was 
immediately attacked by the enemy from the shore. The rest of 
his force could not send him assistance. He was unable to re- 
treat and was massacred there with all his men. The expedi- 
tion thereupon retreated \ 

But Dom Duarte de Menezes, who had been recently 
appointed Viceroy, at once decided to avenge the death of Dom 
Giles ; and having in the meantime received an ambassador 
from Adil Khan, entered into negotiations with him for that pur- 
pose. He also wanted to put down the piracy that existed along 

1. Ibid., p. 476-7 ; Dos Santos, Ethiopia Oriental, II, p. 293. 

2. Faria y Sousa, II, p. 564-5. 

3. Ibid., Ill, p. 8. 



the coast of Kanara. It was agreed that Rosti Khan, the Governor 
of Ponda, should assist with 40,000 men by land, whilst Dom 
Jeronimo de Mascarenhas should attack the Nayak by sea. The 
attack was so well combined and carried out that the Kayak's 
forces were entirely routed. The Nayak fled to the woods for 
safety. Thence he sent an envoy to implore mercy, and promis- 
ed to submit to any conditions provided he were restored to his 
power and his territories spared. Arrangements to this effect 
were accordingly concluded, and the invading armies then 
retired *. 

7. Things were not yet settled at Mangalore. The 
Portuguese fortress stood between the possessions of the Queen 
of Ullal on the South and those of the ruler of Bangher on the 
North. Between these two there existed an ancient discord 
which was very prejudicial to Portuguese trade. Dom Luiz de 
Ataide went himself to Mangaiore in 1569 to settle these dis- 
putes ; his reception was better than he had anticipated. After 
an interview with these two rulers their differences appeared 
completely settled *. Very likely it was then that in order to 
establish peace more firmly between the two states, the Queen 
of Ullal married the King of Bangher, 4 more for honour's sake 
than anything else,' says the traveller Pietro della Valle, who 
personally knew the Queen Bukka Devi Chautar 3 . Of this 
capricious union, which was the cause of many a romantic 
adventure, we shall speak later on. 

8. In Bellur, Krishnappa Nayaka was still the head of the 
Balam family in the beginning of Ranga's reign. In an inscrip- 
tion of 1578 he acknowledges king Ranga as ruling sovereign 4 . 
But not long afterwards he was succeeded by his son. A Bellur 
Kanarese inscription of Sri Ranga I, of July of the same year, 
records a grant by Krishnappa Nayaka's son, Venkatadri 
Nayaka 5 . This Venkatadri or Venkatappa, in an inscription 
of 15/6, is called the champion of adulterers, ft . 

iT Ibid., Ill, p. 22-3. ~~ 

2. Ibid., II, p. 479. 

3. Delia Valle, II, p. 313. 

4. Rice, Mysore Inscriptions, p. 220. 

5. Kielhorn, Inscriptions of Southern India, p. 90, 536. 

6. /. Cam., IV, Yd, 59. 


9 The inscriptions mention several others of the minor 
chiefs of the Kanarese country. In the village of Hattiyangudi, 
South Kanara, four grants by an Udaiyar chief, between 1570 
and 1576 are recorded l . In 1573 the chief of the Budihal 
country, Sripati Raja Vallabha Rajayya Deva Maharasu, who 
acknowledged Ranga I, remitted taxes payable to the five 
classes of artificers ~. Finally a grant of a Nandyal chief in the 
reign of Sri Ranga Raya of Penukonda is recorded in the year 
I584J*. __ 

1. Rangacharya, II, p. 851, 42-45. 

2. Ep. Cam., XII, Ck, 8. 

3. Sewell, I, p. 102. 



SUMMARY. 1. Election and coronation of Venkata II. B. Transfer 
of the seat of Government to Penukonda. 3. A note on Venkata's 
Guru Tatacharya. 4. Officers of Government. Administration of 
the Empire. 5. Renewal of rebellion among the feudatory chiefs. 
6. Re-transfer of the capital to Chandragiri. Previous history 
of this place. 7. Venkata II at Chandragiri. 8. The nobles of 
Venkata's court. 9. Account of Tirupati. 10. .Devotion of 
Venkata to this temple. 11. Rebellion of Lingama Nayaka of 
Vcllore. Venkata takes possession of this city. 12. Triumphal 
return to Chandragiri. 13. Transfer of the capital from Chandra- 
giri to Vellore. 14. Feudatory chiefs. 15. Donations to the 
temples. 16. Irrigation works. 

CONTEMPORARY SOURCES.!. Hindu inscriptions and grants.- 2. 
Jesuit letters. 3. Du Jarric, Guerreiro 4. Anquetil du 
Perron. 5. Ferishta. 6. Ramarajiyamv, Prapannamrtatn, Raghu- 
nalhabyudfiyam, Bahulasvacharitram, Charuchandrodayam, Valugati- 
varu Vamsavali* Venkatesvara Afahatmya, Venkata Giri Mahatmyam, 
Venkatesvara Prabandha Saila Mahiina, Chandrabhanu Charitram. 

" AFTER Sri Rauga Raya had reached the region of Vishnu, his 
brother Venkatapatideva Raya, born of the same mother, 
ascended the; throne and ruled the earth with justice ". 
Thus the Vellangudi plates ! announce the inaugura- 
rion of the reign of Tirumala's fourth son, Sri mat 

1. Ep. Int.* XVI., p. 319, vv. 31-35. Cf. Chikkadevaraya Vamsavali 
8. Krishnaswami Aiyangar, Sources, p. 302. N evert hi ess there is 
ground for doubting that this succession was immediate. An inscription 
of the Mallikarjuna temple at Sri sail ^m, Karnul, records a fact 
' In the reign of the Vijayanagara king Virapratapa Ramarajayya- 
deva Maharaya, son of Vira Tirumalayyadeva Maharaya '. 43 of 1915. 
This was no doubt the third son of Tirumala, who had been 
Viceroy of Seringapatam. Moreover a Kumbakonam grant of 
Venkata II, 1590, mentions one of his brothers, Tirumala Deva Raya 
or Srideva Raya (a wrong name) and states that * he reigned 
for a short time*. Sewell, II, p. 3. Was this brother the same 
Rama ? Then the Jesuit letter, which we shall quote latter on, says 
the following : "After the demise of this Prince's father, viz. Rama, 
the kingdom was given, by the unanimous vote of all the classes, to 
the brother of the deceased, that is to the one who is ruling at 


Rajadhiraja Paramesvara Sri Vira Pratapa Sri Vira Venkata- 
patideva Maharaja. This, his full imperial title, is given in an 
inscription at Atmakur, Nellore l . 

It would appear that Venkata's nephews, the Princes 
Tirumala and Ranga, who were governing Seringapatam, had 
a better established right to succeed their uncle Ranga I, being 
the sons of the third brother, the late Viceroy Rama ; but a 
Jesuit letter of the year 1602, speaking of the Viceroy 
Tirumala of Seringapatam, says: "After the demise of this 
Prince's father, the kingdom was given by the unanimous vote 
of all the classes to the brother of the deceased, that is, the 
one who is ruling at present, rejecting the rights of the 
deceased's children, who on account of their age, were 
not able to rule over a kingdom" 2 . According to this 
testimony the election of Venkata was made by the consensus 
of the Brahmans, nobles and warriors of the Empire, as implied 
by the expression 'the unanimous vote of all the classes'. 

Venkata was then " anointed, according to the 'prescribed 
rules, by the spiritual preceptor of his gotra, the famous 
Tatacharya, who was the ornament of the wise, just as Rama 
was anointed by Vasishtha " y . On this occasion, the new 
king "poured forth gold from his hand like rain from a cloud" 4 . 

present", etc. According to this testimony the election of Venkata 
followed, not the death of Ranga I, but that of Rama. Finally, 
according to the information supplied to Mr, Sewell by the then 
Raja of Anegundi, the brother whose rule was placed between Ranga 
and Venkata, (called also by him Tirumaladcva or Sridova), 
' reigned for a short time '. Cf. Sewell, II, p. 252, note 4. We hope 
new discoveries will throw light on this point. 

1. Butterworth, I, p. 264. 

2. Litterae Annuae of Goa, written by Fr. N. Pimenta, Goa 
December 21, 1602. See Ap. C, No. V. 

3. Dalavay Agraharam plates of Venkata II, Ep. Ind.^ XII, p. 
186, vv. 27-39. 

4. Venkta's II grant, 1587, Ep. Catn., VII, Sh, 83; Venkata II's 
grant, 1589, Ep. Cam., XII, Ck, 39. The following grants also describe 
Venkata's coronation : Mangalampad grant of Venkata II, Butter- 
worth, I, p. 31, v. 24 ; Vellangudi plates of Venkata II, Ep. /</., XVI, 
p. 319, vv. 31-35 ; Padmaneri grant of Venkata II, Ibid, p. 297. v. 29 ; 
Kondyata grant of Venkata III, Ind. Ant., XIII, p. 127. 


" When thus ", continue the Dalavay Agraharam plates, . 
" Venkatapatideva Raya assumed the sovereignty, Adisesha 
and other supporters of the earth were relieved of their burden ; 
and consequently, they having assumed the shape of Vrishasaila 
(viz. the Tirumala hills at Tirupati), are ever praying Venkata- 
chalapati to grant a long reign to him " *. This transparent 
flattery of one of his grants shows that Venkata II was to be a 
worthy successor of Krishna Deva Raya and Rama Raya. He 
is called in another inscription, "the fruition of the religious 
merit of previous births of Sri Vengaiamba " 2 . Fr. N. Pimenta, 
in one of his letters, mentions the pompous and incredible 
titles which were conferred upon him by his subjects : " The 
Husband of Subvast (that is) of good Fortune, God of great 
Provinces, King of the greatest Kings, and God of Kings, Lord 
of all Horse-forces, Master of those which know not how to 
Speake, Emperour of three Emperours, Conquerour of ail which 
he seeth, and Keeper of all which he hath overcome ; Dreadfull 
to the eight Coasts of the World, the Vanquisher of Mahumet- 
an Armies, Ruler of all Provinces which he hath taken, Taker 
of the Spoiles and Riches of Ceilan ; which farre exceedeth the 
most valiant men, which cut off the head of the Invincible 
Viravalalan ; Lord of the East, South, North, West, and of the 
sea ; Hunter of Elephants ; which liveth and glorieth in 
virtue Militarie. Which titles of Honour," adds Fr. Pimenta, 
"enjoyeth the most Warlike Vencatapadin Ragiv Devamagan 
Ragel, which now reigneth and governeth this World" 3 . 

Two of this grants lay special stress on his extreme beauty. 
"His cheeks", they say, "resembled the moon ; he rivalled pr 
eclipsed the god of love in beauty" 4 . Fr. Du Jarric seems to 
agree when he writes: "The King is quite handsome, although a 
little dark ; his eyes are big ; he is of a medium size, but his 
limbs are in good proportion ; he dresses quite nicely, and shows 

1. Ep. Ind., XII, p. 186, vv. 27-39. 

2. Mangalampad grant of Venkata II t Butterworth f I, p. 31, v.23. 

3. Furchas, X, p. 209-10. Of. Du Jarric, Thesaurus, I, p. 653. 

4. Dalavay Agraharam plates of Venkata II, Ep. fnd., XII, p. 
187, w. 27-39 ; Mangalampad grant of Venkata II, Butterworth, I, 
p. 33. v. 36. 


always a special regard for royal majesty mingled with a 
charming plainness of manner " 1 . VenkataV statue at 
Tirupati confirms both descriptions : his big round eyes are 
specially remarkable. 

2. Venkata was at Chandragiri when his election took 
place. So naturally the ceremony of his coronation was per- 
formed there. This point is quite evident from the study of 
contemperory sources. Du Jarric says : " A few years ago he 
was crowned, according to his predecessors' custom, at 
Chandegri (Chandragiri)" 2 . Anquetil du Perron states likewise 
that " he was crowned according to custom at Sehandegri, 
where he used to have his court (when Viceroy of the Tamil 
country)" 8 . 

But not long after he removed his court to Penukonda, the 
capital of his two predecessors, whence he might rule over the 
Empire. " When the throne of Bijanagar", says the anonymous 
chronicler of Golkonda; "devolved on Venkatapati, it appears 
that that prince... removed his seat of Government to the fort of 
Pjenukonda " 4 . Accordingly his grant of the year 1587 states 
that he * established his throne in Suragiri (Penukonda) ' 5 . This 
fact must have occurred in 1585, for in two inscriptions of this 
year Venkata already appears as 'ruling in Penukonda' 6 ; and 
in 1589 he is shown 'seated on the throne of the Empire in 
Suragiri (Penukonda) ' \ How long this period of rule from 
Penukonda lasted is not yet ascertained, because the cause of 
Venkata's retreat to Chandragiri is misplaced by Ferishta ; 
hence its date cannot be realized. Sewell points to the year 
1592 as the date of Venkata's return to the Tamil country 8 . 
As a matter of fact, Venkata appears as ' ruling on the jewelled 
throne at Penukonda ' in several inscriptions of the years 

1. Du Jarric, I, p. 662. 

2. Du Jarric, I, p. 655. 

3. Anquetil du Perron, 1. C M p. 166. 

4. Ferishta, III, p. 454. 

5. Ep. Cam., VII, 8h t 83. 

6. 71 of 1915. 

7. Ep. Cam., XII, Ok, 39. 

8. Sewell, I, p. 150. 


1593 *, 1599 2 t 1603 8 , 1605 4 , 1608 6 , 1609 ' 1610 \ and 
1612 8 . We know for certain that during several of these 
years. Venkata was actually ruling from Chandragiri ; this 
would mean that either his subjects were not aware of the 
change of the capital, or the old capital of Tirumala and Ranga 
was mentioned out of respect, as Vijayanagara itself is sometimes 
occasionally mentioned. 

3. While speaking of the coronation of Venkata, we have- 
seen that the pattabhisheka ceremony had been performed by 
his family guru, Tatacharya or Tatayarya. We shall now give 
some particulars of this man who exercised so much influence 
on the rule of Venkata, and of whom we shall have occasion 
to speak frequently in the course of this volume. He was, 
according to the Prapannamrtam, a descendant of the maternal 
uncle of the great reformer Ramanuja ; and two of his 
ancestors had been the cause of the conversion of the Emperor 
Virupaksha to Vaishnavism 9 . He was the son of Pancha- 
mata-bhajanam Tatacharya, according to the same poem 10 ; 
but a copper-plate grant of 1590 in the Government 
Museum, Madras, states that he was 'grand-son of Etur- 
Tatayia, and son of Srinaivasa ' n . He is styled 'the ornament 
of the wise ' 12 . He is mentioned in an inscription of Ranga I, 
along with the temple officer of Tiruppukkuli 13 . Again, the 
Prapannamrtam informs us that Venkata ' became a disciple 

1. 377 of 1904. 

2. Sewell, I, p. 134. 

3. 236 of 1903; Sewell, I, p. 101. 

4. 235 of 1903. 

5. Ranga chary a, I, p. 622, 535. 

6. 67 of 1915. 

7. 184 of 1913. 

8. Ep. Cam., II, TN, 62; XII, Si, 84; Butterworth, III, p. 

9. Of. Ch. XXVI, No. 6. 

10. Of. Ep. Ind., XII, p. 162 and p. 347. 

11. Catalogue of Copper-Plate Grants in the Government Museum, 
Madras, p 54. 

12. Mangalampad grant of Venkata II, 1. c. ; Butterworth, I, p. 
31, v. 24. 

13. t09, A p.C. of 1916, 


of the Srivaishnava teacher Lakshmikumara Tatacharya' l , 
this being his full name. Moreover, in the same poem we read 
that the King "entrusted the whole kingdom to his preceptor ; 
and he himself led a life of retirement doing service to him, 
like Kulasekhara of old" 2 . The second part of this 
statement is absolutely false. Venkata II was certainly not an 
idle sovereign : he actually ruled (as we shall see further 
on) except during the last years of his life, when disabled by 
age and sickness he made over the cares of Government to one 
of his wives and her brother. Nay, we have further grounds 
for doubting even the veracity of the first part of the same 
statement. The whole passage sounds merely like a poetical 
exaggeration of a real fact. According to the above-mentioned 
copper-plate grant in the Madras Museum, Venkata, on 
December 2/th, 1590, made the gift of a village (which he named 
Venkatapura) to the Srivaishnava teacher Tataya ; the village 
was situated in the Konadu district which formed a subdivision 
of Uttukkadu Kottam 3 . Moreover, an inscription of the year 
1600- 1 at Tirunirmalai, Chingleput, shows that he was supervis- 
ing several Vaishnava temples 4 ; he was also the manager of 
the temple at Tiruppukkuli r> , and the supervisor of the 
Vaishnava temples at Kanchivaram c ; we know of an agent 
of his named Punyakoti-Aiyan T . According to tradition, Tata- 
chary a was so famous for his virtues and talents that he was 
believed to have been born from the spirit of Vishnu 8 . 

But Fr. B. Coutinho, one of the Jesuits at Venkata's 
court, who personally knew Se Tatachare, as he calls the famous 
guru, testifies in one of his letters that ' he is unworthy of 
his post because of his vices'. It seems that he was specially 

1. 8. Krishnaswami Aiyangar, Sources, p. 251. 

3. Ibid. 

3. Catalogue of Copper-Mate Grants, 1. c. 

4. 565 of 1912. He is again mentioned in the inscription 564 
of 1912. 

5. 208, Ap. C of 1916. 

6. M.E.R., /p/3, para 62. 

7. 174, Ap. C. of 1916. 

8. ~Cf. Subramiah Pantulu, Discursive Remarks, Ind. Ant., XXVII, 
p. 327. 



lacking in continence, as " he had many wives at home ", says 
Fr. Coutinho, "and is one of those who swallow camels and shy 
at mosquitoes " l . According to Fr. Coutinho, Tatacharya 
was a hypocrite of the Tartuffe type, who duped the people 
with scrupulous practice of infinite petty unsubstantial 
ceremonies, and forgot the essentials of the natural law. 1 can- 
not reject the testimony of such an eye-witness, who mentions 
the fact of the guru's many wives and who was not likely to 
derive any advantage from calumniating the King's preceptor in 
one of his letters to his Superiors in Europe. 

4. Along with Tatacharya, the names of several ministers 
of Venkata have reached us, mainly through the contemporary 
poems. A Sidhout inscription of 1605 states that the chief 
Matla Ananta ' was like the right-hand of the Emperor of 
Karnata (Vijayanagara) ' 2 ; he was no doubt one of 
Venkata's chief officers, as is shown by this appellation and his 
achievements, which will be narrated further on. Tarigoppula 
Mallana, in his Chandrabhanu Charitram, says that his elder 
brother Tarigoppula Datta Mantri "was a minister of the 

Emperor Venkatapati Raya, son of Tirumala Raya All the 

members of the Emperor's court used to extol him for his 
patronage and helpfulness to them on various occasions " 3 . 
Another one, Tammaya Mantri, who, according to the Charu 
chandrodayam, had been the right hand of Sri Ranga, ' was also 
the minister of the Emperor Venkatapati Raya ' 4 . From 

1. From Fr. B. Coutinho to Fr. J. Alvarez, Vellore, November 
llth, 1607. See Ap. C, No. XVIII. This passage was published in 
Relacam Annal, of the years 1606 and 1607 (Lisbon, 1609), but without 
mentioning the name of Tatacharya ; he is only described as the 
"high priest at whose feet the same king prostrates himself, and 
whose yearly revenue surpasses two hundred cruzades" (p. 106). 
Before being acquainted with the original of Coutinho's letter, I 
published a translation of the account of Relacam Annal in the 
Q.J. M. S., XIV, p. 134-7, under the title The Jesuit Influence in the Court 
of Vijayanagara ; and in a note I already pointed out that the high 
priest referred to ought to be Tatacharya. 

2. 8. Krishnaswmi Aiyangar, Sources, p. 248. 

3. Ibid., p. 247. 

4. Ibid., p. 241. 


literature we gather likewise that Pemmasani Pedda-Timmaraja, 
who had also been a minister of Ranga I, continued to hold 
the same office under Venkata II '. The chief military 
officer of this Emperor was Gubburi Obarajaya 2 , who 
may perhaps be identified with Obaraja, the brother-in-law of 
Venkata, as mentioned in Barrada's account 3 , or his father-in- 
law, as stated both in the Ramarajiyamu 4 and in the Jesuit 
records 5 . 

Now the Empire, although deprived of some of the northern 
provinces which had fallen into the hands of the Muhammadans, 
was yet possessed of vast territory. Fr. Du Jarric describes 
the Empire of Venkata as follows: "The kingdom of Bisnagar," 
says he, " contains the greatest part of India that lies to the 
south of river Ganges (sic). For besides the western kingdoms 
of Malabar, that depend upon it, as formerly the kingdom of 
Goa, there are several others towards the North, as Onor 
(Honavar) Battikala, (Bhatkal) and so on, that acknowledge 
the imperial authority. It has on the East two hundred leagues 
of coast along the gulf of Bengal, viz. from cape Comorin to 
the kingdom of Orixa (Orissa) ; and this length comprises the 
Coast of Coromandel and Meliapor or San Thome 6 . 

The viceroy of Seringapatam and the Nayaks and feuda- 
tory chiefs were a great help to the Emperor in the administra- 
tion of such an extensive Empire. But the country which was 
immediately subject to him was, it seems, divided into different 
administrative units. A grant of 1596 of the temple authorities 
of Kanchivaram .gives a clue to this supposition ; it states that 
this city is situated in the Chandragiri portion of the Tondai- 
mandalam province of the country of Soramandalam 7 . 
According to this inscription, the smallest administrative unit 
was the so-called portion or district, which, if we must judge 
from the distance between Chandragiri and Kanchivaram, was 

1. Of. H. Krishna Sastri, The Third Vijayanagara Dynasty, 
1. c., p. 185. 

2. Ibid., p. 188-9. 

3. Sewell, p. 223. 

4. 3. Krishnaswami Aiyangar, o. o., p. 243. 

5. Du Jarric, I, p. 654. Of. Ch. XXIV, No. 3, 

6. Ibid., p. 652. 

7. Sewefl; I, p. 179. 


not very small ; the next higher and larger administrative unit 
was the province, and the highest, the so-called country. We 
venture to say that during the time of the Tamil Viceroyalty 
two countries probably composed it, the Chola and the Pandya 

Venkata was indeed a very powerful monarch l . Accord- 
ing to Du Jarfic, " the neighbouring kings call him Emperor 
and king of kings, as he is the most potent of all the kings" 2 . 
Accordingly at the end of his reign he was called by Raja 
Wodeyar of Mysore ' Master of the four Oceans ' 3 . 

5. Nevertheless from the beginning of his reign, the new 
Emperor had to face great difficulties within his own dominions. 
There were among the petty chiefs fresh outbreaks of rebellion 
against Venkata, who was supposed to be the murderor of the 
late Emperor Sadasiva. "Before 1595," says Anquetil du Perron, 
' the Naiques of Tanjore, Madurei and Gingi (Jinji) gave up all 
allegiance, as they did not want to acknowledge as their sove- 
reign one who had dethroned the legitimate King of Bisnagar" 4 . 
We shall speak later of the rebellion of these three power- 
ful Nayaks ; but we feel sure that, encouraged by their example, 
and even perhaps before them, many petty chiefs rebelled against 
Venkata. This is more than a mere supposition, because in 
the contemporary sources we find abundant evidence of 
the internal troubles during those years. Venkata is called in 
the Mangalampad grant ' the crusher of the pride of Avaha- 
luraya ' B , and ' the hero who punished kings who break their 
word* c . The Dalavay Agraharam plates, after speaking of 
his campaigns against the Muhammadans, style him "the only 
excellent conqueror of the Chaurasidurga, (who) terrified 
the hearts of the hostile kings in the eight quarters,... (who) was a 
destroyer of his enemies,... (who) was broad-armed like Adisesha, 
(who) was a bear to the earth, via. the provincial chiefs,... a 

1. Anquetil du Perron, 1. c., p. 169. 

2. Du Jarric, I, p. 653. 

3. Ep. Cam., Ill, TN, 116. 

4. Anquetil du Perron, 1. c., p. 166. 

5. Butterworth, I, p. 32, 27. 

6. Ibid., p. 33, v. 36. 


Ramabadra in battle" l . These general remarks are a clear 
reference to the action of Venkata against the provincial chiefs 
of his Empire who 'broke their word' of faithfulness and 
allegiance to the imperial power. But there are also other 
and more pronounced testimonies. 

Venkata is said in the Ramarajiyamu to have ' defeated 
some enemies at Nandela ' 2 . Those enemies must have 
been the army of the chief Krishnama of Nandyai, into 
whose mind the faithful Matla Ananta ' instilled fear ', 
according to the expression of the Sidhout inscription 3 . 
This means that this Anantaraja, one of Venkata's ministers, 
defeated on behalf of the Emperor, or even in conjuction with 
him, the Nandyla chief who had revolted against his 
sovereign. Matla Ananta's campaigns are likewise a recapitu- 
lation of these provincial revolts : " he killed on the battlefield 
,the chief Ravelia Velikonda Venkatadri," we read in the same 
inscription ; "he was the conqueror in the batte of Jambula- 
mandaka (Jammalamadugu) and reduced the fort of Cuttack. 
He defeated the chief Kondaraju Venkatadri and captured from 
him the town of Chennur " 4 . 

Along with the Emperor and Matla Ananta his right hand, 
the minister Tammaya Mantri, * compelled recalcitrant chiefs 
to go to him (the Emperor) and accept his suzerainty ', as it is 
stated in the Charuchandrodayam 5 . The Mahanayakacharya 
Harwati, son of Immadi Rangappa Nayaka, is also called a 
"subduer of chiefs who break their word ' c . He must have 
aided his sovereign in subduing these rebellions. The same 
was done by Velugoti Yachama Nayadu and his relative 
Singama Nayadu, who in the year 1601 defeated Maharaja 
and Devalpupa Nayadu at Utramaltur, according to the 
Valugutivaru Vamsavali 7 . Velugoti 's campaigns are also 

1. Ep. Ind., XII, p. 186, w. 27-39. 

2. 3. Krishnaswami Aiyangar, Sources, p. 243. 

3. Ibid., p* 248. 

4. Ibid., Of. M.E.R., 1915-16, para 19; 1916, para 75. 

5. S. Krishnaswami Aiyangar, o. c., p. 241. 

6. Ep. Cam., XII, Si, 84. 

7. Wilson, The Mackenzie Collection, p. 274. Cf. Carr, Papers 
Relating to the Seven Pagodas, p. 115, note c, 


narrated in the Bahulasvacharitram. After defeating the Chief 
Davalu Papa at Uttaramalluru, he marched as far as Tirumala 
(Tirupati), defeated the mountain chiefs there and captured Chen- 
galpat (Chingleput). Outside the fort of Palembukota (Palem- 
kota, South Arcot), he fought the chief Yatiraju and defeated 
him *. Finally Ragunatha, the heir-apparent of Tanjore, who 
had helped Venkata against the Muhammadans at Penukonda 2 , 
also lent his aid to the Emperor for the supression of these 
rebellions. The Ragunathabhyudayam says that he waged war 
with the Murasas, a people in the North of North Arcot and the 
adjacent portions of the neighbouring districts. " Having 
defeated all these enemies", says the poem, " he brought all the 
territory and the fortresses of Karnata once more under the 
Emperor Venkatadeva Raya. After this victory the Emperor 
Venkatadeva Raya in public court acknowledged the great 
assistance of Raghunatha, and said that he was able to destroy 
his enemies only with the assistance of Raghunatha. He also 
honoured him with presents of horses and jewellery" 3 . 

It appears that the rebellion spread ail over the Empire and 
lasted several years. But the stout-hearted sovereign at last 
put it down, and was acknowledged by all his feudatories. This 
is the reason why he is said in some of his grants to have 
' conquered the throne of Karnata by the strength of his arm ' 4 , 
vis. though he was rightly crowned and anointed, his throne 
was hardly his as long as the revolts all over the Empire lasted. 
It was by the strength of his arm that he established it as firmly 
as he did. We read in Anquetil du Perron that Venkata " ex- 
perinced how wrong was his elevation to the throne, but at lat 
the Naiques were bound to submit to the tribute " 5 . 

6. In or about 1592, on the occasion of the attack of 
Penukonda by the Sultan of Bijapur, which will be narrated 
in the next chapter, Venkata went back to Chandragiri and 

1. 8. Kriahnaswami Aiyangar, Sources, p. 305. 

2. Cf.Ch.XVI,Nos. land 2. 

3. 3. Krishnaswami Aiyangar, o. c., p. 285-6. 

4. Vilapaka grant of Venkata II, Ep. /IK?., IV, p. 270 ; Dalavay 
Agraoarain plates of Veukata II, Ibid., XII, p. 187, w. 27-39. 

5. Anquetil du Perron, L O M p. 166. 


established there the capital of the Empire l . This action 
betrayed the weaker side of Venkata's character. He had 
hitherto strenuously fought against the hereditary enemies 
of the Empire ; but now he felt perhaps the first signs of 
premature old age. Nevertheless we suppose that the main 
reason for this change was not the Muhammadan incursions, 
but a sort of home-sickness for the city where he had ruled 
many years as governor and viceroy of the Tamil country. 
Chandragiri was like a second birthplace to him ; and thither 
he retired, when a premature old age began to weigh upon 
him, and rest became necessary. 

Chandragiri had in ancient times been the stronghold of 
the Yadavas. One of its rulers, Toya-Yadava, entertained 
Ramanuja when fleeing from the Choia country 2 . According 
to a palm-leaf book, once in the possession of one of the 
village officers, the founder of the town was the Yadava 
King Immadi Narasimha, who lived about A. D. 1000 3 . 
According to local tradition, the Chandragiri fort had been 
built or at least enlarged by the Vijayanagara Emperor 
Narasimha Saluva, who made it the store-house of his trea- 
sures 4 . As a matter of fact the Portuguese used often to 
call it Narsinga, after the name of this sovereign. Since 
Krishna Deva Raya is occasionally called 'Raja of Chandragiri', 
it is likely that he either conquered or improved this fort, or even 
that he lived in it at times 5 . In that case the great Mahal, still 
standing at the foot of rocky hill crowned by the fortress, may 
have been built by that great Emperor ; while to his brother 
and successor, Achyuta Raya, is attributed the smaller Ladies' 
Mahal 6 . The same Achyuta makes mention, in the copper- 

1. Of. Af..# M 19/6, para 75; S. Krishna Sastri, The Third 
Vijayanagara Dynasty, 1. c., p. 185. 

2. Taylor, 0. H. MSS., II, p. 85. 

3. Sewell, I, p. 150. 

4. Cf. Qarstin, South Arcot Manual, p. 3 ; Caldwell, History of 
Tinnevelly, p. 48. 

5. Sewell, I, p. 139. 

6. Ibid., p. 150. For a description of these buildings see Chi. 
holm, The Old Palace of Chandragiri Jnd. Ant., XII, p. 295.6. 




' i 

plates of July I3th, 1532, of the 'kingdom of Chandragiri' l ; and 
in another inscription of 1540 at Pushpagiri mention is like- 
wise made of the general Timmarasayya, son of Somarasayya 
of Chandragiri \ 

7. This was the palace which was for so many years the 
residence of Venkata, when Viceroy of the Tamil country. It 
was now to be the royal palace of the Emperor of Vijayanagara. 
A modern memorial stone over its central entrance, inscribed 
by a hand who had no knowledge of the more extensive sove- 
reignty of Venkatapati Raya, records that the building was the 
' Palace of the Rajas of Chandragiri ' 3 . 

The earliest reference to Venkata as 'ruling from Chandra- 
giri' is dated 1602 4 ; but Fr. N. Pimenta, in the account of 
his tour through the South of India, made in 1597, says in 
speaking of Venkata that * Hee now resideth in Chandragiri ' 5 ; 
and Fr. Du Jarric, in the course of his account of the 
arrival of the Jesuits in 1601, says that ' Chandegiri is the resi- 
dence of the King ' ; the same fact is recorded in two ins- 
criptions of 1603 7 , one of 1625 8 and another of 1608 9 . 

Now there is an inscription of 1587, in which Venkata 
appears 'in the residence of Hampe-Hastinavathi (Vijaya- 
nagara), ruling the kingdom in peace and wisdom ' 10 ; then 
another of 1602-3, which shows him * seated on the diamond 

1. Catalogue of Copper-Plate Grants in the Government Museum, 
Madras, p. 51-2. 

2. 302 of 1903. 

3. Orme, Historical Fragments, p. 227, says : " It still re- 
mains to know whether the king of Chandergherri, to whom the 
Jesuits went in 1599, was a descendant of Timiragio, or of the 
rightful king of Bisnagar, murdered by Tirairagio's son ; but we be- 
lieve of Timiragio." 

4. Brakenbury, Cuddapah Gazetteer, p. 37. 

5. Fr. Pimenta's letter, Purchas, X, p. 210. 

6. Du Jarric, I, p. 654. 

7. Bangacharya, I, p. 576, 16. 

8. Siddhout' inscription, 8. Krishnaswami Aiyangar, Sources,. 
p. 248, 

9. Bangacharya, I, p. 653, 863. 
10. Ep. Car*., VI, Cm, 79. 


throne at Vijayanagara... ruling the kingdom of the earth' *; 
and even it wo more, of 1613 2 and 1614 3 , in which he is simply 
said to be * ruling at Vijayanagara '. It is obvious to us 
that ; Chandragiri received also at this time the appellation of 
Vijayanagara, as Penukonda was likewise formerly called 4 . 
In the map of India by Sr. Sanson d' Abbeville, published in 
the year 1652, Chandragiri is marked as ' Bisnagar or 
Chandragiri * 5 . Moreover a traveller from Holstein named 
Mandelslo, who visited the Coromandel coast in 1639, says that 
the king ' resides sometimes at Bisnagar, sometimes at 
Narasinga' . This must bs respectively understood of 
Vellore, which was then the capital of the Empire, and of 
Chandragiri, which was also called Narsinga, as already stated. 
This information is of great importance to us, because it seems 
to prove that the capital of the Empire was always called 
Vijayanagara, whether it was Hampi-Anegundi, or Penukonda, 
or Chandragiri, as at this time, or as some years after, Vellore. 
8. At Chandragiri not a small coterie of nobles had 
naturally gathered round the Emperor. Fr. A.Laerzio, Provincial 
of the Jesuit Province of Malabar, who visited Venkata's court in 

1603, writing to Fr. J. Alvarez at Rome in the following year, 
says : " Those nobles are very rich and powerful ; some have a 
revenue of five hundred thousand cruzadjs, some of six hundred 
thousand, and some of four hundred thousand" 7 . Fr. Du 
Jarric gives interesting information about one of the social ins- 
titutions of the nobility at Chandragiri, corresponding more or 
le$s to our modern gymnasium. " The house fitted for this ", 
he says, " has a yard in the centre, the pavement of which is 
covered with a layer of lime so smooth that it looks like a 
minor ; there is a walk around it, spread over with red sand, on 
which they rest as on a soft bed. One who would' wrestle 

1. Butterworth, I, p. 269-7T 

2. 452 of 1916. 

3. Ep. Car*., Ill, Sr, 157. 

4. Of. Ch. X, No. 13. 

5. See plate XII. 

6. Mandelslo, Voyages and Trawls, p. 94. 

7. From Fr. A. Laerzio to Fr, J. Alvarez, Cochin, January 18th, 

1604, Ap. C, No. X. 



strips himself. Then several strong and brawny youths called 
geitas 9 who are ready beforehand, rub the nobleman ; then they 
box, jump, fence and take other kinds of exercise with him, in 
order to strengthen him; and this they do until perspiration flows 
freely. Then the geitas cover the whole of the nobleman's body 
with sand, and massage him, and move his arms and legs in 
every direction as if they would disjoint his bones. Finally the 
nobleman is brushed, annointed and washed with warm water ; 
and when dry, dresses himself. Noblemen take this kind of 
exercise almost every day before dinner, in order to be fit and 
healthy ; thus men as old as seventy years look only thirty " f . 
Such is the description of the exercises taken in the 
gymnasium of Chandragiri, into which Fr. Simon de Sa, Rector 
of the College of St. Thome, was once admitted as a spectator. 
9. After this re-transfer of Venkata's capital to Chandrgiri, 
his extraordinary devotion to the god Venkatesa at Tirupati 
was naturally revived, perhaps with greater zeal and ardour. 
The excellence of the rock of Tirupati, which we have several 
times spoken of, is sung in the Venkatesvara Prabandha Baila 
Mahima. The temple is stated to be near the famous mythic 
mount Meru, where the gods hold their assembly 2 . According 
to the legend, Vishnu himself once became incarnated here 8 . 
If we are to believe the Vaishnava literature, Tirupati, dedicated 
at its foundation to Vishnu, became later on a temple of Siva 
till the time of Raman ujacharya the reformer, who once more 
converted it into a Vaishnava shrine. To effect this he is said 
to have agreed with the Saiva priests of the temple to leave in 
it at night a conch and a discus, which are the insignia of 
Vishnu, and a trident and a small drum which are those of 
Siva ; the temple was then closed ; and on its being re-opened, it 
was found that the image had assumed the two first symbols. 
Accordingly Vishnu's cult was restored 4 . The great temple 
was built by one of the Yadava Princes in or about A. D. 1048. 

1. Du Jarric, I p. 684-5. 

2. Wilson, Catalogue Raisonnee, p. 589. 

3. Venkata Girt Mahatmyam, Ibid., p. 588. 

4. Venkatesvara Mahatmyam, Wilson, The Mackenzie Collection, p. 


Vishnu is worshipped there under five forms. Sri Venkatachala 
Pati, Malayapa or Utsavabari, Srinivas, Koiavu Bari and 
Venkata Toravar *. 

"The city of Tripeti (Tirupati)", says one of the Jesuit 
letters, " is very large and beautiful; and on account of a temple 
much venerated and dedicated to their Pirmal (Perumal), is for 
these heathens what Rome is to us. Crowds of people from the 
whole of the East flock here with gifts and offerings to pay a 
visit to this temple" 2 . The pilgrims, says another letter of 
Fr. Simon de Sa, "purge their sinnes by washing their bodies 
and shaving their heads and beards. The Idoll is in a cold hill 
compassed with fertile valleys abounding with fruits, none dare 
touch. There are plenty of Apes, which are so tame that they 
will take meate out of ones hand. The people take them for a 
Nation of gods which held familiaritie with Perimal. They 
worship Perimal in many figures, of a Man, an Oxe, Horse, Lion 
Hog, Ducke, Cocke" . 

10. The vicinity of Chandragiri to Tirupati fostered the 
special devotion of the Emperor for that holy place. Several 
of his inscriptions and grants of those years are more or less 
connected with Tirupati and the god Venkatesvara. On 
August l8th, 1598, Venkata, while at Tirupati, made a grant of 
a village to several Brahmans and re-named it Tirumalamba- 
puram *. In the same year he made the Padmaneri grant in 
the presence of the god Venkatesa whom he invokes in the 
beginning of the grant 5 ; the same is seen in the Dala- 
vay Agraharam Plates 6 . Then a Tamil inscription around 
the Varadaraja shrine in the first prakara of the Srinivasa 
temple at Tirupati, dated 1606, records a grant by Venkata- 
pati Ray a to provide for offerings of rice to the god. 7 . Again 

1. Ibid. 

2. Litterae Anmtae of the Province of Malabar, 1602, Ap. C, No. 

3. From Fr. Simon de Sa, Mylapore, November 20th. 1598, 
Purohas, X, p. 219. 

4. Catalogue of Copper-Plate Grants in the Government Museum, 
Madras, p. 54. 

5. Ep. /*</., XVI, p. 297, vv. 46-48, and p. 296, vv. 1-3. 

6. Ep. Ind., XII, p. 187, vv. 41-66, and p. 185, vv. 1-3. 

7. Afu4./>., Z&Q* P- 39, 


in 1601-2 he made the Vilapaka grant in the presence of the 
god Venkatesa, at Tirupati *. 

The principal ceremony performed at Tirupati is at the 
time of the Durga Puja, about October. Fr. Coutinho, who 
happened to be there at this time, gives the following account of 
what he had seen : " At the Feast of Perimals marriage was 
such concourse of people, that that dayes offering amounted to 
two hundred thousand Ducats, the King, Queene and Courtiers 
being present. The Idol! was carried in a great triumphall 
Chariot drawne by ten thousand men, about midnight, a mile 
and a half. The Feast of Kowes was solemnized a moneth before, 
and all the wayes filled with them : for they hold Perimai to 
have beene the sonne of a Kow " 2 . Purchas does not give 
the full narrative of Coutinho, preserved in a letter of Fr. 
N. Pimenta : " The carr was drawn by ten thousand people," 
says he, " the King himself being one of the first. It was begun 
at the close of the day ; but at midnight it started to rain and 
then the king retired ; but the rest remained hard at their work 
till the carr was carried back to the place where it was taken 
from, two hundred and fifty feet in distance" 3 . 

II. In the year 1603, while Venkata was residing at 
Chandragiri, the rebellion of the Nayak of Vellore took place. 
We have frequently spoken of the chiefs ol Vellore, who had 
always remained faithful feudatories to the Vijayanagara 
Emperors. Chinna Bomma Nayaka was still living in the 
beginning of Venkata's reign ; for in a Sanskrit verse by an 
unknown author he is called ' Viceroy of Velur, during the 
reign of Venkatapati Ray a ' 4 . The same authority describes 
the ceremony of bathing in gold, which Chinna Bomma Nayaka 
performed in order to do honour to the scholarship of Appaya 
Dikshita. He is said to have with his own hands poured the 
gold coins out of the vessel 5 . Dr. S. Krishnaswami 
Aiyangar thinks that this Nayak was not Chinna Bomma 

1. Ep. Ind., IV, p. 270. 

2. Purchas, X, p. 222. 

3. Litterae Annuae of the Province of Goa, 1602, written by Fr. N. 
Pimenta, Goa, De6ember 21st 1602, Ap. C, No. V. 

4. 8. Krisbnaswanri Aiyangar, Sources, p. 251. 

5. Ibid. 


himself, but his son and successor Lingama. This Lingama 
was the one who in 1601-2 obtained from Venkata II the 
Vilapaka gratit : "With a libation of water (poured) over gold, 
the glorious King Vira Venkatapati Maharaya joyfully 
granted (the village of Vilapaka), sanctioning the request of 
the glorious Prince Linga, who was the renowned son of 
Prince Bomma of Veluru ; who was the victorious grandson of 
prince Virapa Nayaka ; who was ever devoted to the shrine of 
Vira at Sri Nellaturu ; who resembled the sun (in conferring 
prosperity) on the lotus group, the hearts of scholars ; who terri- 
fied the mind of prince Ballalaraya ; who was engaged in esta- 
blishing Mahadevas (lingas of Siva) and Mahidevas (Brah- 
mans); who was the foremost of those who assert the priority of 
Siva ; whose pride were the works (relating to) Siva ; who was 
full of splendour ; who, as the moon from the ocean, (rose) 
from the renowned Anakula gotra" ! . 

Not long after the concession of this grant, Lingama 
Nayaka rebelled against his Emperer * ; we know not why. 
Was he one of those who refused to acknowledge Venkata on 
account of the murder of Sadasiva? From the Jesuit letter, 
which is the best source hitherto known for the history of this 
event, and from which we shall quote extracts as we go on, 
it seems clear that Lingama wished to form a small principality 
independant both of his immediate lord, the Nayak of Jinji, and 
of the Emperor himself. He was bold enough to defy both 
rulers, trusting no less to his immense wealth than to the strong 
fortifications which rendered Vellore all but impregnable. 

Venkata, without any delay, despatched in the month of 
October, 1603, his Adelaraya (Dalavay) or commander-in-chief 
to storm the capital of the rebel chief. Who was then the 
Dalavay of his army ? In the first part of this Jesuit letter there 
is no reference whatever to the proper name of this general ^ 

1. Ep. Ind., IV, p. 271. Lingama Nayaka had probably a brother 
called Nangama Nayaka, one of whose gifts is recorded in an 
inscription of 1602 in Malayappatu, North Arcot. 70 of 1887. 

2. Anquetil du Perron, I.e., p. 170, assigns the year 1609 as the 
date of Linga's rebellion and destruction. Our sources written in 
1606 says that the siege, of the fort took, place two months before 
January, 1604. 


but we are informed by the Bahulasvacharitramu that Chenna, 
of the Kalahasti family, defeated Linga of Velur on the plains of 
Munnali (Minnal?) and captured the fortress of Vellore 'with 
its high fortifications and deep moat ' l . We may conclude 
from this that Chenna Nayaka was the commander-in-chief of 
the army sent against Lingama Nayaka. Once he started on his 
march there, the Dalavay pretended to have lost his way on the 
first day, with the first object of marching so fast throughout the 
night as to reach Vellore unexpectedly before dawn. Unfortu- 
nately his plan fell through ; for only his vanguard reached the 
neighbourhood of Vellore at the desired hour, early in the 
morning ; but the bulk of his army lagged behind, and did not 
arrive till later, when the garrison of the town was ready to 
repel the attack. Accordingly showers of bullets were poured 
on Chenna and his soldiers just as he was preparing to storm the 
city, and he was finally forced to retreat. But with indomitable 
courage he invested the fortress, in spite of the rainy season which 
had already burst. The siege lasted two months. Then two officers 
of Chenna's army, who were on friendly terms with Lingama 
Nayaka, and even perhaps his relations (so suggests the Jesuit 
letter) were admitted into the fort to present their compliments to 
the chief. On returning to their camp, Linga, who seems to have 
been very kind and polite, accompanied his visitors a little way 
out of the gates of the fort. That was too golden an oppor- 
tunity for the soldiers of Vijayanagara. Lingama was made 
prisoner and brought to Chenna's camp. 

The siege nevertheless dragged on. Neither the sons of 
Lingama nor his generals were willing to surrender the fort, in 
spite of the imprisonment of their chief ; while he, on seeing 
that all chances of escape were cut off, offered twenty laks to 
the Dalavay if he could abandon the siege of Vellore ; of these 
twenty laks fifteen given in gold coins and the other 
five in pearls and other precious stones. But the commander- 
in-chief at once wrote to Venkata summoning him to come 
forthwith to Vellore, " saying that now was the time to fill the 
royal coffers and to extend his sway by the annexation of this 
most fortified town." The Emperor set out at once on January 9th, 

1. 8. Krishnagwami Aiyaugar, Sources, p. 305. 


1614, with an enormous army, besides a train of camp-followers 
and elephants, and hastened towards Veliore, Linga prostrated 
himself at Venkata's feet as soon as the Emperor reached the 
camp. In the meantime his sons kept up a continuous fire, 
and tried their atmost to prevent Venkata from entering the 
town. But at last Vellore fell, and Venkata with his Queen 
took lodging "in the marble palace of Lingama Nayaka, 
adorned with gold and precious stones " l . 

12. Venkata remained at Veliore till the following month 
of May. Then, " after having extorted from Lingama Naichen 
a large number of precious stones and pearls," he " took him 
prisoner to grace his own triumph from the fortress of Velur 
to Chandegri " 2 . Fr. B. Coutinho, who was himself an eye- 
witness of this magnificent state procession, wrote an account 
of it in the aforesaid Jesuit letter which we shall quote here : 
" On May 27 ", he writes, " four hours after sunrise (vis. at 
about ten o'clock in the morning) this procession entered the 
town. The road through the middle of the city by which he 
had to pass was decorated with a big arch in the centre, and 
.with very many carpets and hangings made of green boughs. 
But what added more dignity to the king was the fact that a 
large number of attendants in groups of three, dressed in 
gorgeous uniforms, were stationed at different intervals by the 
roadside ; there were besides military bands with brass instru- 
ments and others with the vina and other classical instruments ; 
these were followed by many other insignia, and finally by the 
royal standard itself, in which a golden lion and a golden fish 
were painted, thus showing Venkata's soverignity over land 
and ssa. This made the opening of the procession. Many 

1. Litterae Annuae of the Province of Malabar, 1604-1606, Ap. C, 
No. XXII. The account does not say that one of the Jesuits accom- 
panied Venkata's army on this occasion. Nevertheless this seems 
likely as the Jesuits were on good terms of friendship with the 
Emperor ; moreover the detailed narrative of this campaign seems 
to be that of an eye-witness. Orme, Historical Fragments, p. 228-9, 
also mentions the siege and conquest of Vellore by Venkata. Cf. 
Henrion, Histoire Generate des Missions, p. 187. Fr. Pimenta says 
only that Fr. F. Ricio went there after a while. 

2. Litterae Annuae of the Province of Malabar, 1604-1606, Ap. C, 
No. XXII. 


horsemen came next among whom tfhere was Obraias himself 
(Oba Ray a) the King's father-in-law, and* with him many other 
grandees adorned with gold ornaments and precious stones ; at 
the end the King himself, accompanied by Connanaiche 
(Chenna Nayaka) riding a beautiful elephant, the body and the 
head of which were painted yellow and adorned with feathers 
and silk drapery l : the silk pillow on which the King sat 
was embroidered with gold thread, and he was himself covered 

with pearls and precious stones Being thus triumphantly 

carried, he was looking graciously on the crowd below... and 
having finally reached his palace, sat on the golden throne, 
where he received a present from the Adelaraya, the governor 
of the city, as it is customary. Then all the nobles presented 
their homage and left. We also (says Fr. Coutinho,) went 
there, and Fr. Francis Ricio offered the King a gilt drinking-cup 
of glass which he had kept for this occasion" 2 . 

13. It is. not on record whether Vellore was once more res- 
tored to Linga ; but from the fact that he is no longer mentioned 
in the contemporary documents, we may reasonably conclude 
that Vellore was thereafter retained under the Emperor's imme- 
diate authority according to the advice of his Dalavay. Moreover, 
two years later, about the middle of 1606, Venkata established 
his court in the old city of Vellore I{ , an event recorded 
also in the Ramarajiyamu 4 . But he used to reside at 
times at Chandragiri 5 , and that is the reason why both 
cities are by the Jesuit Missionaries called ' royal ' 6 . 

The fort of Vellore, according to local tradition, was built 

1. The fact that Chenna rode on this occasion at Venkata's 
side goes again to bear out the supposition that he was the command* 
er-in-chief of the victorious army. 

2. Litterae Annuae of the Province of Malabar quoted above. 

3. From Fr. B. Coutinho to Fr. C. Aquaviva, St. Thome, 
November 4th, 1606, Ap. C, No. XIII. 

4. 3. Krishnaswami Aiyangar, Sources, p. 243. 

5. Cf. above No. 7. 

6. No other change of capital of the Emperors of Vijayanagara is 
so far known, though some authors state that it was finally 
established at Chingleput. Cf. Rice, Mysore and Coorg, p, 120 ; Francis, 
South Arcot Gazetteer, p. 36, etc. 


by one Bommi Reddi, or Naidu, a native of Bhadrachalam 1 , 
and converted by Narasimha of Vijayanagara into a place of 
residence 2 . 

According to an inscription of Chinna Bomma Nayaka of 
1582 at Adaipalam, the Vellore temple was constructed 
by Appaiya Dikshita 3 , but since we know that this temple 
existed earlier we must understand that Appaiya Dikshita's 
work was some enlargement of the same. The pavement 
round the building was laid by China Bomma Nayaka 
himself in 1549, for the merit of Macha Nayaka of Vellore 4 . 
In 1702 Fr. Maudit said that * the fortress of Vellore was 
one of the strongest throughout the whole of the country V 
As a matter of fact this fort is perhaps the most beautiful 
specimen of military architecture in southern India, and 
fortunately it is still in a very good state of preserva- 

14. We have already mentioned several feudatory chiefs 
of the time of Venkata, but to those we must add several other 
known through different sources. An inscription of Venkata 
of 1592 records the grant of a house for the location of a matha 
to Ananda Namasivaya Pandaram by Periya Err am a Nayakof 
Punnarrur 6 . Venkatapati Nayaningaru, the grandson of 
Velugoti Pedda Kondama Nayadu, and son of Kummara 
Timma Nayadu, declares himself feudatory of Venkatapati 
Raya in an inscription of l6l2 7 ; in another of the same 
year he is said to be ' an Arjuna in war ' 8 . In an- 
other of 1616, Narakampi Nayaningaru, likewise a feudatory 

1. Cox, North Arcot Manual, II, p 418. 

2. Garstin, South Arcot Manual, p. 3 ; Caldwell, History of Tinnevelly 
p. 48. 

3. 395 of 1911. 

4. 60 of 1887. At Torudur, Tanjore, there is an inscription re- 
cording a gift of land to this temple in 1596. Sewell, I, p. 272. 

5. From Fr. Maudit to Fr. Le Gobien, Caruvepondi, Janu- 
ary 1st, 1702, Lettres Edifiantes et Curieuses, p. 310. 

6. 61 of 1887. 

7. Rangacharya, II, p. 1053, 36. 

8. Butterworth, I, p. 246. 



of Sadasiva, gave the hereditary privilege of worship in the 
temple of Kona Vallabharaya to one Kandagada Guruvayya 1 . 
The Venkatagiri Raja Pedda Yachama Nayadu, known as 
Yacha Surudu, got the Permadi country as a gift from Venkata 
II, and proved his loyalty to him in the following civil 
war 2 . Yachama Nayaka, one of the feudatories of Venkata, of 
whom we have previously spoken, was, it seems, amongst the 
most powerful chiefs of the Empire, the Bahulasvacharitram 
speaks of him as having received presents of elephants and 
horses from Nizam Shah, Adil Shah and Qutb Shah. He 
was highly esteemed by the people of the cities of Cuttack, 
Delfc Agra, Ahmadnagar, Mahur, Shiraj, Kalamba, Manduva, 
Makkha, Bedandakota (Bidar), Hukumi and Mahishmati 3 . 
Finally, the Jesuit records mention another chief, named by 
them Paparagiu (Papa Raya), identified, according to Dr. 
S. Krishnaswami Aiyangar, with the chief Davalu Papa who 
was defeated by Velugoti Yachama Nayadu at Uttaramaluru 4 . 
Fr. Simon de Sa, writing from Mylapor on November 20th, 
1598, says that this chief " in one house kept three hundred 
Brachmans, and gave hospitalitie to the Pilgrims which went 
on, or came from Tripeti 5 ". Fr. Du Jarric, who calls him ' a 
powerful chief, mentions the same fact and says more- 
over that " he placed his dwelling on the top of a very high 
mountain, encompassed by shady forests. The town was built 
all over the slopes of this mountain from the valley to the 
top 7 ". 

15. Venkata II appears to have been as generous as his 
predecessors to the temples and Brahmans for the maintenance 
of the Hindu cult. Being still Viceroy of the Tamil 
country, on June 24th, 1577, he made a gift of four villages 

1. Rangachaya, II, p. 1049, 1. 

2. Madhava Eao, The Ruling Chiefs, p. 490. 

3. 8. Krishnaswami Aiyangar, Sources, p. 305-6. 

4. Ibid., p. 305, note. Cf. above No. 5. 

5. Purchas, X., p. 219. 

6. Du Jarric, I, p. 657. 

7. Ibid., p. 675. I cannot verify which city is referred to by 
Pu Jarric ;it must be between Mylapore and Tirupati. 


to the temple of Chidambaresvara and Sivakamastmdari- 
Ammai to provide offerings and sacred morning baths for the 
merit of Kondama Nayaka l . In 1588 he made a gift of 300 
pan to provide 20 rice offerings to the god Chidambaresvara at 
Chidambaram, to be distributed among the begging devotees *. 
In 1593, for the merit of the above mentioned Kondama Navaka, 
he declared that the four districts and the five villages and all 
others whose possession had been enjoyed by the temple of 
Chidambaresvara from early times, were now made tax-free. 
In 1603 he imposed a tax on the weavers of Tindivanam, the 
proceeds of which were to go to the local temple 4 . In 1604 
he gave the village of Vengalambapuram to a number of Brah- 
mans coming from several places 5 . The year 1607 witnessed 
a grant of Venkatta to the god Narasinga 6 . Lastly, in 1608 
the Emperor regulated the festivals and the daily services in 
the temple at Alagiyasingar at Narasimhapuram 7 . 

We also know of several gifts of the feudatory chiefs and 
other influential persons during Venkata's reign. In 1589 Ma- 
dagani Basavareddi Kumarudu remitted the tax on the lands 
of the gods Mallikarjuna and Virabhadra at Vipanagandla 
(Karnul) 8 . In 1592 Krishnappa Nayaka granted to the god 
Ramanujakuta two villages in the Gangaikonda-sima 9 . In 1593 
Naga Reddi and other jugglers gave away the allowance which 
they had received for the bamboo play to the god Agastyesvara 
of Chadipirala 10 . In the same year Gangadhara Cholamaha- 
raya granted land to the deities at Palagiri ". Rayanamantri 
Bhaskarayya gave the god Chennakesava a fee of one kasu for 

1. 334 of 1913. 

2. 385 of 1913. 

3. 369 of 1913. 

4. 31 of 1905. 

5. Rangaoharya, I, p. 461, 1146. 

6. AC0r*.,V,Bl,145. 

7. 243 of 1910. 

8. Rangaoharya, II, p. 961, 500. 

9. Ibid., I, p. 153, 191-B. 

10. Ibid., p. 610, 424. 

11. Ibid., p. 615, 465. 


every bullock-load of salt, twokasus for one of cotton and % kasu 
for other goods in the Gandikota district *. In the same year 
an iron lamp was set up in the Mallikarjuna temple at Srisailam, 
Karnul, for the merit of Mudiyappa Nayaka, by a certain 
Chikaiya, son of a carpenter of Henjera 2 . In 1605, Chandra 
Sekhara Vodeyar made a grant to the family god and his 
dancing girls 8 . In 1609, a gift of seven gold-gilt pinnacles 
for the big gopura of the Vira-Narasimha temple at Diguva 
Tirupati, Karnul, and of two fly-whisks and an umbrella of 
white silk with a gilt kalasa over it: was made by some 
merchants of Aravidu, for the merit of 150 headmen of their 
community 4 . In the same year, a certain Kala -Yaiyyappa 
built a temple for Agaresva Udaiyar at Poiichchaiar, Madras, 
endowing it with a piece of land for the merit of the king 
Venkatapatiraya 5 . In 1614 Gangappa Nayaka, the governor 
of Srigiri-mandala, son of Venkatadri and grandson of Ganga, 
made a present of four villages in the Dupati-sima, Karnul, to 
the Chennakesa temple 6 . During this reign Matla Tiru- 
vengala, the son of Anantaraja, built the gopura of the Govinda- 
raja Perumal temple at Tirupati 7 . 

16. Some agricultural improvements were effected during 
Venkata's reign, but none by himself. All are due to the 
enterprise of chiefs and of private persons. Venkatapati 
Nayaningaru, his feudatory, deserves special mention for his 
efforts to encourage irrigation 8 . In 1612 the grandson of 
Velogoti Pedda Kondama Nayadu, and son of Kumara Timma 
Nayadu, sent for Rudrappa, the ruler of Kulluru, Nellore, and 
asked him to construct the eastern weir of the Kullur tank, 
which he did . It is further recorded that a certain Nayinappa 

1. Ibid., p. 620, 512. 

2. 32 of 1?15. 

3. Ep. Cam., IV, Oh, 23. 

4. 67 of 1915. 

5. 516 of 1913. 
& 286 of 1905. 


9, Rangacbarya, II, p. 1Q53, 36. 


Nayaka, son of Krishnappa Nayaka, improved certain land in 
South Arcot by constructing a tank near it and digging wells l . 
Finally, one Polusani dug a well in the village of Sowadari- 
dinne, Karnul, in 1603 *. 

1. 388 of 1912. 

2. Rangacharya, II, p. 918, 111. Wo know of the existence of 
a guild of merchants in the city of Aravidu during Venkata's reign. 
The merchants who formed this guild were devotees of Vasavakan- 
yaka, followers of Bhaskaracharya and supposed to be the progeny of 
the celestial cow, born of its ears. 67 of 1915. 



SUMMARY. l.Venkata starts an offensive campaign against Goikonda 
immediately after his coronation. 2. Great victory of Venkata 
over Muhammad Kuli Qutb Shah. 3. Beginning of Venkata's 
campaign in the Telugu country. 4. The jagirdars of the Telugu 
country rehel against Goikonda. 5. Victory of the Raja of 
Kasimkota over Amin-ul-Mulk. 6. Second invasion of Kand- 
bir. 7. Result of Venkata's campaign in the Telugu country. 
8. Siege of Penukonda by the Sultan of Bijapur. 9. Embassy of 
the Mughal Emperor Akbar to Venkata II. 10. Further projects 
of Akbar on Vijayanagara. 11. Ibrahim Adil Shah II of Bijapur 
sends an embassy to Venkata II. 

CONTEMPORARY SOURCES. 1. Ferishta, Anonymous chronicler of 
Goikonda. 2. Jesuit letters. 3. Du Jarric, Guerreiro. 4. Hindu 
inscriptions and grants. 5. Ramarajiyamu, Raghnnathabhyudayam. 

A GRANT of Emperor Venkata, dated 1589, says expli- 
cftly that his campaigns against the Muhammadans were 
started * immediately after ' his coronation l . Accordingly 
the anonymous chronicler says that Venkata, in the beginning 
of his reign, ' made some incursions and invasions into the 
Goikonda dominions ' 2 . This policy marked the opening 
of a new era in the long-standing struggle between Vijaya- 
nagara and the Muhammadans. Since the battle of Raksas- 
Tagdi, Tirumala, and after him Ranga I, had been satisfied 
with defending themselves against the followers of the Prophet. 
Ranga had only dared to expel the Muslims from Ahobalam 
and its surroundings 3 . But it seems that Venkata II, inaugu- 
rated his rule as Emperor of Vijayanagara with an offensive 
campaign which was successfully carried on some years 

1. Ep. Cam., XII, Ck, 39. 

2. Ferishta, III, p. 454. 

3. Of. Oh. XII, No. 7. 


The Sultan of Golkonda, Muhammad Kuli Qutb Shah, 
nvaded the Vijayanagara territory, with the object of driving 
Venkata out of his dominions. He marched towards Penu- 
konda "where he arrived without opposition," says the aforesaid 
chronicler, "and immediately commenced the siege". Venkata, 
who was at Penukonda, shortly afterwards deputed his minister 
Gobraj Tima (Govinda Raja Timma) and his general Pavia 
Chitti (Papaya Chetti) as Ambassadors to the Golkonda Sultan, 
" who, upon their making due submission, agreed to an 
armistice preparatory to negotiating terms of peace". The 
shrewd Sovereign decided to take advantage of this so-called 
armistice to prepare himself for a long defence. "The Hindus ", 
the anonymous chronicler continues, "taking advantage of the 
absence of the Muhammadans from the vicinity of the fort, 
supplied themselves in three days with provisions for a siege ; 
and on the fourth the famous Jagdew Row (Jagadeva Raya), 
accompanied by Gulrang Setti, Manupraj and Papia Samywar, 
at the head of thirty thousand musketteers, threw themselves 
into the fort " \ It is most likely that at this juncture 
Venkata requested Achyuta Nayaka of Tanjore to send the 
prince Raghunatha to his assistance. At his father's behest 
" Raghunatha started on the expedition followed by hundreds 
of tributary chiefs", says the Raghunathdbhyudayam. He 
reached Penukonda in a few days 2 . When the King discovered 
these proceedings ", continues the Golkonda chronicler, " he 
renewed the siege ; but his forces made little impression. The 
rains were now approaching, provisions also were scarce in the 
camp; and aware that the inundation of the Krishna 
river would cut off all communication with the Golkonda 
territory, the King deemed it advisable to raise the 
siege " 3 . Thus does the Muhammadan writer conceal the 
humiliating defeat which was on this occasion inflicted by 
Venkata upon the army of Golkonda. 

2. Reference is found to tiiis action in different sources ; 

1. Ferishta, 1. c. 

2. 8. Krishnaswami Aiyangar, Sources, p. 285. 

3. Ferishta, 1. c. 


and we cannot question their veracity, specially when we 
consider the account of the following victorious campaign of 
Venkata in the Udayagiri country, given by the same Muham- 
madan author. The above-mentioned Raghunathabhyudayam y 
relating only Raghunatha's exploits, states that " many of the 
enemies of the emperor fled from Penukonda when they learnt 
of the arrival of Raghunatha with troops (a common poetical 
topic), while a few mounted horsemen opposed him. But they 
were easily defeated by the valiant Raghunatha, and were scat- 
tered as the Rakshasas were by Rama" 1 . This was only a 
partial victory obtained by one of the wings of the great army of 
Venkata. The Sidhout inscription of Ananta Raja also records 
that this chief 'displayed his heroism in humiliating the 
Muhammaddan Pachisa (Padischa) in the battle of Penukonda ' 2 . 
After careful consideration of all the sources, it seems that 
the Golkonda army, after having been repelled by the garrison 
of Penukonda, retreated north wardfe pursued by the Hindus. 
" Venkatapati Raya", says the Ramarajiyamu, "collected his 
army and drove the son of Ibharam (Ibrahim Qutb Shah, viz. 
Muhammad Kuli Qutb Shah) who had invaded his territory, as 
far as Golkonda. He chased his army back and defeated it on 
the banks of the Pennar. The water of the river was crimson 
with the blood of the Muhammadan soldiers killed in the 
battle " s . This battle was no doubt a remarkable event in the 
history of the Hindu Empire ; for almost all the grants of 
Venkata make mention of it. The Vilapaka grant and the 
Dalavay Agraharam plates, besides two other grants, state that 
the Muhammadan ruler was " forcibly deprived of troops, of 
horses and elephants, weapons, white umbrella, parasols, etc., at 
the head of a battle by the excellent soldiers of the army of this 
powerful (king)" 4 . The Vilapaka grant records moreover 

1. Krishnaswami Aiyangar, I.e. 

2. M.E.R., 19/6, p. 148, para 78. 
. 3. Ibid., p. 243. 

4. Vilapaka grant, Ep. Ind., IV, p. 270 ; Dalavay Agraharam 
plates, Ep. Ind., XII, p. 186, w. 27-39; Grant of 1587, Ep. Cam., VII, 
8h, 83 ; Grant of 1589, Ep Cam., XII, Ck, 39, 


that the son of Malikibharama (Malik Ibrahim), Mahamanda- 
sahu (Muhammad Shah), reached his house in despair, reduced 
in lustre, ' and ' thus daily, ' it ends ironically, ' makes his name 
significant (or famous) * 1 . It appears that there was more 
than one battle, because the Vellangudi plates say that 
Mahamandasahu was " defeated repeatedly by the army of this 
King, and used daily to return dejected from 'the battlefield after 
being deprived of his elephants, horses, arms and umbrella " 2 . 
The defeat of the Golkonda Sultan is again mentioned in both 
the Padmaneri grant 8 , and the Mangalampad grant of the 
Hindu Emperor 4 . 

3. The anoymous chronicler of Golkonda says that " the 
Muhammadan troops having been required to join the grand 
army against Penuconda, had left the district of Kandbir wholly 
unprotected ". This was a magnificent chance for Venkata to 
recover part of the territory lost in the last war. It seems that 
even before the final defeat of Muhammad Shah, Venkata des- 
patched a force to assist Kowlanada, the Raja of Udgerrydurg 
(Udayagiri), ordering him to plunder and lay waste all the 
-territory as far as Kandir and the Krishna ; and that the Raja 
sent his son-in-law, Wurias Ray, to carry this project into 
effect. After he had fought with the Muhammadans several 
times he was finally defeated by Afzul Khan and Ajda Khan, 
with the loss of three thousand men killed, wounded and taken 
prisoners, and all his camp-equipage *'. 

In the meantime Venkata mustered an army of one hun- 
dred thousand men, the leaders of which were Yeltumraj, 
Gulang Setti and Manupraj, and set out to recover Gandikota 
from the hands of Sanjur Khan. Here the Hindus were daily 
harassed by sallies from the garrison ; but they persevered in the 
siege till they heard that Murtaza Khan, with the main army of 
the Muhammadans, had captured the city of Karpa and destroy- 
ed its famous temples. Venkata, on being told of this/detached 
Yeltumraj and Manupraj with ten thousand cavalry to attack 

1. Vilapaka grant, 1. c. ; grants of 1587 and 1589, 11. cc. 

2. Ep. Ind., XVI, p. 319 w. 31-35. 

3. Ibid., p. 297, v. 31. 

4. Butterworth,I,p. 31, v. 36 



Murtaza Khan, and probably followed them shortly after with 
the rest of his army \ 

As soon as the Sultan of Golkonda heard of this course of 
events, he despatched a force of five thousand horse under the 
command of Rustom Khan to reinfore Murtaza Khan. " Mean- 
while", says the chronicler, "Murtaza Khan continued to defend 
himself for three whole months against the Hindus, whose 
numbers increased to such an extent that the Muhammadans 
found it impossible ^to give the battle, but confined their 
operations to plundering and cutting off supplies ". Rustom 
Khan on arriving assumed command of all the troops, accor- 
ding to the Sultan's instructions. "On the day after his arrival", 
continues the Muhammadan writer, " he crossed a river in front 
of him, and imprudently encamped on a black clayey soil where 
the rain had fallen, but did not proceed to attack the 
Hindus. The enemy, having ascertained that a reinforce- 
ment had arrived, delayed also to engage the Muhammadans. 
At this time, whether to amuse their own soldiers, or for 
some other reason which is immaterial, the Hindus dressed 
up a red bullock 2 with gilded horns, and having painted it 
with many different colours, and fastened bells to its legs and 
neck, drove it towards the Muhammadans. Rustom Khan, 
who happened to be in front of the army and alone, became 
alarmed at the strange appearance of the animal. He galloped 
off to the rear in dismay, and caused a panic among his own 
troops 8 . The Hindus, observing confusion in the lines of the 
Muhammadans, took advantage of it to surround them with 
their musketeers, and galled them on all sides. The Muham- 
madan cavalry, which consituted the strength of their army, 

1. Here the obronicle we are quoting Bays that * after a severe 
action the Hindus were defeated and compelled to seek safety in 
flight. How can this be true when the same writer records imme- 
diately after the brilliant siege of tbe town by the Hindus, the 
distress of the Muhammadans, who required help, from Golkonda, 
and the latters's final defeat ? 

2. Biggs thinks that the Pola festival is meant here. 

3. Such cowardice could not be believed of such a general if the 
case was not narrated by the Muhammadan chronicler, Rustom 
Khan wai t according to the chronicler, a notorious boaster. 


unable to charge through the heavy black soil, were shot one by 
one, and might have been annihilated, but '.for Murtaza Khan, 
who, collecting a small party, forced his way through the 
enemy's ranks, and thus covered the retreat of many of the 
Mahammadans ; but all the camp-equipage was taken and a 
heavy loss sustained". The defeat of the Muhammadans on 
this occasion seems to have been very severe : the chronicler 
adds at the end of his narrative: " Rustom Khan was disgraced 
on his return to Haidarabad, by being dressed in female attire; 
after which he was banished from the kingdom" *. 

4. At this time Amin-ul-Mulk, the Minister of the Sultan 
of Golkonda, sent officers to collect the taxes due to the 
Government by the different jagirdars. But those of the 
Telugu country were in hopes of throwing off the Muhammadan 
yoke with the help of the brave and fortunate new sovereign of 
Vijayanagara. Moreover the anonymous chronicler says that 
* this demand had been so long deferred, that the jagirdars 
refused to pay the taxes demanded, and even invited the 
Vijayanagara sovereign to join them in opposing Muham- 
mad Kuli's forces. As a proof of their intentions, they 
plundered the country belonging to Goikonda in the neighbour- 
hood of Kandbir. These jagirdars were not all Hindus : both 
the Golkonda chronicler and the Aminabad inscription mention 
four out of these chiefs who rebelled against the Sultan ; and of 
them, two were Muhammadans and two Hindus. The names 
given by the chronicler are the following: Alam Khan Pathan, 
Khan Khanan, Sabaji Maratha and Balla Row, which corres- 
pond to these given by the inscription : Alamakhanundu 
Khanakhana, Sabaji and Ballerayandu. This inscription states 
that there were other chiefs who joined the revolt. 

When the dis-affection of these jagirdars was reported to the 
court by Etibar Khan, Amin-ul-Mulk himself volunteered to 
lead a force against the rebels, and after a while set out from 
Haidarabad at the head of ten thousand horse. On 1 his arrival 
near Kandbir he was met by Kowlananda, the Raja of 
Udayagiri, who on account of his recent intercourse with 

1. Ferishta, III, p. 455-9. 


Venkata, was believed to be the instigator of the rebellion. 
Accordingly the Muslim general seized the Hindu chief and 
ordered him to be hanged. This prompt measure alarmed 
the insurgents. They had an army of seven thousand cav- 
alry and ten thousand infantry and were strongly posted in 
the fortress of Ardinga; but now they shrank from 
an encounter with the army of Amin-ul-Mulk, and retreat- 
ed to join the army of Venkata. The Golkonda general 
pursued them, but did nothing more than devastate and 
occupy their estates. 'Sence the Aminabad inscription states 
that Amin Malka crossed the river Krishna with a large 
Golkonda army, and drove away the enemies before him 'as 
darkness before the rising sun*. On returning to Kandbir 
Amin-ul-Mulk seized, a number of Naigwaries who had been 
the allies of the rebels and ordered about 200 of them to be 
executed. Nevertheless in spite of this drastic measure, the 
Muslim general was not able to put down the rebellion ; and after 
his retreat to Haidarabad, no other authority was acknowleged 
in the Telugu country but that of Venkata, who was still with 
his army in the South. 

5. One instance of this was afforded shortly after by the 
conduct of MakundRaj,theRajaofKasimkotta. After having 
received the robe of instalment from the hands of Muhammad 
Kuli himself in Golkonda, this young prince attempted to seize 
the person of Birlas Khan, the Sultan's representative in the 
country. "Such outrages,; says the Golkonda chronicler, 
" called for the immediate interference of the King ; particularly 
as the Raja, confiding in the valour of his troops and his native 
woods and mountains for protection, had not sent the annual 
tribute to the court ". 

Accordingly, Muhammad Kuli sent his general Mir Zain- 
ul-Abidin with a force to proceed against the Raja. " Upon his 
arrival near Kasimkotta the general deputed a person to Makund 
Raj, requiring of him to pay the arrears of tribute, and to 
promise greater punctuality in its future payment ; but as they 
were too few to enforce their demand, Mir Zain-ul-Abidin wrote 

1. Ferishta, III, p. 460-1 ; Aminabad inscription of Amin-ul- 
MuBc, 8. Krishnaawami Aiyangar, Sources^ p. 340, 


to court for reinforcements. The King immediately directed the 
Amir Jumla, Amin-ul-Mulk, to join the former detachment 
with more troops, and to assume the principal command. Amir 
Jumla was accompained by Shankar Raj, the nephew of the 
late Bhaybalandar (the father of the young Raja). Makund 
Raj, alarmed at the serious preparations made to attack him, 
wrote to the neighbouring Rajas for assistance, as well as to 
Venkatapati, Raja of Vijayanagar, to induce him to take advan- 
tage of the moment and to detach a force to Kandbir, while he 
with thirty thousand infantry and three thousand cavalry en- 
gaged the King's army in the neighbourhood of Rajmundri". 
After a hard-fought battle, in which Shankar Raj was killed, the 
Muhammadans were defeated with the loss of several brave 
officers and men. The Raja on reaching Kasimkotta "put to 
death Birlas Khan and Ghuzunfur Beg, together with several 
other Muhammadans whom he inveigled into his presence" '. 

6. In the meantime Venkatapati Raja, on the invitation 
of the Raja of Kasimkotta, again invaded the district of Kandbir. 
The Sultan of Golkonda, who was then defending the city of 
Ahmadnagar against the army of Prince Murad, Akbar's son, 
was informed of the intentions of the Vijayanagar a Emperor. 
So he directed his army under Adil Khan Bungy or Bangush, 
accompanied by two hundred elephants and many guns, to 
oppose him. Adil Khan went straight to Kandbir with his 
cavalry, but was obliged to remain there sometime waiting for 
his guns. Venkata with his army of two hundred thousand 
horse and infantry and one thousand elephants, was still advan- 

1 Ferishta, III, p. 464-5. The Muhammadan writer says that 
the Golkonda forces were 'nearly defeated* ; that the Muhammadans 
lost several brave officers and men', and that the Raja on reaching 
his city 'put to death Birlas Khan*, etc. Nevertheless, he attributes 
this victory to the same Muslim army. The imposture is evident. To 
save the honour of the Muhammadans after describing their defeat, 
he proclaims an imaginary great victory obtained by them over the 
Hindus. If the young Raja did not succeed in seizing Birlas Khan, 
the Sultan's representative, when there was not in the country such 
a formidable army of Golkonda, it is impossible to suppose that he 
could put him to death on this occasion in the face of so large an army 
commanded by the Amir Jumla, especially after his own army had 
been entirely routed by the army of Golkonda. 


cing ; but "finding that the King's troops had arrived, and that 
the army was very formidable, he thought it prudent to send 
ambassadors with rich presents to the King of Golkonda. The 
ambassadors had directions to proffer his excuse, by saying that 
the object for which he had left his capital and come towards 
Kandbirwas merely to see the lake Cammum (Cumbum?). 
Orders were accordingly issued to Adil Khan Bungy to refrain 
from invading his territories, but to remain with the army at 
Kandbir as a corps of observation" ! . 

Such is the incredible account given by the anonymous 
chronicler of Golkonda, in his anxiety to conceal the defeat of 
the Golkonda troops. Is it not strange that Venkata, with the 
whole of his army of two hundred thousand foot and horse and 
one thousand elephants, dared not give battle to the Muslim 
general, with an army accompained only by two hundred 
elephants, and an artillery lagging behind him ? As a matter of 
fact the Muhammadan army that opposed Venkata was not at 
all formidable. The story of the ambassadors sent by the 
Vijayanagara Emperor and of his desire to see the lake 
Cammum is still more obviously the writer's concoction. 

7. This becomes more than evident if we consider the 
version given in the Ramarajiyamu and the further history of 
the Telugu country during Venkata's reign. Both accounts 
show clearly the final success of the Hindu sovereign in the 
North-eastern corner of the ancient Empire. The Ramarajiyamu, 
for instance, shows us the Sultan of Golkonda ' as a suppliant 
seeking terms of peace* and settling finally with Venkata 
4 that the Krishna should thence forward form the boundary 
between their respective territories ' 2 . 

Nothing could have been more pleasing to the Hindu ruler. 
It meant the recovery of all the lost territories and the re-esta- 
blishment of the old limits between Vijayanagara and Gol- 
konda 8 . Hence the Vellangudi plates state that ' just as Rama 

1. Ferishta, III, p. 466-8. 

2. S. Krishnaswamy Aiyangar, Sources, p. 243 

3. The Vilapaka grant, Ep. Ind., IV, p. 270, and the Mangalam- 
pad grant, Butterworth, I, p. 32, v. 28, state that Venkata defeated 
the king of Oddiya or Orissa. Probably the Sultan of Golkonda is 
meant in this passage. - 












XIV. Tlio Empire of Yijayanagara under Vcnkata 11 


conquered the Rakshasas, this King defeated the Yavanas 
(Muhammadans) ' l . And the Dalavay Agraharam plates say 
that ' he was ruling the earth triumphantly after destroying the 
demons, the Yavanas' 2 . Venkata's victories over the 
Muslim forces are again mentioned in other grants of his and 
those of his successors a . 

Accordingly, numerous inscriptions of the following years 
acknowledge Venkata as the sovereign of the Telugu country. 
In 1586-7 while ,the first campaign was going on, two inscrip- 
tions proclaim Venkata the ruler of Udayagiri 4 . A similar 
inscription dated I6I2 is found in Rapur, Nellore 5 . In 1514, 
the chief Marakampi Nayaningaru, in Nellore, declares himself 
feudatory of Venkata 6 . At the end of his reign, a village in 
Udayagiri which had been bestowed before by his father Tiru- 
mala was again granted by him to some one T , and there are 
besides two inscriptions of 1616, that mention Venkata as the 
ruling sovereign 8 . 

A certain Sriman Mahamandalesvara Muddayoadeva 
Maharaja, son of Kondadeva Maharaja, seems to have been the 
governor of the Telugu country under Venkata and acknow- 
ledged the latter's suzerainty 9 . In 1602 he presented the 
village of Nandirayi, Nellore, to Sri Chennakesavaraya of 
Palnaru, for providing light, refreshments, incense, etc. 10 . But 
according to an inscription 1613-4 at Kandukur, it seems that 
the Muhammadans retained their sovereignty over the northern 
part of the district u . 

T ~~Ep.Tnd., XVI, p. 319, vv 31-35. ~~ 

2. Ibid., XII, p. 186, w. 27-39. 

3. Padmaneri grant, Ep. Ind., XVI, p. 297, v. 29; Kondyata 
grant of Venkata III, Ind. Ant., JXIII, p. 127, grant of 1587, Ep. Cam, 
VII,Sh,83; grant of 1589, Ibid., XII, Ck, 39. Orme, Historical Frag- 
ments* p. 229. says that one of Venkata's title was this : ' Mahometa 
ttorum exercituum debtllator. 

4. Butterworth, III, 1365-7 and 1637-9. 

5. Ibid., p. 1284-6. 

6. Rangaoharya, II, p. 1049. 

7. Butterworth, III, p. 1359-60. 

8. Rangaoharya, II, p. 1049, 1 and p. 1079. 263. 

9. Butterworth, I, p. 269-71. 
10. Rangacharya, II, p. 1056, 54. 
U. Butterworth, I, p. 485, 


8. No other wars between Golkonda and Vijayanagara 
are recorded in the Muhammadan histories. But in the mean- 
time the Sultan of Bijapur, Ibrahim Adil Shah II, had sent 
several expeditions against the Kanarese country, as we shall 
relate in one of the following chapters. As a consequence of 
these incursions an alliance was made between Venkata and 
Burhan Nizam Shan of Ahmadnagar against Bijapur. Then 
Ibrahim Adil Shah again marched his army towards the South 
and laid siege to Penukonda 1 . According to Du Jarric, 
Venkata in this war against the Sultan of Bijapur, opposed his 
enemy with an army of seven hundred thousand infantry and 
forty thousand cavalry, besides five hundred elephants 2 . 
Ferishta relates that on the approach of the Sultan, Venkata 
entrusted the command of the place as well as of his army to 
one of his nobles and ' retired with his treasures and effects to 
the fortress of Chandragiri '. The Muhammadan writer does 
not tell us who this noble was, but we feel sure that he was no 
other than Mantla Ananta, called at that time ' the right- hand 
of the Emperor of Karnata '. The Sidhout inscription referring 
to him says that ' in the battle of Penukonda he destroyed the 
pride of the Muhammadan Padishah' 3 . This piece of 
information very likely refers to this action. 

Ibrahim besieged the city investing it closely for three 
months. He was, it seems, determined to remain there, until he 
could either take it by storm or compel the besieged general to 
surrender. Ferishta relates that at the end of these three 
months ' the garrison were nearly submitting for want of provi- 

1. Ferishta, III, p. 141, evidently misplaces this event, as we 
have previously pointed out. The ruler of Penukonda, Venkatadri, 
giving the command of the place to one of his] nobles and retiring to 
Ohandragiri, is a fact which cannot be placed in 1576-7, during the 
reign of Ranga I, precisely when this sovereign was made prisoner, or 
when his capital was so brilliantly defended by Jagadevaraya. Cf. 
Ch. XII, Nos. 5 and 6. The misplacement of a page of the MS. may 
explain this inoongruenoe. Mr. H. Krishna Saatri, The Third Vijaya- 
nagara Dynasty, 1. o. p. 185, and Dr. S. Krishnaswami Aiyangar, before 
us, have acknowledged the anomalous occurrence. 

2. Du Jarric, I, p. 653. 

3. 8, Kriahnaswami Aiyangar, Sources^ p. $49, 


sions.' On this point, if we are to rely upon this writer's 
authority, Venkata "bribed Handiatum Naik, the chief of the 
Bergies, with twenty-four laks of rupees and five elephants, to 
desert with his followers from the King and harass his camp". 
Accordingly, Handiatum deserted the army of the Sultan, who 
was consequently compelled to retreat to his own kingdom, 
" leaving Mustafa Khan to protect the frontiers" l . 

9. Towards the beginning of the l/th century Vijaya- 
nagara was free from the Muhammadan attacks. The Jesuit 
letters are silent about the wars between Venkata and the 
Sultans of the Deccan, during the remainder of the former's 
reign. A great danger for those sovereigns was then rising in 
the North. In 1593, after the complete subjugation of the 
northern provinces, the Mughal Emperor Akbar had despatch- 
ed an army under the command of Prince Murad and Khan 
Khanan, to start the conquest of the Deccan. They be- 
sieged the city of Ahmadnagar, which was bravely defended 
by the gallant Regent Chand Bibi. Ahmadnagar, however, 
fell into the hands of Sultan Daniyal, Akbar's third son, seven 
years later in 1600 2 . 

At the same time Akbar, while still before the walls of 
Asirgarh, sent an embassy to the Emperor of Vijayanagara 3 . 
The account of this embassy has never been published 
hitherto. The letter of Fr. B.Coutinho which gives this informa- 

1. Ferishta, III, p. 141. It was probably not long after this event 
that Abdul Wahab was deputed by the Bijapur Sultan, with a 
powerful army to take the fort of Karnul. He invested the town, 
which was then governed by the last of its Hindu rulers, Gopala 
Raja, a grandson of Rama Raya, the Regent of Sadasiva. This cbief 
stoutly defended the town, which was strongly fortified. He was 
assisted, it is said, by a force sent by his relation the Emperor 
Venkata. Gopala Raja, however, was eventually forced to yield ; and 
he is said to have fled from the town through the northern gateway 
of the fort, still known as 'Gopal Darwaza '. Gopala 's palace, even in 
its present ruinous state, shows to this day its ancient beauty and 
richness. Cf. M. E. R., /P/5-/6, p. 44, para 26. 

2. Cf . Smith, Akbar, p. 266-72. 

3. Francois Valentyn, Oud en Nieuw Oost-lndien, IV, p. 214, 
says that Akbar "captured several cities of the kingdom of 
Narsinga (called otherwise Bisnagar and Vidjia Nagaar)". I am 
sure that Valentyn's information was not good on this occasion. 
He also says that Akbar reached Goa and Calicoet (Calicut), which 
is certainly false. 



tion is dated Chandragiri, August, 1600, and seems to have 
been written during the stay of the ambassador at the court. 
Fr. Coutinho does not give the name of the ambassador, but 
only states that ' he is a prudent and experienced man '. On 
reaching Chandragiri, since there was no building fitted for 
receiving such visitors, the official who was responsible for 
the entertainment of the ambassadors and their introduction to 
the King, asked the Jesuit Fathers to lodge him in their own 
house for two days. " We gave him a suitable place," says 
Fr. Coutinho, "where he is staying for a month. It is he who 
informed us of what our Fathers had done at Achebar's 
{ Akbar's) court". The reason why the ambassador of Chandra- 
giri stayed so long was that Venkata did not receive him in 
audience till he had waited twenty days, " as he (Venkata) had 
been warned by his councilors ", says the aforesaid Jesuit, " not 
to trust Achebar; because, if those three Muhammadan kings 
of Abdenegan or Melique ( Ahmadnagar), Dialcan (Bijapur) 
and Mussalepatan (Golkonda) were to submit to him, he would 
easily also bring the Bisanagara Empire under his sway. On 
hearing this, the King, they say, replied that his kingdom was in 
the hands of God, and that ' if He wishes to deprive me, he said, 
of my Empire, who will be able to stop Him ? So much is 
certain, however, I shall never kiss the feet of a Muhammadan ; 
should he come over here, war is sure to follow' ". 

At last Akbar's envoy was received by Venkata. He 
presented the Emperor with four horses and other gifts on 
behalf of his sovereign, but Venkata returned them to the 
ambassador ; the sums of money he had brought as a present 
were also handed back to him by Venkata's order ' to defray 
his expenses'. Fr. Coutinho says nothing of the political 
affairs discussed by the Hindu sovereign and the Muhammadan 
ambassador ; he only states that the latter was loud in his 
praises regarding the Jesuits at his Lord's court, who held 
them in great honour *. " The King in his reply, " continues 
Coutinho, " said that he, too, was quite pleased with us. More- 

1. The Jesuits who were then at Akbar's court were those of 
the third expedition, viz. Fr. Jerome Xavier, Fr. Manoel Pinheiro and 
Bro, Bento de Goes, 


over, he added that he would give us a church, house and 
whatsoever we needed " l . 

10. The suspicions aroused among the nobles at the court 
of Venkata were very well grounded. Fr. Jerome Xavier who 
was in Akbar's retinue when he was about to besiege the fort of 
Asirgarh in the kingdom of Kandesh, writes that " the purpose 
of this journey was to conquer Goa and the Malabar and the 
whole kingdom of Bisnaga (Vijayanagara) after having taken 
the Deccan kingdoms " 2 . And one of the secret purposes of 
the embassy to the court of Venkata was probably to examine 
the efficiency of his army and the strength of his fortresses, in 
order to en able Akbar to plan his intended campaign in the South. 
Fr. Xavier informs us that this was Akbar's method of ascer- 
taining the enemy's strength. " And for this purpose, (vis. for 
conquering Goa), he very often sends some one of his courtiers 
to Goa with the title of ambassador. But it is understood 
that he is really a spy, sent in order to see either what the 
Portuguese are doing or what they are able to do ; and he does 
this at the time of the arrival of the ships from Portugal, in 
order to estimate how much wealth and how many people have 
come " a . The same kind of espionage was probably now 
employed in the court of Venkata. Hence Fr. Coutinho rightly 
suspected that the formidable army, headed by excellent 
generals which Venkata had assembled round him, was for no 
other purpose than " for driving back the army of Akbar, and 
garrisoning the northern cities and fortresses against the Mughal 
invasion " 4 . 

After a while the fortress of Asirgarh too fell into Akbar's 
hands. 5 . That event added fresh encouragement to the old 

1. From Fr. B. Coutinho to Fr. N. Pimenta, Chandragiri, July 
17th, 1600, Ap. C, No. V. Of. Anquetil du Perron, 1. c., p. 168. 

2. Guerrero Cric), Relation Anual en los anosde 600 y 601, p. 17 ; 

Du Jarric, III, p. 43. 

3. Guerrero (sic), o. c., p. 2944. Of. Heras, The Emperor Ak 
and the Portuguese Settlements, Indo-Portugucse Review, 1924, p. 20. 

4. From Fr. B. Coutinho to Fr. N. Pimenta, Chandragiri, Jul&l 
17th, 1600, Ap. C t No. V. 

5. Of. Haras, The Siege and Conquest of the Fort of Asirgarli, 



Emperor's imperial ambition, which would not be satisfied until 
he had the whole of India under his feet ; and accordingly four 
years later another embassy was despatched to Venkata's 
court, to get fresh information of the Hindu ruler's position. 
The annual letter of the Province of Malabar, of the years 
1604 1606, informs us that the Jesuit Provincial could only be 
received by Venkata after some days, because there were at 
that time at Chandragiri several embassies waiting for the 
King's audience ; and one of these legations was that of the 
Mughal Emperor *. Death suddenly cut short the warlike 
projects of Akbar in the following year. 

II. Another embassy that the Jesuit Provincial found at 
Chandragiri in 1604 was one from Ibrahim Adil Shah II of 
Bijapur 2 . No other information is given about this legation ; 
it means however that the two sovereigns, though formerly 
irreconcilable foes, became friends in face of the common 
enemy. And probably even Bijapur went to the length of 
inviting Vijayanagara to form a defensive alliance against the 
ambitious schemes of the Mughal Emperor, as she herself had 
been invited by the Portuguese Viceroy, with further instructions, 
to seek the co-operation of the other Deccani Sultans a . Such an 
alliance served no useful purpose ; forty years later we see both 
Bijapur and Golkonda taking possession of the territories and 
fortresses of Vijayanagara ; and subsequently the great-grand- 
son of Akbar, Aurangzeb, also appears on the stage sweeping 
away the relics of those two Muslim thrones and obliterating 
the ruins of the Hindu Empire. 

1. Litterae Annuae of the Province of Malabar, 1604-1606, Ap. 
C, No. XXII. 

2. Ibid. 

3. Heras, The Portuguese Alliance with the Muhatnmadan Kingdoms 
of the Deccan, B. B. R. A.S., I (N.S.), p. 125. 



SUMMARY. 1. Behaviour of Virappa Nayaka towards Venkata II. 
2. Virappa's death. 3. Short reign of Visvappa Nayaka. 4 
Accession of Krishnappa Nayaka II. Death of Ariyanatha 
Mudaliyar. 5. Krishnappa's piety. His war with Travancore 
and relations with the Pandyas. 6. His rebellion against 
Vijayanagara. 7. Death of Krishnappa Nayaka II. Short reign 
of Kasturi Rangappa Nayaka. 8. Accesion of Muttu Krishnappa 
Nayaka. His action in the Fishery Coast. 9 Establishment of 
the Dynasty of the Setupatis at Ramnad. 10. The reign of 
Tirumalai Udaiyan Setupati. 11. Friendly relations between 
Muttu Krishnappa and Venkata II. 12. His successor Muttu 
Virappa Nayaka. 13. War between Madura and Vijayanagara.- 
14. War between Madura and Tanjorc. 

CONTEMPORARY SOURCES. 1. Hindu inscriptions and grants. 2. 
Pandy an Chronicle, Supplementary MSS., Mrtyunjaya MSS., History of 
t}ie Karnataka Governors, Chronicle of the Acts of the Setupatis. 3. 
Jesuit letters. 4. Moncoes do Reino (Pangim Archives). 5. Du 
Jarric. 6. Anquetil du Perron. 7. Chikkadcvaraya Vamsavali. 

THE southern throne was still in possession of the grandson 
of Visvanatha, Virappa Nayaka. After the defeat sustained 
by his forces in the battle of Vallaprakara at the hands of 
Venkata, while Viceroy of the Tamil country *, Virappa 
rendered unwilling submission to the Emperor of Vijayanagara, 
as several inscriptions of the first years of Venkata's reign 
prove. In 1586, Virappa requested and obtained from 
Venkata the Dalavay Agraharam plates, by which the 
village Ganga Varappatti with other villages around were 
given to a number of Brahmans. The plates say that Virappa 
was then ' living gloriously * 2 . An inscription of 1588 of Ven- 
kata himself at Pirammalai, Tiruppattur, Ramnad, shows that 
his sovereignty was at that time acknowledged in the Madura 

1. Of. Oh. XIII, No. 4. 

2. Ep. Ind., XII, p. 187, vv. 41-66 and 67-79. 


country 1 . Another inscription of the same year, at Erode, 
records a grant of Virappa, as Venkata's subordinate 2 . In 
!59oVenkata, while at Kumbakonam, granted some villages 
in the Tinnevelly district to a Vaishnava shrine under the 
management of a certain Krishna Das 3 ; this also shows that 
his jurisdiction over the Madura country was unquestioned. 
Then in 1592 the Emperor made another grant to a temple at 
Tirukkurungudi, also in the Tinnevelly district 4 . But suddenly 
such acknowledgements of Venkata's suzerainty over the South 
are no more found. What is the cause of this interruption ? 

Prof. Sathyanatha Aiyar says that there is no doubt about 
Virappa's loyalty to Venkata 5 . But we are sure that on this 
occasion the former's rebellion, recorded in the Chikkadevaraya 
Vamsavali, took place. Anquetil du Perron says that before the 
year 1595, the Madura Nayaka refused to pay due homage to 
the Emperor of Vijayanagara on the ground that the latter had 
murdered his legitimate sovereign c . This cannot be under- 
stood to refer to Virappa's first rebellion which took place about 
1583. For then Venkata was merely Viceroy of the Tamil 
country ; moreover both sources, the French traveller and the 
Hindu poem, state that at the time of this rebellion of the 
Madura Nayak, Venkata was already seated on the jewelled 
throne of Vijayanagara. 

Again, Anquetil du Perron informs us that the first 
manifestation of this rebellion was the refusal to pay the 
tribute 7 . At once " Venkatapati Raya declared war against 
Virappa Nayaka of Madura", says the Chikkadevaraya Vamsa- 
valtj " and laid siege to the fort of Madura with a large 
army" 8 . The subseqent details given by this poem are not at all 

1. Sewell, I, p. 297 ; Rangacharya, II, p. 1189, 223. 

2. 13 of 1891. 

3. Sewell, II, p. 3. 

4. Ibid., I, p. 315. 

5. Sathyanatha Aiyar, History of the Nayaks, p. 81. 

6. Anquetil du Perron, 1. c., p. 166. This rebellion or the follow- 
ing one of Krishnappa II is mentioned in the Litterae Annuae of the 
Province of Malabar, 1606-1607, Ap. C, No. XXVI. 

7. Ibid. 

8. 8. Krishnaswami Aiyangar, Sources, p. 302-3. 


trustworthy J . But Anquetil du Perron records the forcible 
submission of the Nayak before 1595 2 , which means a second 
defeat of Virappa by the imperial army. 

2. In the beginning of September of the same year, 1595 
Virappa Nayaka died after a reign of 22 years and several 
months 3 . His last known inscription, dated 1594, records 
the building of the temple of Kadirinaga Perumal and of a tank 
by his agent 4 . During his reign a mandapa was constructed 
in the Sundaresvara temple at Madura in 1582 r> ; and he is 
said to have " levied tribute from every country " 6 . His right- 
hand man in Government affairs, according to the Pudukkottai 
plates of Srivallabha and Varatungarama Pandya, was Tiru- 
malairaja 7 . This chiefs grandfather was Rama Nayaka, and 
his father Timma Nayaka. He was the chief of Chintalapalli, 
and a great devotee of the god Sri Ranganatha of Srirangam ; 
he was brave in war, generous, just and courteous 8 . We have 

1. Accorrding to this poem, " Virappa Nayaka managed to bribe 
the several generals df the Emperor's army. Tirumala Raya, the 
Emperor's nephew, was also one of those who accepted the bribe and, 
without continuing the siege of Madura, retired to the capital of his 
own viceroyalty to Seringapatam". Dr. 8. Krishnaswami Aiyangar, 
Sources, p. 19 and p. 248, note; and Mr. Richards, Salem Gazetteer, 
p. 67, admit this account without further discussion. Of. Sathyanatba 
My &r, History of the Nayaks, p. 17; p. 81, note 17, and p. 99, note 9, where 
Dr. Krishnaswami gives a similar account of the course of events. 
This account is quite inconsistent with the information given by 
Anqutil du Perron, viz. the submission of the Nayak, confirmed by 
tbe inscriptions of his successor Xrishnappa II, early in 1595. Nei- 
ther can we believe that Prince Tirumala was one of the generals of 
the army ; for he would have been too young then for such a task. 
The whole passage seems to be a poet's concoction for justifying Raja 
Wodeyar's capture of Seringapatam. "Hearing of these events", 
continues the poem, " the Mysore chief Raja Wodeyar resolved to 
drive the traitor Tirumala Raya from his Viceroyalty". 1. c. Now the 
poet speaks of this capture of Seringapatam as immediately following 
Tirumala's supposed treason in Madura. Fourteen years separate 
these two events. 

2. Anquetil du Perron, 1. c. 

3. Mrtyunjaya MSS., Taylor, O.H.MSS., II, p. 119. Of. Sathyanatha 
Aiyar, History of the IXayaks, p. 83. 

4. 470 of 1907. 

5. 35 of 1908. 

6. 470 of 1907. 

7. T.AS., I, p. 61-2. 

8. Ibid., p. 84, w, 61-67. 


seen him opposing Venkata's army at Vallaprakara. His 
activity in the government of Madura was probably due to the 
old age of Ariyanatha Mudaiiyar. 

Virappa continued his predecessor's policy with the 
Pandyas. About 1583, his officer Tirumalairaja obtained from 
Srivallabha and Varatungarama Pandya the grant of the village 
of Pudukkottai for a number of Brahmans *. The whole text 
of the grant shows a most intimate friendship between the 
Madura Nayak and the representatives of the old rulers of the 
Pandya country. 

3. Periya Virappa Nayaka " had three sons, who were 
named respecively Visvappa Naicher, Kumara Krishnappa 
Naicher, and Kasturi Rangappa Naicher. Among these, 
Visvappa Naicher was crowned " 2 . Thus does the History of 
the Karnataka Governors announce the succession to the throne 
of Madura after the death of Virappa Nayaka. We can no longer 
entertain any doubt about the existence of this intermediate 
king between Virappa and Krishnappa II. The Supplementary 
MSS. also mention Visiappa or Visvappa as having ruled after 
the death of his father, and as having been succeeded by his 
younger brother, Kumara Krishnappa 3 . His statue under the 
name of Visvama Nayaka may also be seen, though misplaced, 
among the statues of the Nayaks, in the famous Tirumala's Pudu 
Mandapa at Madura 4 . The aforesaid History states that 'his 
brother Kumara Krishnappa Naicher was second to him in 
power '. This does not mean that both brothers were Kings, as 
Mr. Rangachari assumes fl . Only one, Visvappa, is said to 
have been crowned ; while Krishnappa was, during the life of 
his brother, only Chinna Dorai, 'associated in the government*. 

1. Ibid., p. 84, vv. 68-77. 

2. Taylor, O. H. MSS., II, p. 25. 

3. Ibid., I, p. 205. In one of Mrtyunjaya MSS., Ibid., II, p. 260, 
Visvappa is called the younger brother of Krishnappa II. 

4. The inscription over the fourth of these statues is damaged 
and illegible ; but it cannot be other than the name of Visvanatha, 
Periya Krishnappa's brother. Cf, Heras, The Statues of the Nayaks of 
Madura, Q.J. M. S., XV, p. 212. 

5. Rangacbari, History of the Naik Kingdom,, Ind. Ant, XLV, p. 


Visvappa Nayaka's reign must have been short. The Tamil 
chronicles mentioned above do not give any date ; but since 
Krishnappa is mentioned in the future inscriptions we may 
conclude that Visvappa's reign had ended. In an inscription 
of l696Kumara Krishnappa appears as ruling over Madura 1 ; 
and in a copper-plate grant of 1597 the same Kumar a Krishnappa 
is styled ' the Pandya King ' 2 . 

4. "After this", says the History of the Karnataka 
Governors^ "the crown devolved on Kumara Krishnappa 
Naicher, and Kasturi Rangappa Naicher was his second in 
power" 3 . Kasturi was then only 'associated in the Govern- 
ment/ The most notable event that occurred during the reign 
of Krishnappa II was the death of his minister, Ariyanatha 
Mudaliyar. While Krishnappa was ruling, Ariyanatha is said, 
in the Mrtyunjaya MSS., to have 'delivered up both seal-rings 
to his lord and obtained the world of Siva (/. <?. died) ' 4 . The 
date given by this chronicle corresponds to April IQth, I $88, 
which is clearly wrong, as the same MSS. place his demise in 
the reign of Kumara Krishnappa II. Prof. Sathyanatha Aiyar 
gives the year 1600 as an approximate date for Ariyanatha's 
end 5 . 

We read in the Mrtyunjaya MSS. that Ariyanatha Mudali- 
yar "held the united offices of minister and generalissimo during 
four reigns, or thirty-eight years and nine months" 6 . I feel 
sure that the power and efficiency of Ariyanatha in the Govern- 
ment of Madura have been hitherto exaggerated. Mr. Ranga- 
chari describes him as the real sovereign of the southern 
country T . Such a mistake comes probably from Ariyanatha's 
account in the Mrtyunjaya MSS. That document is a 

1. 404 of 1907. ~~ 

2. Sewell, II, p. 19. 

3. Taylor, O. H. MSS., II, p. 25. Kumara Krishnappa's statue is 
placed in Tirumala's choultrie before the one of Visvappa, under the 
name of Lingama Nayaka, which seems to be another name of 
Kumara Krishnappa. Of. Nelson, p. 107. 

4. Ibid., p. 119. 

5. Sathyanatha Aiyar, History of the Nayaks, p. 86. 

6. Taylor, o. c., II, p. 119. 

7. Rangachari, o. c., Ind. Ant., XLV, p. 91. 



panegyric on this minister very far from the truth, as we have 
already remarked a little above. The story of his appointment 
as Emperor of Vijayanagara by the dying sovereign Rama Raya 
on the battlefield of Raksas-Tagdi, and of the subsequent 
undertakings of Ariyanatha, is evidently false. Such a document 
is not at all trustworthy when praising its hero, specially as 
there is absolutely no evidence of his dominating influence. 
Moreover the silence of the inscriptions about him, specially in 
the reign of Virappa Nayaka (who is described by Mr. Ranga- 
chari as a puppet in the minister's hands) is worth considering 
while writing the history of Madura. I am however far 
from denying ^he general influence of Ariyanatha throughout 
the Pandya country as the prime minister of four successive 
Nayaks. His architectonic works are still an enduring proof of 
his efficiency in his post. The Mrtyunjaya AfSS., say that 
he 'constructed thousand-pillared choultries in Madura, 
Tinnevelly and other places ' *. His equestrian statue at the 
entrance of the thousand-pillared mandapa of the famous temple 
at Madura is the most evident proof of Ariyanatha's power, 
under the first Nayak of Madura. 

5. Krishnappa Nayaka II is said, in the Vellangudi 
plates of Venkata II, to have been a very pious monarch : "He 
gave to the god Rangapati a kavacha studded with precious 
stones, a similarly bejewelled ushnisha, yellow silk garments, 
neck-laces, crown, earrings, waist-zones, and presented him 
further with villages and gardens, and made arrangements for 
the celebration of car festivals and the daily services. He set 
up a number of lights in the presence of the god Sundara 
Nayaka; made arrangements for bathing the image of the god in 
milk and for the car festival... He performed the ceremony of 
weighing himself against gold... he founded agraharas for 
Brahmans and protected them ; he paid the Brahmans enough 
money to enable them thereby to redeem their lands situated in 
the countries of other kings, which were mortgaged for the pur- 
poses of paying taxes" 2 . 

Fr. Pimenta, who knew him person ally, gives another proof 

1. Taylor, o.c., II, p. 111. 
8, Ef. Ind., XVI, p. 320, 


of his piety. " Hee daily sits in judgment," says he, "a Bramene 
standing by, which ever and anone whinet out the name of the 
I doll Aranganassa (Ranganatha) ; and when one is weary 
another succeedeth and continueth that exclamation, though 
hee sits six houres " ! . 

In the same Vellangudi plates, and again in the Padmaneri 
grant of Venkata II, he is called ' the conqueror or taker of 
the army of Panchar Tiruvadi ' 2 - Fr. Pimenta, the Jesuit 
Visitor who, in the year 1596, passed through Travancore, 
relates that the king of Travancore had "certified to us that 
the king of Madura was coming against him with seventy 
thousand armed men and many elephants " \ Three years 
later, in 1599, when the Archbishop ofGoa, Frey Aleixo de 
Menezes, was in Malabar, he. could not meet the king of 
Travancore, who " was at the frontier of his kingdom, defending 
it against the attacks of the Nayque of Madura (the Madura 
Nayak)" 4 . The same account states a little later that this 
war was made towards the South of the Travancore kingdom 5 . 
We do not know the result of this war, which was probably 
due to the refusal of the Travancore king to pay the 
tribute ; but we deduce that the Madura Nayak was victorious, 
from the fact that Fr. Barradas, writing from Cochin on 
December 1 2th, 1616, says that the king of Travancore is under 
the Nayak of Madura 6 . 

The relations between the Pandyas and the ruling family 
of Madura continued most friendly. The Pandya prince 
Abhirama Ativirarama, had a chief named Ayyakarappa, son 
of Peddappa and grandson of Nagama Nayaka, who bore the 
title of Kanchipuradhisa, being probably a nephew of Visvanatha 
Nayaka. At his request the aforesaid Pandya granted two 

1. From Fr. N. Pimonta to Fr. C. Aquaviva, Purchas, X, p. 219. 

2. Vellangudi plates of Venkata II, Ej>. Ind., XVI, p. 320; 
Padmaneri grant,of Venkata II, Ibid., p. 227, vv. 67-77. 

3. From Fr. N. Pimenta to Fr. C. Aquaviva, Purchas, X, p. 
206. Cf. Du Jarric, I, p. 627. 

4. Gouvea, lornada do Arcebispo dc Goa, p. 37. 

5. Ibid., p. 95 back. 

6. Sewell, p. 230. 


villages, Muvaraikondram and Sattaleri, naming them Ped- 
dappanayaksamudram, to sixty-nine Brahmans, on October 
2nd, 1593 i. Some years later the same Pandya, at the request 
of Ramakrishnappa Nayaka who was ' sitting on the lion throne 
of Vailabha Narendra, ' granted the village oi Nadikkudi, under 
the name of Ativiraramapura, to a number of Brahmans -. 
Ativirarama acknowledged the sovereignty of Venkata II, as 
an inscription of the year 1595, recording a grant of a piece of 
land to three private persons, proves 3 . 

6. In the beginning of his reign Krishnappa II appears as 
faithful feudatory of Venkata II. In 1597 Venkatapati, at the 
request of Krishnappa Nayaka, who is styled ' King Krishna, 
the Pandya King ', issued a grant of the two villages Marudan- 
gudi and Karupuram in the Madura district to several 

1. Catalogue of Copper-Plate Grants in the Government Museum, 
Madras, p. 33. 

2. Dalavay Agrabaram plates of Ativirarama Pandya, T. A. S., 
I, p. 134 ; Sewell, II, p. 31. 

3. 615 of 1915. The above-mentioned account of the travels of 
Archbishop Menezes through Malabar gives some interesting details 
about this Pandya King and his dealings with the Christians. He is 
called by Fr.Gouvea Punhati Perumal, but must be identified with Ati- 
virarama, the then ruling Pandya, because of the following words of 
the same author : "Oqual Rey foy antigamente senhor do Pande 
(Pandya), mas co guerras que teue com o Naique de Manduree, veyo 
a estas serras, & na falda dellas comprou muitas serras (terras?) ao 
Rcy de Tecacutes (?) aonde agora mora, posto que inda Ihe obedecem 
algus pouos no Pande". It happened at this time that a tribe called 
of the Mallcas, who were under his dominion, wished to become 
Christians. They requested an olla from the Pandya King, securing 
them from molestation on account of their conversion. The olla was 
duly obtained through the influence of an old Christian who ' was 
the chairman of his council '. This olla caused great excitement 
among the courtiers and Brahmans of the Pandya sovereign. They 
told him thai the neighbouring kings were ready to wage war with 
him, if the olla were not cancelled ;and the king of Turugure (a palai- 
yakaran) would also cause damage to the Pandya King's territory, by 
diverting the course of a river that was the source of much fertility 
to it. The mother of the Pandya sovereign was the first to try this 
olla revoked; but the King always replied that ( he would never revoke 


Vaishnava Brahmans . In 1598 Krishnappa obtained from 
Venkata, who is acknowledged the paramount sovereign and 
original donor, the village of Padmaneri, surnamed Tirumalam- 
bapuram, for a number of Brahmans, most of whom were well 
versed in the Vedas -. In this grant of Venkata, Kumar a 
Krishnappa is called ' Lord of the southern Ocean ' 3 . In the 
same year the Emperor, again at the request of Krishnappa, 
granted as an agrahara to a large number of Brahmans and 
Brahman ladies, the village of Vellangudi with five others 
around it 4 . But in the year 1599 Krishnappa II again with- 
held the payment of tribute ; and Venkata himself had to march 
against him. " Hee (Venkata) ", says Fr Pimenta, "was now 
embroiled in warre with the Naichus of Madure " 5 . 

Fr. Du Jarric gives some more information about this war. 
From his narrative, it is certain that Venkata himself took 
the supreme command of his army against the Nayak of Madura. 
Probably one of his generals was Matta Ananta, who is said in 
the Sidhout inscription of 1605 to have 'led the campaign 
against the king of Madura' 6 . Krishnappa, seeing himself 
unable to fight against the imperial army, agreed to an un- 

what he had once promised to Archbishop Menezes '. As a matter of 
fact, some subjects of the Pandya King, called Mouros (Muhammadans) 
by Qouvea, proceeded to the court of the king of the Tecankutes 
(sic), and finally succeeded in inducing this chief to threaten Punhati 
Perumal. A letter of the former against Pcrumal is mentioned by 
Gouvea, but no action between them is recorded. Most likely the 
Pandya sovereign apologized, and the false accusations of his subjects 
were unmasked. Gouvea relates that the Christian church of the 
Malleas was finally completed in spite of great difficulties. Gouvea, 
lornada do Arccbispo de Goa, p. 82 back. 

1. Sewell, II, p. 19 ; Rangacharya, II, p. 1002, 91. 

2. Ep. fnd., XVI, p. 288-9, and p. 297, vv. 45-57. 

3. Ibid., p. 297, vv. 67-77. 

4. Ibid., p. 320.1, and p. 302. 

5 From Fr.N. Pimenta, tp Fr. C. Aquaviva, Purchas, X, p. 210. 

6. Af. E. R. t 1916, para 75. S. Krishnaswami Aiyangar, Sources, p. 
248*9, translates this passage as follows : " He protected the flying 
armies of the Madura chief from destruction/* This version is incon- 
sistent with the loyalty of this chief. 


conditional submission to Venkata. He was on this occasion 
made to pay something more than the usual annual tribute, viz. 
twelve millions of gold coins ; for to the ordinary tribute was 
added a war indemnity J . 

7. After a short reign, Krishnappa Nayaka II died between 
May and June of 1601, according to the Mrtyunjaya MSS. Z . 
Muhammad Sharif Hanafi, who was at this time travelling 
through southern India, informs us that a few days after his 
arrival at Madura, "the ruler died and went to the lowest hell. 
This chief, " he continues, " had 700 wives, and they all threw 
themselves at the same time into the fire " 8 . An ins- 
cription of 1600 at Sermadevi seems to be the last one of his 
reign ; it mentions Murti Settiyar, an agent of Krishnappa 
Nayaka 4 . He had been seriously ill in the beginning of his 
reign, about the end of 1597. After his recovery he retired to a 
country house, in a delightful place far from the crowds of the 
city, ostensibly for the sake of health 5 . But Fr. Pimenta, 
who passed through Madura a little after Krishnappa's retire- 
ment, gives another reason : " The Naichus of Madure is very 
superstitious, and resigned his Palace to his Idol Chichanada 
upon the authority of a Priest who said the Idol by night 
had bidden him tell the King that he or I must dwell in this 
house " e. 

Krishnappa II had a son ; but according to the Pandyan 
Chronicle he had died before his father \ There was also a 

1. Du Jarric, I, p. 685-6. 

2. Taylor, O. //. MSS., II, p. 119. Cf. Sathyanatha Aiyar, o. c., p. 

- 3. Majalisu-s Salatin, Elliot, VII, p. 139. The author does not 
give the date of his visit to Madura. Anyhow wo know that the work 
was compiled in his old age in 1628. Now in his journey to Madura ho 
was accompanied by his father. Hence he could not be then more 
than 35 years of age. Now supposing that lie was about 60 when his 
book was compiled, he was about 33 when Krishnappa Nayaka II died. 
We therefore conclude that this Krishnappa Nayaka was the ruler 
referred to by Sharif Hanafi. 

4. 717 of 1916. 

5. Da Jarric, I, p. 649. 

6. From Fr. N. Pimenta to Fr. C. Aquaviva, Purchas, X, p. 219. 

7. Taylor, o. c., I, p. 38. 


son of the eldest brother, Visvappa } ; but since he was a 
child 2 , or perhaps, a young man, his uncle * Kasturi Rangappa 
Naicher was crowned ' :{ . Thus docs the History of the Kar- 
nataka Governors announce the successor to the throne of 
Madura after the death of Krishnappa II. Both the Pandyan 
Chronicle 4 and the Supplementary MSS., support this 5 ; and no 
confirmation was needed from Kasturi's statue, which stands in 
Tirumala's choultrie at Madura immediately before the one of 
Mutu Krishnappa. 

We cannot say how long Kasturi's reign lasted. Both 
the Supplementary MSS., fi and the History of the Karnataka 
Governors 1 affirm that he reigned seven years ; but then 
there would be no room for Muttu Krishnappa, his nephew, 
who died in 1608. Hence we prefer to admit the authority 
of the Pandyan Chronicle, which also gives more details 
about his end. According to it "Kasturi Rangappa, after 
having been crowned, died eight days after wards... on the 
opposite bank (of the river Vygai), wheie he was residing" 8 . 

8. After Kasturi's death Muttu Krishnappa Nayaka, son 
of Visvappa Nayaka, ascended the Pandya throne 9 . One of 
the first things intended by the new King of Madura in 
1603-4 was to oppress with new taxes the Paravas of the 
Fishery Coast. During the reign of Krishnappa Nayaka II 
these poor Christians had been tyranically treated by two 

1. Mrtyunjaya MSS., Taylor, o.c., II, p. 260; Kuniyur plates of Ven- 
kata III, Ep. Ind., Ill, p. 239. The Pandyan Chronicle does not state 
whose son he was. The History of the Karnataka Governors \ Taylor, o.c., 
II, p. 25, and the Supplementary MSS., Ibid., 1, p. 206, make him son of 
Krishnappa Nayaka II. The first opinion seems however the most 

2. Supplementary MSS., Taylor, o.c., I, p. 206 ; History of the Karna- 
taka Governors, Ibid., II, p. 25. 

3. History of the Karnataka Governors, 1. c. 

4. Taylor, o. c., I, p. 38. 

5. Ibid., p. 206. 

6. Ibid. 

7. Ibid., II, p. 25. 

8. Ibid., I, p. 38. 

9. Pandyan Chronicle, Ibid., History of the Karnataka Governors, 
Ibid., II, p. 26; Supplementary MSS., Ibid., I, p. 206, 


Palaiyakarans of the neighbourhood. One is styled in th 
Jesuit sources 'King of Tuticurin 1 . The Paravas of the 
neighbourhood also used to pay him an annual tribute. But 
when this chief demanded from the poor folk of Tuticorin a 
heavier sum, the latter refused to pay it. The petty king could 
not brook such a flagrant breach of obedience. He marched 
his army against Tuticorin, entered it by surprise, sacked the 
whole town, robbed the College of the Jesuits and destroyed 
the altars and images of their Church. The Father who was 
then in the College, and whose name is not given, was captured 
by the soldiers of the so-called king and carried to their 
capital, where he was kept in captivity till a ransom of four 
thousand cruzados was paid by the Paravas. Now these 
much-vexed people demanded from the Palaiyakaran some 
sort of amends for the injuries done both to them and 
to the Catholic Church. But the chief was rather inclined 
not to trouble himself as far as this satisfaction was concerned. 
On seeing this the Paravas of Tuticorin abandoned their city, 
and proceeded in a body to the little island called 'of the Kings/ 
a league from the sea-shore, where they settled. Later on 
fortifications were built round the island, by the license of the 
Viceroy Ayres de Saldanha l . Naturally the escape of 
the Paravas from the continent was not a welcome news to the 
covetous Nayak of Madura. But another event, that followed 
soon after still more infuriated the Madura sovereign. 

The Palaiyakaran of Vigiabadi (Vijayapati), named Ariya 
Perumal, was likewise heavily oppressing the Paravas that 
inhabited the tract between Cape Comorin and Manapadu. 
Once he besieged the village of Obari and took all its 
inhabitants prisoners to his capital. The Paravas could 
not stand such a humiliation. They secretly resolved 
to attack Vijayapati by night, in order to take revenge 
on the extortions of their tyrants. Early in October, 1602, 
the chiefs and promoters of the expedition, with 300 young 
men well equipped, (who were not yet cognizant of the 
purpose of the enterprise), embarked at Manapadu on six 

1. Guexreiro, Relacam ano de 606. 6- 607, p. 607. Of. 
Besse, La Mission du Madure, p. 409-10, 


boats. A tremendous storm dispersed the boats before 
they reached their destination, and at the break of day only 
two of them had arrived at the shores of Vijayapati. The 
garrison of the town was sleeping. Ariya Perumal himself and 
his nobles, who had held a festivity till the small hours in the 
morning, were also in a sound sleep. The brave Paravas crossed 
the ditch and entered the town without opposition and 
pitilessly slew ail they came accross. On hearing of the 
attack Ariya Perumal left his palace and hid himself in one of 
the houses of the town. There he was finally found. It seems 
he begged to be brought alive as a prisoner to the presence of 
the missionary at Manapadu ; but his request was not granted, 
and he was barbarously slain. His head was cut off and brought 
to Manapadu as a glorious trophy of that campaign. The 
Jesuit letter which affords this information states that not even 
one of the Parava heroes was wounded on that occasion l . 

Muttu Krishnappa Nayaka could not leave such a crime 
unpunished. An extraordinary heavy tribute of 200,000 
cruzados was exacted from the poor Paravas the same year. To 
obtain it he despatched a body of 5.0OO infantry with a number 
of cavalry and elephantry, under a captain. This detachment 
went straight to Tuticorin, which had been abandoned some 
months before. The captain then sent for one of the Jesuits who 
were in the island called of the kings. The Jesuit actually came, 
but replied that the Paravas could not pay such a large sum of 
money. On hearing this the captain gave orders that one of 
the neighbouring villages should be attacked. They did so, but 
at the same time the Portuguese captain of the island of Manar, 
who was then in the island of the kings with two galliots full 
of soldiers, proceeded with them to the sea-shore of Tuticorin 
and began an attack on the Hindu temple built near the city. 
All the priests and devotees of that shrine then ran to the Telugu 
captain begging for mercy, lest their temple should be destroy- 
ed. Shortly after pourparleurs were opened between the Jesuit 
missionery and the captain of the Nayak, which ended 
in the latter's retreat to Madura with his soldiers 2 . 

1. Besse, o. c., 404-7. 

2. Ibid., p. 407-8. The Jesuit letters mentioned two other 


These facts show how strange was the situation of these 
poor folks of the Fishery Coast. Oppressed with taxes and 
depredations by their natural lords, they had to be protected 
by a foreign people, whose sovereign in Europe took great in- 
terest in their welfare. When that monarch was informed of this 
new exaction, he wrote to his Viceroy as follows : "Manoel de 
Cunha, father of the Christians of the Fishery Coast, I re- 
commend you to help those Christians as much as possible, and 
to employ all possible means to hinder the said Naique from 
making such extortions any more" l . 

This information, referring to the control of the Nayak of 
Madura over the Fishery Coast, is confirmed both by the fact 
that Muttu Krishnappa's son, jjrtuttu Virappa, made a gift of 
land to the Bhagavati temple at Cape Comorin in 1606 2 , and 
by Fr.A. Laerzio's letter of November 20th, 1609, describing the 
Paravas as tributaries of the Madura Nayak and the latter as 
the ally of the Portuguese 3 . 

9. Muttu Krishnappa is said to have been the founder of the 
Setupatis of Ramnad in the Marava country.. According to the 
Pandyamandala Cholamandala Tondamandala Rajakalthe Marava 
people were originally a colony of fishermen from Ceylon, who 
settled at Rameswaram as well as on the opposite coast 4 . In 
the early times, when the Chakravartins flourished, seven persons 
from among the inhabitants of the Ramnad coa^t were 

irruptions of the Badagas into the Fishery Coast, in 1603 and 1604. 
Cf. Besse, o. c,, p. 409-10 and 411. A new vexation of Muttu Krish- 
nappa Nayaka is recorded in the Jesuit letters of 1607, on the ccasion 
of the shipwreck of a Portuguese boat near the island of the kings. 
Cf. Guerreiro, o. c.,p. 109-10; Besse, o. C M p. 412-5. 

1. From King Phillip III to the Viceroy Marti m Affonso de 
Castro, Lisbon, February 26th, 1605, Ap. B, No. VIII. 

2. Cf. Nagam Aiya, The Travancore State, I, p. 302. 

3. Bertrand, La Mission du Mature, II, p. 2. Cf. Guerreiro, 
o. c., p. 107-8. 

4. Wilson, The Mackenzie Collection, p. 207. The poem adds that 
they were settled there by Rama after the conquest of Lanka, to 
guard the temple and protect the pilgrims; this cannot be admitted 
by history until proved. 


appointed to be its guardians ! . They had been under 
the Pandya kings ; but at the time of the Muhammadan 
invasion they attained their independence 2 , and several 
famous princes had since ruled over the Marava nation. 
Udaiyan Setupati in 1434 built the outer surrounding walls of 
the western gopuras of the Rameswaram temple ; and about 
1540 Tirumalai Setupati erected the southern half of the second 
prakara of the same temple, finished by his son Raghunatha 
Tirumalai Setupati \ Their main task was to watch over 
the causeway leading to Rameswaram and to protect the 
pilgrims. But after the conquest of the South by Visvanatha 
Nayaka the Setupatis had lost their old authority, and 
were mingled with the other palaiyakarans of the South. Muttu 
Krishnappa gave that house a considerable strip of land in the 
Marava country ; and this is the reason why he is considered 
the founder of that dynasty. This is how it happened. 

The History of the Karnataka Governors relates that the 
chief guru of Muttu Krishnappa, who was invested with the 
title of Kartarkal or lord, went once on a pilgrimage to 
Rameswaram. Udiyan Sethopathi (Udaiyan Setupati), a 
descendant of the old Setupatis 4 , whose task was to pro- 
tect the pilgrims going to Rameswaram, was then living in 
the village of Pugalur. " He escorted the chief guru safely to 
Ramiseram (Rameswaram), without allowing him to suffer any 
insult or molestation on the way ; and in like manner he also 
safely conducted him back again to Madura. Being greatly 
pleased with this attention, the chief guru introduced him as 
a skilful guide and safeguard on the road to Sethu". Con- 
sequently the chief was then presented by the Nayak with a 
number of villages, along with an honorary robe and various 
ornaments. On returning to Pugalur he built a fort there ; and 

1. Chronicle of the Acts of the Setupatis, Taylor, 0. H. A/55., II, Ap., 
p. 49. 

2. Cf. Ch. VI, No. 3. 

3. Burgess, p. 57. Cf. Sewell, II, p. 227. 

4. His father, or perhaps one of his relations, was one 
Muthuviraja Raghunatha Setupati, who in 1604 settled a dispute bet- 
ween two parties in the Ramnad country. 11 of 1911; Burgess, 
p. 62-3. Cf. Rangacharya, II, p. 1170,105. 


assembling some forces, subdued all the turbulent country around 
and reduced them to his own sovereignty. He collected a con- 
siderable sum of money from taxes levied upon the newly- 
subdued people, and brought it over to the Madura Nayak. 
Muttu Krishnappa was greatly pleased with such activity, and 
accordingly " gave him an unrestricted grant to subdue addi- 
tional people ; instructed him to see to the forest-lands, which 
yielded no revenue, that these be cleared and cultivated ; and 
wrote letters to the people commanding their submission to his 
Viceroy." Udaiyan Sethupati went back to his country, and 
without delay took possession of a greater tract of land, 
and divided the revenue into two parts, of which he kept 
one for himself and sent the other to the Madura king. 
Then Muttu Krishnappa sent for him and invested him 
with the title of Setupati, or chief of Setu, " bestowing on him 
elephants and horses, with vestments and ornaments ; and also 
gave him some banners or ensigns of dignity ; and in Madura 
had him consecrated to his viceroyalty, by the sprinkling of the 
water of the Ganges " l . This ceremony took place, accor- 
ding to the Chronicle of the Acts of the Setupatis, in A. D. 1606 2 . 

10. The History of the Karnataka Governors tells us that 
"Udiyan Sethopathi built a mud fort at Ramanathapuram 
(Ramnad), and ruled after the fashion of a king" 3 . And "the 
other six persons, who were also guardians, were included in 
his government and, together with all the inhabitants, yielded 
their consent " 4 . 

One of the first measures of the new Raja of Ramnad, as 
he is called in some inscriptions, was to make a gift of five 
villages to the temple of Ramanatha and Parvatavardhani at 
Rameswaram for worship and offerings, on November 20th, 
1606 5 . Then in a copper-plate, dated July 8th, 1607, Dalavay 
Setupati Kattadeva records another gift of eight villages near 

1. Taylor, o. c., II, p. 27-9. 

2. Ibid., Ap., p. 49. 

3. Ibid., p. 29. 

4. Ibid., Ap M p. 49. 

5. Catalogue of Copper-Plate Grants in the Government Museum, 
Madras, p. 37. 


Pamban to the same temple for the regular performance of the 
puja and of offerings \ Some days after, on the I7th of the 
same month, he gave a plot of land in the island of Rameswaram 
to a servant of the Ramanathaswami's temple 2 . Then in the 
year 1607, he made a gift of lands to the people ' of the five 
countries' who served as priests and cooks in the Rameswaram 
temple *. These grants prove the care of the newly- 
appointed Setupati for the performance of the Hindu rites on 
that famous spot, of which he had been nominated the guardian. 

An inscription of his of the following year 1608 at Rames- 
waram gives the list of his titles, which will appear again in 
some grants of his successors. Tirumalai Udaiyan Setupati is 
there styled " the lord of the city of Tevai ; the responsible 
agent for the protection of the Setu embankment ; the responsi- 
ble agent for the charities of Ramanathaswami, who is actively 
engaged in worshipping Siva; the chief of all other kings ; the 
destroyer of the army of the Ariyaraya, who cuts into a thou- 
sand pieces and three thousand pieces those failing in the 
correctness of their language ; who conquers all the country 
that he sees and never gives back a country once conquered ; 
the punisher of Muvaraya, the lord of the valorous and the 
fertile country, the protector of the Brahmans studying the 
Vedas ; who has put down the pride and prosperity of the valor- 
ous and inimical Yavana kings " 4 . 

During his time, in 1608 according to an inscription at 
Ramesvaram, the temple of Ramalingesvara was built 5 ; and 
it was at this time too that the sage Ramanatha, as other 
inscriptions testify, repaired the main temple at Ramesvaram 6 
and constructed the Kotitirtha mandapa in the same temple 7 . 

1. Ibid., p. 37 ; Sewell, II, p. 50 ; Burgess, p. 60-8. 

2. Catalogue, p. 38. Cf. Burgess, p. 75-8. 

3. Burgess, p. 65-6; Rangacharya, II, p. 1170, 110. 

4. Sewell, II, p. 6, Burgess, p. 65-66. 

5. 102 of 1903. 

6. Burgess, p, 59 ; Rangacharya, II, p. 1168, 78. 

7. 100 of 1900. The same Ramanatha had built in 1598 the Adal- 
mandapa in front of the central shrine of the Ramalingesvara temple 
at Ramesvaram. 99 of 1903. 


II. The relations between Muttu Krishnappa and the 
Emperor seem to have been of mutual friendship and under- 
standing. A. grant of Venkata II of the year 1601, to the 
Bhasyakata shrine in the Madanagopal temple of Madura, 
proves these relations to have been such from the beginning of 
his reign *. Then an inscription of 1606 at Villapuram, outside 
the dominions of Madura, records a gift of a garden as a 
reward to Muttu Krishnappa Nayaka 2 . Finally a coin which 
probably belongs to Muttu Krishnappa, is a proof , of the same. 
It bears on the obverse a standing figure of Vishnu with a fish 
the symbol of the Pandya kingdom on his right; and on the 
reverse this inscription : 'Venkatapa ' : *. 

Moreover in September, 1604, Venkata II received in 
audience a special envoy of the Nayak of Madura, as a Jesuit 
letter of the year 1906 tells us . And in 1608, the last year of 
Muttu Krishnappa's reign, another of his embassies reached 
Venkata's court. Fr. Coutinho, who was himself present at the 
public audience, gives in one of his letters a detailed account 
of the ceremony: " A very few days ago", he wrote on October 
Ilth, 1608, "the Naiques of Tangier and Madura sent their 
tribute consisting of 500 thousand cruzados and many sorts of 
presents to the King. In order to receive these (things), (the 
King) dressed himself as on the days of great celebration, 
with many ornaments of gold and precious stones. The one 
he bore on his chest was valued at a hundred thousand 
cruzados. We were present at this ceremony by a special 
privilege and permission of the King" 5 . 

1. 35 of 1908. 

2. 326 of 1917. 

3. Hultzsch, Coins of the Kings of Vijayanagam^ Ind. Ant., 
XX, p. 308, No. 37. Of. Ind. Ant., XLV, p. 104, and Brown, The Coins 
of India, p. 64. 

4. Litterac Annuae of tbc Province of Malabar, 1604-1606, Ap. C, 
No XII. 

5. From Fr. B. Coutinho to Fr. C. Aquaviva, Velloro, October 
lltb, 1608. Ap. C,No. XXIII. It may be seen from this how groundless 
is tbe statement of Sewell, p. 220 : "The Nayaks of Madura and 
Tanjore became independent in 1602." 


12. Muttu Krishnappa must have died either at the end 
of this year or in the beginning of the following year 1609 ; for 
there is an inscription of the first half of this year recording a 
gift of money to celebrate certain festivals for the merit of 
Muttu Virappa Nayaka, his successor l . This was the 
eldest of the three sons of Muttu Krishnappa ; the other 
two, according to the History of the Karnatdka Governors, 
were named Tirumali Naicker (who was destined to become 
famous in the history of southern India) and Kumara Muttu- 
Naicher *. Of these three Muttu Virappa succeeded his 
father 3 . 

Following the wise policy of his father, the new Madura 
ruler continued on good terms with Venkata II during the 
first years of his reign. An inscription in Madura belonging to 
the year 1609 records that Venkatapatidevaraya, at the request 
of Muttu Virappa Nayaka, made a gift of the village of 
Nagenalluru, surnamed Mudduviramahipalasamudra, on the 
northern bank of the Kaveri river, to Brahmans. The Nayak 
divided the village into 82 shares and distributed them to 
several learned Brahmans on November 1 3th 4 . 

13. But suddenly these mutual relations appear to have 
been broken. No more inscriptions are found showing the 
names of the Emperor and his Nayak together; the latter 
does not acknowledge his overlord any more. Early in 1610 a 
gift of land of his to the temple at Ambasamudram, Tinnevelly 5 , 

1. 87 of 1905. 

2. Taylor, o.c., II, p. 29. 1 do not know why Prof. Sathyanathu 
Aiyar, History of the Nayaks, p. 97, does not accept the existence of this 
third son of Muttu Krishnappa. The Mrtyunjaya MSS., Taylor, II, 
p. 260, and the Supplementary MSS., Ibid., I, p. 206, do not mention him 
because they only give the list of the Madura kings. The same must 
be said of the Kuniyur plates of Venkata III. Ep. Ind., III, p. 239. 
Silence in this case is not a good proof, when other sources mention 
Muttu Krishnappa's third son. 

3. Supplementary MSS., Taylor, I, p. 206 ; Mrtyunjaya MSS., Ibid.," 
p. 260; History of the Kamataka Governors, Ibid., II, p. 29. 

4. 9, Ap. A of 1906 ; Catalogue of Copper-Plate Grants in the Govern- 
ment Museum, Madras, p. 55 ; Rangacharya, II, p. 1003, 95. 

5. 122 of 1907. 


and an exemption from taxes of the Mudaliyar servants 
of the Sokkanatasvami temple at Madura 1 are both recorded, 
without mentioning Venkata. The same policy is followed in 
the inscriptions of the following years. In 1612 a gift was 
made in Tinnevelly for the merit of Muttu Virappa Nayakkar * ; 
in 1613 an inscription in honour of the same Muttu Virappa 
was carved in the greatest gopura of the Perumal temple 
at Madura 3 ; in neither of these does the name of the Emperor 
of Vijayanagara appear. 

Fr. A. Proenza, writing from Trichinopoly to Fr. General, 
G. Nickel, in 1659, said: "Tirumala Nayaka, who rules now, 
walking in the footsteps of his father resolved to free himself 4 . 
We have seen that Tirumala's father always remained 
loyal to the Emperor. Beyond doubt Proenza took Tirumala's 
predecessor as his father; and this means, that Muttu Virappa 
Nayaka also 'resolved to free himself. Fr. Vico, writing from 
Madura in 1611, says that the Nayak was not punctual in pay- 
ing the tribute ; often would he postpone the payment ; 
sometimes he even refused it with insolence. "In that case", 
continues the Jesuit, "the Bisnagar (the Emperor) comes or 
sends one of his generals at the head of a hundred men, to 
make them pay ail the arrears with interest" 5 . 

One of these rebellions took place in the beginning of 
1610. Very likely Venkata did not lead the army which 
marched against the rebel Nayak. At this time he is described 
by both the Jesuit and the Portuguese sources as a very old, and 
a valetudinarian. Matla Ananta or Venkatapati Nayaningaru 
might have held the supreme command : the latter, in an inscrip- 
tion of 1612-3, is 'called the conqueror of the territory called Pan- 
chapandya' i.e. the kingdom of Madura 6 . The result of this 

1. Burgess, p. 109-10. ^ 

2. 123 of 1907. 

3. Sewell, I, p. 293. 

4. From Fr. A. Proenza to Fr. G. Nickel, Trichinopoly, 1659, 
Bertrand, La Mission du Madure, III, p. 42. 

5. From Fr.A. Vico to Fr. A. Laerzio, Madura, August 30th, 
1911, Bertrand, o. c., II, p, 124. 

6. Butterworth, I, p. 246. 


fight was the same as on the previous occasions: Muttu Virappa 
was defeated by the army of Venkata, and compelled to pay a 
heavier tribute, summing up the arrears and the war indemnity. 
Fr. Roberto de Nobili, writing from Madura on December I2th, 
.1610, to Fr. Laerzio, says as follows : "A certain notable 
Pandara said to one of my Christians these last days that the 
coming of the King of Bisnaga was the destruction of the 
Naiche, just as my stay in this country was the destruction of the 
Pandaras" ! . The saying referred to in this letter proves 
evidently both that the war was over at the end of the same 
year, and that its result was satisfactory to the Vijayanagara 
Emperor. The same is meant by Fr. Vico's letter, which says 
that the poor people had to pay for the fault of the prince : "ail 
the country is laid waste and people are plundered or 
massacred" 2 . 

After this war, the control of Venkata over Madura appears 
again through the inscriptions of the following years. There is 
one dated l6ll on a rock in the Matribhutesvara temple at 
Trichinopoly, which records a gift of Venkata for the merit of 
Virappa Nayaka 3 . Then another inscription of Venkata of 
1613 registers that a certain Venkatadari Bhattar set up at 
Vellangudi, in the country directly ruled by Muttu Virappa, 
the images of Krishna and Kamesvari and granted land for 
their worship 4 . 

14. Shortly after the war with Venkata, Muttu Virappa was 
engaged in another war. Fr. Laerzio, writing from Cochin on 
December 25th, I6ll, says that he was going on his usual visit 
to all the houses of his Province. On the 22nd of September 
he was in the College at St. Thome ; but he was prevented from 
proceeding to Madura on account of the war between the 
Nayak of Madura and the Nayak of Negapatam 5 . It was 

1. From Fr. R. de Nobili to Fr. A. Laerzio, Madura, December 
12th, 1610, Ap. C, No XXXI. 

2. From Fr. A. Vico to Fr. A. Laerzio, Madura, August, 1611, 
Bertrand, La Mission du Madure, II, p. 124. 

3. 134 of 1905. 

4. 452 of 1916. 

5. From Fr. A. Laerzio to Fr. C. Aquaviva, Cochin, Decembe 
25th, 1611; Ap.C, No. XXXIII. Cf. Bertrand, La Mission du Afadure, 
II, p. 108. 



usual among the Jesuits to call Nayak of Negapatam the Nayak 
of Tanjore '. Nothing is hitherto known either about the 
cause or the result of this war between Madura and Tanjore. Did it 
break out because the Tanjore Nayak had given his aid to the 
Emperor the year before, while going to subdue the rebel Muttu 
Virappa ? We shall see that this feud between the two houses, 
that came to a head and burst in Venkata's reign, continued 
unabated till the extinction of one of them ; and that very soon, 
just after the death of the Emperor, the Madura and Tanjore 
Nayaks again came to blows. 

1. Du Jarric I, p. 633. 


SUMMARY. 1. The fruitless mission of Fr. G. Fernandez at Madura. 
2. Fr. Roberto de Nobili in Italy, Goa and Cochin. 3. De Nobili 
at Madura. Investigation of the causes of the failure of this 
mission. 4. De Nobili's new plan approved by his superiors. 
5. He presents himself as a 'Roman Brahman.' 6. His ordinary 
life. 7. His mastery of Sanskrit, Tamil and Telugu. 8. His 
mode of dealing with visitors. 9. Albert, the first convert. 10. De 
Nobili dresses as a sannyasi. 11. Other conversions. Good spirit 
of the new Christians. 12. De Nobili's method of preaching. The 
fourth Veda. 13. A number of extraordinary events confirm the 
Christian Faith. 14. Relations between de Nobili and the Palaiya- 
karans. De Nobili's dealings with Srivallabha Pandya. 15. Frs. 
Leytao and Vico at Madura. 16. Criticism of de Nobili's mission. 

CONTEMPORARY SOURCES. 1. Jesuit letters. 2. Du Jarric,Guerreiro, 
Figueroa. 3. Moncocs do Rcino (Pangim Archives). 4. Juvencio. 

ONE of the most important events in the history of southern 
India during the reign of Venkata II is the establishment of the 
mission of the Jesuit Fr. Roberto De Nobili l . The brief ac- 
count of it which we give here is an attempt to do justice to 
that bold but holy undertaking of this famous Jesuit, so differ- 
ently judged both by his contemporaries and by subsequent 
historians and controversialists. 

In the year 1596 Fr. Gonzalo Fernandez arrived at Madura 
from the Fishery Coast. Here he settled down in order to look after 
the spiritual welfare of the Christian Paravas of Coromandel, 
who occasionally went to the capital on business a . Fr. Guerreiro, 
relying on the missionaries' letters, says that Fr. Fernandez 
stayed at Madura to negotiate with the Nayak about the affairs 
of the missionaries on the Fishery Coast 3 . What these 'affairs' 

1. Hence both Mr. Rangachari, History of the Naik Kingdom, Ind. 
Ant., XLV, p. 107-8, 116-9, etc., and Prof. Sathyanatha Aiyar, History 
of the NayakSj p. 93-5 ; 106-8, speak at length of this missionary 

2. Besse, La Mission du Madure, p. 199. 

3. Guerreiro, Rclacam anno de 606. & 607., p. 112. 


were is not stated in this work ; but we feel sure that the 
frequent irruptions of the Nayak's soldiers into the villages of 
the Paravas proved the necessity of such an agent at the court 
of Madura. Kumara Krishnappa Nayaka II, the then ruler of 
Madura, received the missionary amicably and granted him 
permission to build a church in his capital. Accordingly 
Fernandez erected a church, not so magnificent as the Hindu 
temple, says Du Jarric, but yet beautiful and pious 1 . 

Madura was a new field to work in. The faith of Jesus 
Christ had never been preached in the old Pandya capital, and 
the zealous missionary did not lose his golden opportunity. He 
spoke about Christ and his holy religion in his conversations 
with the people of the town 2 . Frequent religious disputations 
were held at his house between the missionary and the 
Brahmans, who were often attracted thither both by the Father's 
benevolence and by their natural curiosity. Moreover the 
Jesuit established a dispensary and hospital, where everything 
was administered free to Christians and Hindus alike 3 . 

It has been often said that Fernandez's labours bore no 
fruit, a statement which is not founded on contemporary 
Jesuit authorities. The only information about this parti- 
cular point is found in Guerreiro, who says that 'the 
Badagas (Telugus) greatly admired the holiness of the 
Father and specially his chastity'; but he also states that 
1 in the conversion of Hindus he did very little ' . This 
means, no doubt, that some conversions to Christianity 
were made, but the success was by no means encouraging. For 
a time Fr. Nicolao Levanto was sent there in order to study 
Tamil 5 . But he was soon sent to St. Thome, and Fernandez 
once more remained alone. 

Muttu Krishnappa Nayaka followed the policy of his uncle 
in his dealings with the Father, and the bonds of friendship bet- 

1. Du Jarric, I, p. 649. Of. D'Sa, History of the Catholic Church, 
II, p. 31. 

2. Guerreiro, 1. c. 

3. Du Jarric, I, p. 649-50. 

4. Guerreiro, 1. c. 

5. Du Jarric, I, p. 650. 


ween the two were as close as ever. The King of Portugal in a 
letter to his Viceroy dated February 26th, 1605, says that he is 
aware " that the Naique (the Nayak of Madura) made his 
salutations to a religious of the Society (of Jesus), who was 
conducting some business there 1 ' 1 . Great friendship must 
have existed between Muttu Krishnappa and Fernandez, if the 
knowledge of it reached the ears of even the King of Portugal. 

2. Such was the position of the mission of Madura when 
Fr. Roberto de Nobili was sent there in 1606. 

The new missionary had been born at Montepulciano, 
Italy, in September, 1577 2 of a very noble family, related 
to Popes Julius III and Marcellus II and to the Cardinals 
Sforza and Bellarmino *. Another of his illustrious relatives 
did perhaps greatly influence Roberto's career. This was his 
uncle and namesake, Cardinal Roberto de Nobili, who died some 
years before Roberto's birth, at the early age of 18 years 4 . 
" Roberto de Nobili", says Pastor, " was a Cardinal upon whom 
the representatives of the Catholic reform party could rest their 
greatest hopes. Highiy gifted from an intellectual point of view 
he is said to have spoken Latin and Greek at ten years of age 
he distinguished himself still more by his great piety. Like 
Aloysius of Gonzaga, whom he particularly resembles, he was 
scrupulously pure of heart. He could never do enough in his 
ascetic exercises ; he fasted strictl} r , slept on a board, wore a 
hair-shirt, assisted at Mass every day, listened frequently to 
sermons, and often received Holy Communion, and from 
motives of humility would not allow his portrait to be painted. 
The dignity of the Cardinalate, which he had received from Ju- 
lius III, was only used to assist the needy. He repeatedly 
thought of renouncing this dignity and of retiring into a 

1. From King Philip III to the Viceroy Martim Affonso de 
Castro, Lisbon, February 26th, 1605, Ap. B, No. VIII. 

2. Brucker, Malabar Riles, The Catholic Encyclopedia, IX, p. 558, 
says Roberto de Nobili was born in Rome. I prefer the authority of 
Dahmen, Roberto de Nobili, S./., p, 1. 

3. Juvencio, Epitome Historiae S./., IV, p. 74-5. Guerreiro, 1. c., 
says that he was a nephew of Card. Sforza. Card. Bellarmino was his 
father's uncle. Cf. Dahmen, 1. c. 

4. Dahmen, o. c., p. 2, note 1. 


religious order ; but his confessor, the Jesuit Polanco, dissuaded 
him from this step. Assisted by him he died after a painful 
illness, with the most perfect resignation to the Divine Will, on 
January l8th, 1559. Men like Charles Borromeo, Beilarmino 
and Baronius venerated as a saint this Cardinal, who was so 
early called away to a better life " l . 

The pious nephew, moved perhaps by the example of his 
uncle, in order to avoid any probability of his elevation to high 
eccleciastical dignity, joined the Society of Jesus in 1597 at 
Nocera, in the I9th year of his age. The famous historian of 
the Society, Fr. Nicolao Orlandini, was his novice master 2 . 
Four years later, though not yet a priest, he requested his 
superiors to send him to the missions of India 3 . In 
1604 his wishes were fulfilled. He reached Goa in September, 
1605, and was despatched shortly after to the College of Cochin, 
where he finished his studies in Theology 4 . One of his letters 
to the General, written at Cochin, shows both the state of the 
missions of southern India on those days, and his enthusiasm 
to undertake missionary life in the interior of the peninsula. 
It runs as follows : " It is but too true that till now our Fathers 
have hardly tried to get into touch with the people of the in- 
terior. With the exception of a few towns owned by the 
Portuguese and a few stretches on both coasts depending on 
them, where they had minor settlements, all that immense land 
of India, where the power of the King of Portugal never 
possessed any sort of influence, and where consequently one 
cannot expect any help from that power for the promotion of 
the missions, continues to grovel in the darkness of idolatry. 
Thus the way to the conversion of India is closed ; and of our 
best missionaries all are content to employ themselves in the 
Colleges of Cochin and in the four residences we have along 
the coast, and close their eyes to the innumerable multitude of 
souls living in those wide-spread lands of India. Only a few try 
to penetrate into the interior " & . 

1. Pastor, History of the Popes, XIII, p. 176-7. 

2. Dahmen, o. c., p. 2. 

3. Ibid., note 4. 

4. Ibid., p. 3-5. 

5. Castets, The Madura Mission, p. 25. The last allusion of de 
Nobili is most likely to those who were at the court of Venkata II. 


3. Finally in 1606 Father de Nobili himself ventured into 
'those wide-spread lands.' In the middle of this year Fr. A. 
Laerzio, the Provincial of the Malabar Province, when going to 
pay his annual visit to the missionaries, took Fr. de Nobili 
along and left him at Madura. The same Provincial, in a letter 
written towards the close of the following year, says : "One year 
and a half elapsed since we sent Fr. Roberto de Nobili to the 
residence of Madura in order to learn the language of that country 
to perfection" l . And in another Jesuit letter of the same 
year, 1606, we read again: "In November last Fr. Provincial, 
passing through that residence (of Madura), left Fr. Roberto de 
Nobili there to help Fr. Goncalo frz (Fernandez), and to learn the 
more correct language of the court ; and also to relieve the 
Father who, being old and sickly, required a successor " 2 . De 
Nobili was then 29 years old. 

We find the first impressions of de Nobili after his arrival 
at Madura in a letter dated December 3rd, 1607, to his god- 
father the Marquese D. Gregorio Boncompagno : " This," says 
he, " is the chief city of the kingdom. It is thickly populated 
by men that are indeed rich and brave in war, but who have as 
yet no knowledge of the true God. They are addicted to a very 
wicked idol-worship ; and our Fathers who work here find them- 
selves confronted with such insuperable opposition that after 
twelve years they have not made a single convert, except three 
or four sick persons who were baptised shortly before death. 
Yet our Fathers, who have been at work so long here, are men 
of outstanding virtue and true ability " 3 . De Nobili, in another 
letter to his cousin the Comtessa de Santa Flore, compares the 
idolatry of Madura to the idolatry of the old city of Rome : 
" I am now ", he writes, " in a famous city of this country called 
Madura, crowded with wicked idols, as was formerly the famous 
city of Rome " 4 . 

.1 FromFr. A. Laerzio to Fr. C. Aquaviva, Cochin, November 
20th f 1607, Ap. C, No. XX. 

2. Litterae Annuae of the Province of Malabar, 1606-1607, Ibid., 
No. XXVI. 

3. D ah men, o. c., p. 4. 

4. Ibid., p. 12, note 1, 


Naturally de Nobili investigated the causes of the failure 
of Fr. Fernandez, and finally discovered them. " There might, 
of course, be other explanations", says Fr. Dandoy here. " But 
one seems to have suggested itself at once to the clear and keen 
mind of the princely Tuscan missionary. There is an old 
proverb about the Rome to whicTi de Nobili compared Madura: 
'Si Romae vivis Romano vivito more\ (when thou art in 
Rome, do as the Romans do). In other words; one must adopt 
the customs and ways of the country one lives in. Nobili realis- 
ed that one of the mistakes of his zealous brethren was that they 
not only failed to observe Indian customs, but by their example 
at least taught their converts not to respect them " '. 

One of the missionaries residing at the court of Venkata II, 
Fr. Antonio Rubino, after studying the causes of the lack of 
conversions, arrived independently at the same conclusions al- 
most at the same time. In one of his letters to Fr. C. Aquaviva, 
he wrote: " It is astonishing how well barred is the entrance of 
this kingdom against the Holy Faith. This comes from the 
aversion and implacable hatred they have (towards us), based on 
the impression that we are the priests of the Portuguese, who 
eat beef and drink wine... We keep ourselves away from all 
these things, in this kingdom. Yet our black dress is quite 
enough to rouse such opposition and abhorrence ; we are there- 
fore looked upon by them as a pestilence. And to them it is 
quite enough, as said before, that they know us to be the priests 
of the Portuguese. It is necessary, in order to obtain different 
results, to dress oneself, to eat, and to keep other social customs, 
just as they do, in quantum fieri potest (as much as possible). I 
often wrote this to Fr. Provincial. He wishes to send me, 
dressed according to their fashion, to a city of this kingdom 
where I am unknown " 2 . 

This was neither the only, nor the main cause of such an 
aversion towards the Catholic priests. On account of a fatal 
misunderstanding the Paravas and their missionaries were call- 
ed Pranguis; and the missionaries themselves, unaware of ^the 

1. Va,nAoy,ASannyasifromtheWest, The Light of the East. July, 
1924, p. 6. 

2. From Fr. A. Rubino to Fr. CLAquaviva, Vellore, September 
30th, 1609, Ap. 0, No. XXVII. 


real meaning of this word, had accepted it, and even called the 
Catholic Religion, ' the Religion of the Pranguis 9 . Christianity 
had been wrongly identified with Pranguism l . De Nobili, after 
a careful study of the meaning which the people attached to this 
word, realized the great mistake of his predecessors. "The word 
Prangui", he wrote some years later in his Apology, " does not, 
in the mind of this people, signify either Portuguese, or Euro- 
pean, or Christian ; for they do not exactly know either the one 
or the other. It means a vile class of people, despicable to a 
degree not far removed from the beasts people without virtue 
and modesty, given to drink, feeding on unclean meat and even 
human flesh, incapable of science, divinity or religion. The 
Hindus ", he continues, "have seldom met men of the illustrious 
Portuguese nation... The men who come here (from the Portu- 
guese possessions) may be reduced to two classes. They are 
either men who, being born in India, have no Portuguese blood 
in them whatsoever, yet think that, when they have learnt by 
heart four Portuguese words and have dressed themselves like 
the Portuguese, they have changed their race and have become 
Portuguese ; these we call Topazes 2 , and the Indians call them 
Pranguis ; hence it is clear that it is not only white men whom 
they call Pranguis, but anyone who, whatever his colour, 
dresses as a Portuguese. Or they are men who were born 
Jews, but* came to some agreement with the Portuguese, and 
travel on business. These also the people of Madura call 
Pranguis without any qualification. Now anyone who has to 
deal with them knows the nobility, the reliability and the 
cleanliness of these two classes ! No wonder then that the 
Pranguis are held most vile" 3 . 

4. The careful consideration of all thesj prejudices led to 
the natural conclusion that the mode of living of missionaries 

1. The word Prangui is borrowed by the Hindus from the 
Muhammadans to designate denationalised people. This word, in 
Sanskrit Phitanguin and in Persian Prangui, was the name 151 ven by 
the Muslims first to the Franks, and then to all the Europeans in 
general. The special meaning attached to it in southern India,, in Fr. 
de Nobili's days, was quite different. 

2. One who uses two languages. Cf. Ceylon Antiquary, VIII, p. 210. 

3. Dahmen, o. c., p. 6 aud note 1; Bertrand, La Mission du 
Madure, II, p. 151. 



had to be changed in order to attract the Hindus to the Gospel 
of Jesus Christ. Blessed John de Britto, in a letter of 1683, 
wrote to this effect: "Fr. Roberto de Nobili, of revered 
memory, that great servant of God and that model of mission- 
aries, having acquired a most complete knowledge of all these 
prejudices, and being persuaded with St. Ambrose that * primus 
discendi ardor nobilitas est magistrf l , made himself all things 
to all men that he might win them all to Jesus Christ " 2 . 

But before taking any step in carrying out his new plan, 
he consulted his superiors about the matter. The Provincial 
Laerzio thoroughly approved of de Nobili 's plan, and men- 
tioned his approval in a letter to Fr. General, written in 1609 3 . 
His ecclesiastical superior, Mgr. Francisco Ros, Archbishop 
of Cranganor, and a Jesuit, says : " Before adopting this manner 
of life, Fr. Roberto first consulted me, who am the pastor of 
that church. When we had decided between ourselves on a 
plan to be adopted, the Father gradually carried it out, whilst I 
decided to continue to be, in a certain fashion, his fellow-worker, 
and to assist him in so holy an enterprise. I first read books 
on Hindu idolatry, the subtlest that exist ; next I sought the ad- 
vice of the best theologians of the Malabar Province, of the 
Goan Inquisitor and of the Most Illustrious Primate, Dr. Frey 
Alexis Menezes, now Primate of Braga and Governor of Por- 
tugal ; and on finding that their views agreed with what I had 
gathered from long experience of those parts of India, I gave 
my full sanction to the method followed by Fr. Roberto in the 
formation of his Christians. We declare in particular that the 
thread worn by the Brahmans, and the kudumt or tuft of hair 
which caste Indians grow on their heads, the sandal paste and 
other social customs, were not marks of a religious sect, but 
only distinctions of nobility, caste or family, and that the con- 
verts might keep them without any scruple " 4 . 

1. The eminence of the master excites the first desire to learn 
from him. 

2. Litterae Annuae of the Madura Mission, 1683, Castets, The 
Madura Mission, p. 24. 

3. From Fr. A. Laerzio to Fr. C. Aquaviva, Ap. C, No. XXVIII. 

4. From Mgr. F. Bos to Fr. C. Aquaviva, Cochin, November 19th, 
1613, Castets, o.c., p. 29-30. 


5. With such a full and encouraging approval from the 
Archbishop, de Nobili separated himself from his confrere Fer- 
nandez, and started his new mode of life, in 1607, a year after 
his arrival at Madura. Let us hear again the Provincial Laer- 
zio, in one of his letters to Fr. C. Aquaviva. "God in his 
mercy", he writes, "has at last heard the prayers we addressed to 
Him long ago and crowned our hitherto fruitless efforts with 
success. A new field is open to our apostolic zeal ; and every- 
thing makes us hope that it will be fertile in the labour, merit 
and fruit of salvation, to the greater glory of God. I mean to 
speak to Your Paternity about the Madura Mission, by whose 
beginning such brilliant hopes have been raised. Fr. Roberto 
de Nobili was moved by the deplorable blindness of those people, 
who are buried in the darkness of death, and was filled with the 
great thought that Jesus Christ had come down for the salva- 
tion of all men, and must everywhere triumph over the devil, 
destroy his empire and wrench all his slaves from him. So 
after discovering the true cause of their obstinacy, he resolved 
to bring an efficacious cure to such an evil. After the example 
of St. Paul, who made himself all to all, and specially after that 
of the Eternal Word, who made himself man in order that men 
might be saved, Fr. Roberto said to himself: I too will make 
myself an Indian to save the Indians. 

" With my approval, and with the authorization of His 
Grace the Archbishop of Cranganore, he presented himself 
to the Brahmans, protesting that he was neither a Prangui 
nor a Portuguese, but a Roman Rajah l , i. e. a man of 
high nobility; and a sannyasi, that is, a penitent who has 
forsaken the world and all its enjoyments. The life to 
which he has bound himself by such a profession is very hard 
and very difficult ; but there is nothing that does not become 

1. Such is the statement of Laerzio, followed by Fr. Castets, o.c 
p. 24, note 2. It is however contradicted by both Mgr. Ros and 
Blessed Britto, as we shall see later on. Moreover Fr. Juvencio, who 
based his work on the accounts sent annually to Rome, says 
expressly that de Nobili declared himself a Brahman, and adds: 
" Id quod vere predicare poterat, quippe qui e nobilissima inter 
Italicas gente ortus". Juvencio, Epitome, IV, p. 74. The same 


easy to a man animated with a true desire to make Jesus 
Christ known and to gain souls to Him. 

" From that moment, Fr. de Nobili admitted none but 
Brahmans into his service. Rice, milk, herbs and water, taken 
once a day, constituted his only food. 

" He also thought it necessary to separate himself from Fr. 
Gonzalo Fernandez and having built for himself a house and a 
chapel, on a site given him by a pagan of high position in the 
Brahman quarter, he made it his own special home " l . 
Guerreiro's account states that the house was given him by the 
Governor of Madura 2 . 

Blessed John de Britto, writing on de Nobili 's change of life, 
says that he adapted himself strictly to the Brahmanical man- 
ner of life, "used only Brahmans as servants, and gave himself 
out as a Roman Brahman Sannyasi, or in other words, a 
religious sage from Rome. Conformably to the social usages 
of the country, he avoided all public intercourse either with 
Europeans or with Pariahs " 3 . 

Moreover Mgr. Ros, while speaking of this strange evolu- 
tion, says that 'he transformed himself into a Brahman 

Fr. Laerzio, in another letter written one year later, November 
20th, 1609, states that Fr. de Nobili put on the thread of five strings, 
because the Brahmans wear one made of three threads (Italics mine). 
Of. Ap. C. No. XXVIII. Moreover all the sources affirm that de Nobili's 
new house was placed in the Brahman quarters. Guerreiro, I.e., not 
acquainted with Indian things and customs says that he presented 
himself * como Brahmene or Rayo '. In one of the contemporary 
letters there is an anecdote which might perhaps create some confu- 
sion. Once the Nayak Hermecatti (Erumei Chetti) sent soldiers to 
arrest one of de Nobili's disciples. At the official's request the mission- 
ary answered : *If His Lordship wants my head, let him cut it off; but 
let him not expect from me a deed unworthy of my rank '. At these 
words one of the soldiers, who was a rajah by caste, was heard to 
murmur with some pride : ' Here is a true rajah. I know his caste 
from the way he behaves '. Bertrand, o.c., II, p. 94. Is Bertrand 
reliable here ? I was unable to see the original of this letter. 

1. From Fr. Laerzio to Fr. C. Aqua viva, December 30th, 1608, 
Castets, o. c., p. 26-7. 

2. Guerreiro, o. c., p. 112. 

3. Litterae Anttuae of the Madura Mission, 1683, Castets, o.c., p. 24. 


philosopher ' 1 . Accordingly he was called thereafter Tattva- 
bodhaka Swami, the Philosophical Doctor. 

6. De Nobiii himself, in a letter to Cardinal Bellarmino, 
dated Madura, December 1st, 1607, describes confidentially his 
ordinary life in his new settlement. " I now dwell ", he says, 
"in a mud-house covered with straw, which is to me more 
useful and gives me more satisfaction than a rich palace. I hold 
it to be most certain that there is no consolation comparable to 
that enjoyed by one living in this voluntary sort of exile for the 
love of God, and toiling much for His sake. Nevertheless at 
times the labour I have undertaken becomes wearisome to me ; 
and when the thought rushes on me, that I shall have to 
continue amidst such toil and fatigue all my lifelong, I begin to 
be apprehensive that I shall not be able to persevere to the end. 
But when I turn my thought from this to heaven, I am reminded 
of what Your Excellency used to say, explaining those words of 
King David: ' Qui posuit fines tuos pace m '. I feel that my fear 
has vanished, and I am consoled at the thought that, since such 
peace and repose await us in the end, a longing for rest here on 
earth is simply unreasonable. 

" My way of living is as follows : I remain continually shut 
up in my little mud-house. Thereto, every day, after I have 
said Mass and commended myself to the Lord, I give free 
admittance to whoever likes to speak to or to discuss with me. 
The time left to me, which is very short, I spend in writing, in 
the language of the country, the refutation of some of the false 
doctrines upheld by various leaders of thought among these 
people. As I am thus obliged to keep continually to my house, 
or rather to my single little room ; and as the food I eat is not 
very substantial, since neither meat nor fish nor eggs ever so 
much as pass my door, I am always sickly; and few are the days 
in which I do not feel some pain either in the stomach or in the 
head. My food consists of a small quantity of rice, of which 
there is abundance in this country, and some herbs or fruits. 
This manner of diet I must observe ; because if these people did 
not see me following this penitential kind of life, they would not 

1. From Mgr. F. Ros to Fr. C. Aquaviva, Ibid, p. 29. 


consider me fit to teach them the heavenly way. For so are 
their doctors wont to live, and some of them even follow a har- 
der and austerer kind of life. There are those in fact who do 
not even touch rice. Now if Your Excellency reflects that here 
the use of bread is unknown, and that as to wine, I use it only 
for Mass, Your Excellency may gather how little a man has to 
feed upon if he abstains from rice. As for me, I do not venture 
so far ; because what I already do, namely abstaining from flesh 
and fish and eggs, suffices in order that those people may con- 
descend to consider me as a true teacher of religion. At this 
very moment I am suffering from such a strong fit of asthma 
that I can scarcely breathe ; and so I finish my letter bit by bit 
as I can " *. 

This food was prepared by a Brahman cook ; and he never 
dared any more to take food prepared by a non-Brahman ser- 
vant 2 . He had one daily meal only, and that at four o'clock 
in the afternoon, according to the custom of the sannyasis 3 . 

7. For the rest of the day he was extremely busy with the 
study of the languages of the country. Shortly after his arrival 
in Cochin he had taken up the study of Tamil. In his letter to 
Prince Boncompagno, quoted above, he says : " As soon as I 
came here I began to learn the language which, on account of 
its rich vocabulary and its syntax, is difficult. But God helped 
me, so that after six months I could hold conversation and 
preach without an interpreter " 4 . Two years later he wrote 
again that * he finds it more difficult to speak Italian or Portu- 
guese than Malabar (Tamil) ' 5 . Writing to Card. Bellarmino, 
he says ' ' I find their language very fine, very copious and very 
elegant ' . About the same time, Fr. Laerzio wrote to Fr. 

1. From Fr. R. de Nobili to Card. R. Bellarmino, Madura, Decem- 
ber 1st, 1607, Castets, o. c., p. 32-4. 

2. Guerreiro, o. c., p. 112. 

3. Figueroa, Historia y Anal Ralacion. Los anos passados de 607 
y 605, p. 134-5. 

4. From Fr. R. do Nobili to Prince Boncompagno, Madura, 
December 3rd, 1607. Dahmen, o. c., p. 4. 

5. From the same toFr. Fabius de Fabiis, Madura, October 8th, 
1609, Ibid., p. 14. 

6. From Fr. R. de Nobili to Card. R. Bellarmino, Madura 
December 1st, 1607, Castets, o.c., p. 33. 


General : " Fr. Roberto charms every one by his conversations,, 
the purity of his High Tamil, and the stories and passages from 
Indian authors that he quotes from memory l ". 

He now began to apply himself to Telugu and Sanskrit. 
No European had previously studied the latter language *. 
His teacher was a learned Brahman from Madura. In a 
letter dated April 22nd, 1609, Fr. de Nobiii expresses to his 
Provincial his gratitude to that learned man. " I cannot ex- 
press, " he says, " all the obligation I am under to this excellent 
Brahman. Besides the knowledge of Sanskrit and Telugu, I 
owe him a knowledge still more precious : that of the most 
sacred mysteries of the Vedam. It is considered a crime for a 
Brahman to write down the Vedam ; they only learn it by heart 
at the cost of incrediable fatigue, and it takes them ten or 
twelve consecutive years. My teacher has overcome his 
scruples on this point, which is a shining proof of his faith. 
He writes down ail the laws for me ; but this must be done 
quite secretly ; if the Brahmans came to know of it, the least 
punishment inflicted on him would be the plucking out of his 
eyes. We spurn the danger because of the utmost necessity 
of this means : for on the knowledge of these secrets depends 
the conversion of the gentiles " ;{ . His assiduity in study was 
so great that Fr. Vico, one of his companions later on, affirms 
that de Nobiii used to study whilst the barber was shaving 
him 4 . 

In an account of the year 1608 we read as follows : " He 
has started to learn the Gueredan (Gradonic or Sanskrit) now, 

1. From Fr. A. Laerzio to Fr. C. Aquaviva, Cochin, December 
30th, 1608, Ibid., p. 27. " Sabe ya la lengua Talmul' (Tamil), mas cor- 
tesana, y pronunciala tan biem que no da ventja a los Bra manes 
mas entendidos. Lee y escrive ya la misma lengua, y tiene passados 
muchos libros de BUS historias y decorados muchos pasos de su ley, y 
versos de los mas famosos Poetas de que ellos hacen mucho caso *'. 
Figueroa, o. c., p. 135. 

2. Of. Max Muller, The Science of Language, I, p. 143. 

3. From Fr. E. de Nobiii to Fr. A. Laerzio, Madura, April 22nd, 
1609, Bertrand, o. c., Ill, p. 49. 

4. Bertrand, o. c., II, p. 104. 


and he reads it and speaks it moderately well" J . Two years 
later, in a letter dated December 8th, 1610, Laerzio reports that 
' Father Roberto possesses the language, understands it per- 
fectly, and speaks it with ease ' *. Finally in 1613, Mgr. Ros 
is able to affirm that de Nobili has " learned three very difficult 
languages, investigated to their very depths the secrets of the 
sacred mysteries of the heathen and mastered them fully". And 
somewhat later on, the Archbishop expresses his admiration 
for the marvellous knowledge acquired by de Nobili in such a 
short time : " I have conversed with Fr. Roberto ", says he, 
" about the languages and manners of these people, and I was 
so much impressed by his knowledge, that I, who may, how- 
ever, be said to know something of those languages, am ready 
to swear, every time I am asked to do it, that this Father cannot 
have acquired the knowledge he possesses through natural 
means, any more than he can, without the special help of God, 
lead the austere life he leads" 3. 

8. Admiring crowds gathered round the Philosophical 
Doctor, and curiosity led the men of Madura to see and hear 
him. Visitors flocked to the small hut to inquire where the 
new sannyasi came from, what was his caste, his doctrine, his 
manner of life and his purpose. But de Nobili, knowing the 
customs of the Indian ascetics, at the beginning did not stir 
out, and received visitors only with great reserve. When people 
came to see him, his disciple told them that the sannyasi was 
engaged in contemplation, or engrossed in meditation upon the 
divine law 4 . 

1. Figueroa, o. c v p. 135. 

2. From Fr. A. Laerzio to Fr. C. Aquaviva, Cochin, December 8th, 
1610, Bertrand, o. c. f II, p. 88. 

3. From Mgr. F. Ros to Fr. C. Aquaviva, Cochin, November 
19th, 1613, Castets, o. c., p. 29. "Suspiciebant (Brahmanee) majorem in 
modum, tantam in homine Europaeo veraaculi sermon is facultatem, 
non secus ac si media in Madura et aula fuisset educatus ; 
eruditionem vero in nulla doctrinae Indicae parte rudem." Juvoncio, 
Epitome, IV, p. 75. " We feel deep admiration for his (Nobili's) learn- 
ing and knowledge of Sanskrit, for not only the Sanskrit literature 
was known to him, but also the Veda, at least one of the Sakhas, the 
Tajurveda of the Taittiriyas". Caland, Roberto de Nobili and the Sanskrit 
Language, Ada Orientalia, III, p. 51. 

4. Guerreiro, o. c., p. 113, 


When admiration and curiosity were at fever-height he re- 
ceived the visitors, but not before they had come twice or thrice. 
" They tell the porter that they wished to speak with the Ayer 
(that means the lord)," says Figueroa. *'Then after much wait- 
ing, as it is there customory, they are admitted to his presence 
to talk with him. They find him sitting on a dais covered with 
a red carpet-like cloth ; another red carpet is lying before him, 
and next to this there is a mat. Those who come, even the most 
noble and principal courtiers, bow reverently before him, rais- 
ing up their hands over their heads and then bringing them 
down in profound obeisance. Those who desire to become his 
disciples bow thrice in this style, and finally prostrate them- 
selves for a while " *. 

Guerreiro affirms that even Muttu Virappa Nayaka was 
desirous of hearing the new European sannyasi, and manifested 
his wish several times to his courtiers ; but one of them, who 
probably knew de Nobili, replied that ' the Father was so chaste, 
that he never went out of his house to avoid seeing women ' 2 . 
As a matter of fact, de Nobili spent more than one year in 
that holy solitude, without having been seen in the streets even 
for a moment 3 . When, after a while, he began to go occa- 
sionally to his country-house for some rest, he went in a 
palanquin preceded by two criers to clear his way. Some years 
afterwards, however, all this show was dropped : he presented 
himself as a mere spiritual guru, proceeding simply on foot, 
with a long staff bearing his insignia and two Brahman 
disciples accompanying him 4 . All these ceremonies and 
honours were far from being dear to the heart of the humble 
missionary, who had joined the Society of Jesus in order to 
avoid them ; but in his Apology he says that a Hindu pandaram 
had given him the following good advice : " If you desire your 
own salvation only, you should retire to a desert, where you can 
live stark naked. But if, as you tell me, you have at heart the 
salvation of the people of this land, you must surround yourself 

1. Figueroa, o. c , p. 135. 

2. Guerreiro, o. c., p. 113. 

3. Ibid. 

4. From Mgr. F. Ros to Fr. Aqua viva, Cochin, November 19th, 
1613, Castets, o. c., p. 38. 



with splendour : the spiritual man must be like a corpse who 
wears with equal indifference silk robes and linen rags, riches 
and poverty, honours and ignominy " J . 

De Nobili's purpose was successfully attained. Fr. B. Cou- 
tinho, in a letter of 1608, speaks " of the great fruit obtained in 
Madura by Fr. Roberto, and of the great edification he gives by 
devoting himself to the service of God in a sort of disguise " 2 . 
And Mgr. Ros is still more explicit in the following passage of 
the letter quoted above: "He (de Nobili) has attracted the 
hearts of haughty Brahmans, in such a way that not only do 
they come to see him, and hear from his lips the word of God 
with incredible admiration, but they go so far, a wonder which 
no one could have expected, as to kiss the ground he has 
trodden on and to embrace the faith that he preaches. Acknow- 
ledging their errors, they openly declare : ' Never has a man 
spoken as he does ' " 3 . 

Q. The immediate fruit of this admiration and veneration 
was a large crop of souls. The first Brahman who became a 
Christian was a teacher in the school founded at Madura by the 
Jesuits 4 . He was a very learned and proud young man, who had 
despised the Fathers and their doctrine. Fr. de Nobili gave 
him a Tamil Catechism written by Fr. G. Fernandez, to be 
translated into Telugu. The reading of this book excited much 
curiosity in the teacher's mind. On the occasion of an eclipse 
of the sun, that took place on February 25th, 1608, Fr. de Nobili 
refuted several of his ideas and superstitions. That was their 
first religious talk. After that the teacher was a frequent visitor 
at de Nobili's house, and became his constant disciple. 
Guerreiro gives the matter and order of some of these discus- 
sions: "They first spoke about the plurality of gods. The 
Father showed him its absurdity based on the argument of the 
divine perfection ? For it is evident that if God were to have 
partners of his divinity inferior to Him, they would not be 

1. Bertrand, o. c., II, p. 167. 

fc. From Fr. B. Coutinho to Fr. C. Aquaviva, Vellore, October 
llth, 1608, Ap. C., No. XXIII. 

3. From Mgr. F. Ros to Fr. C. Aquaviva, Cochin, November 19th, 
1613, Castets, o. c., p. 29. 

4. Of. Oh. XXV, No. 13. 


gods ; if they were equal, none of them would be god, 
since each would be wanting in the perfections the others 
had. The teacher easily agreed to this reasoning. Then 
they discussed whether God had created this world out of 
nothing. On this point the pagans hold the same error as our 
ancient philosophers did, viz. that it is impossible to create 
something out of nothing. De Nobili refuted this as follows : 

" Everything that exists has its existence either because it 
has it from itself or because it has received it from another. 
Your Paju (Pasu) exists ; now, this existence is given him by 
God or it comes from himself. 

" The Hindu replied that it had not been given by God. 

" Hence it comes from himself ", added the Father. 

" It seems so," answered the Hindu. 

" Therefore, (replied de Nobili), this your Paju (Pasu) is 
God, and possesses an infinite being, and this being is not limited 
by anybody ". On hearing this the Hindu remained silent : no 
answer could be given to the conclusion. Then, in order to 
convince him thoroughly, the Father proved the same with 
another more evident argument from the omnipotence of God. If 
God could not create something out of nothing, he was not 
mightier than the earth, which produces the trees out of their 
seeds ; nor than the water, which aided by the sun and other 
circumstances produces fishes and other imperfect animals l . 
He would then be like a carpenter, who from a tree makes an 
image, but he cannot make it without the tree. De Nobili told 
him at the same time that God, in order to be infinitely power- 
ful, cannot lack any power; but He would certainly lack 
power if He would need Paju (Pasu) in order to create any- 
thing. Hence either He was not Almighty or He was not in 
need of Paju (Pasu). The Hindu remained satisfied after hear- 
ing this reasoning. 

"On another occasion, another important dispute took 
place about the transmigration of souls, an ancient dream of 
Pythagoras. The reason given by the Hindu was founded on 
the variety of men : some are kings, others are slaves ; some are 

1. This idea was founded on the ancient philosophical theory of 
spontaneous generation, which is now thoroughly exploded. 


Brahmans, others Pariahs. While explaining his theory the 
Hindu spoke as a true Pythagorean would have done, since he 
maintained that the soul was not the form of the body, but was 
(he said) inside the body as the bird is inside the cage and the 
chicken inside the egg. It was not very difficult to show him 
the fallacy of this opinion. 

"You know very well,' 1 said the Father, "that when the 
bird is inside the cage, the cage does not grow ; unlike the body, 
that having the soul inside, grows up to its perfect height. 
Moreover you cannot deny that the bird out of the cage can 
beget another bird, and yet you will never state that the soul 
separated from the body could have sons. Moreover the 
soul is not in the body in the same way as the bird is in the 

" Then the Hindu asked de Nobili : 'How did it stay in the 

" The Father answered that the soul dwelt in the body as 
the form and the life of that body, and both together made one 
thing, called man. The Father proved this by the human 
operations of eating, walking and running ; for these operations 
cannot be done by the body alone without the soul, but by both 
together. And for the same reason neither the body alone, 
nor the soul alone, but both together forming one single thing, 
make up what is called a man. Hence, it would not be in 
accordance with justice that any of them separately should be 
either punished or rewarded for the bad or the good deeds of the 
man,; both together must be either punished or rewarded, since 
both together have done bad or good things. Then the mission- 
ary explained to him how a man dying in a state of sin, that is, 
in infinite malice, has to be punished with an infinite punish- 
ment. But to be a hundred years in the body of a dog was not 
an infinite punishment ; therefore a place was necessary where, 
after passing away from this life, the sinner could be punished for 
ever without ever entering another body. As to the variety of 
men, from which the transmigration of souls was inferred, 
the Father replied that the potter from the same mud moulds a 
jar for the king's table and a basin for washing one's feet ; in 
the same way God according to his will creates one to be a 


king and another to be a slave ; and nobody can reasonably 
complain by asking : 4 Why was I made so ?' 

" This disputation lasted a long time. It was started at two 
o'clock in the afternoon and was not over before eight o'clock 
in the evening. From this, however, as well as from the prece- 
ding ones and from others that followed, in which the mysteries 
of our holy faith were declared to him, this Hindu was so satis- 
fied and so enlightened, that he soon asked for Holy Baptism, 
which was finally administered to him after having been care- 
fully instructed for twenty days ; and he was named Albert. 

" The Baptism of this fortunate teacher was the beginning 
of many others, that were subsequently administered to those 
who were coming to know the most sweet name of Jesus and 
his holy law. For after a while he baptised another noble 
youth whom he called Alexis Naique (Nayaka) ; and two 
more Badagas (Telugus), and a brother of the teacher Albert, 
and four or five more nobles, among them a very learned Cap- 
tain. All this was done with great rejoicing; but secretly, in 
order that it might not reach the Naique's (Nayak's) ears till an 
occasion for the Father to pay a visit to him presented it- 
self "i. 

10. But all these conversions could not be made as 
secretly and silently as de Nobili desired. For Albert had for- 
merly been a disciple of a Pandara, who at once noticed his 
pupil's desertion. De Nobili was afraid of this Pandara because 
of his influence at court ; but the man himself, moved by curio- 
sity, once went, exhorted by his disciples, to the house of de 
Nobili. The missionary received him as kindly as he could ; 
and after they were seated, a religious discussion at once began 
De Nobili declared to him the tenets of the religion of Christ, 
and so clearly, that the Pandara openly confessed before his 
disciples that ' Chhokkanatha (the god worshipped at Madura) 
and the ashes they put on their forehead were all sham, and that 
only the things taught by our holy faith seemed to him true '. 
On leaving the house, the Pandara told his pupils that those 

1. Guerreiro, o. c, p. 113-5. The final refutation of the trans- 
migration of souls is also mentioned in Juvencio, Epitome, IV, p. 75-6, 
and Marini, Dellc Missioni, p. 119. 


who embraced de Nobili's doctrine were worthy of much praise; 
and that he himself would help the missionary in his enterprise 
to the best of his ability. And his first advice to him was of 
great importance indeed. 

It has been often said that, when de Nobili moved to the 
Brahman quarters, he also changed his black soutane for the 
dress of a Brahman sannyasL This is not accurate. Up to this 
time, viz., towards the middle of 1608, de Nobili wore the black 
soutane, as contemporary sources clearly show. It was at the 
advice of this Pandara that he changed his mind once more, 
and changed his habit too, for that of a sannyasL " He advised 
him to leave aside the dress of the Portuguese, which was hated 
by the Badagas (Telugus), and to put on the garments used in 
that country by the gurus and learned people who profess to 
teach the divine law ". De Nobili objected that this dress was 
too showy and, therefore inconsistent with his vow of poverty ; 
but the Pandara solemnly replied : 

"Father, if you want to attain salvation yourself alone, you 
may dress as you like ; but if you want to teach others the way 
to salvation, to be the guru of these people, to preach the 
spiritual law and to have many disciples, you must live accord- 
ing to the customs of this country, as much as you can " l . 

De Nobili followed the advice of the Pandara, and on this 
occasion he took to the dress of the sannyasis 2 . This dress is 
described in one of the letters of Fr. Laerzio as " a long robe of 
yellowish cloth, with a sort of rochet of the same colour thrown 
over the shoulders, a cap in the form of a turban on his head, 
and wooden slippers fixed on supports two inches high and 
fastened to each foot by a peg passing between the toes ". "To 
this", Fr. Laerzio continues, " he adds a string, the distinctive 
sign of the Brahmans and of the Raju caste ; but instead of the 
three threads of which it is generally made, he uses five, three 
gold and two silver ones, and a cross is suspended in the middle. 
The three gold threads, as he explains, represent the Holy 
Trinity, and the two silver ones the body and the soul of the 
adorable Humanity of Our Lord ; while the cross in the middle 

1. Guerreiroj o. c., p. 115-6. 

2. Juvencio, Epitome, IV, p. 76. 






















^/ ^ 














^>- j*~ 


represents the Passion and Death of the Saviour " l . Figueroa, 
after having described de Nobili's costume in accordance with 
the preceding extract, adds the following consideration to the 
explanation of the string of five threads: "Thus with this 
string he publicly announces in that country the mysteries of 
the Most Holy Trinity of the Incarnation and of the Redemp- 
tion " 2 . Later on de Nobili ascertained that a solitary ascetic 
need not wear the thread, and thenceforth he discarded it 3 . 

II. The number of conversions was gradually increasing. 
At the end of September, 1608, he baptised four prominent men 
of Madura Dadamurti, the owner of the agrahara where 
Fr. de Nobili lived; Chritinada, a craftsman of great repute 
with the Nayak and the nobles of the court ; Golor, brother of 
the chief porter of the Nayak's palace ; and a fourth, whose 
name is not given. At the feast of St. Thomas the Apostle, 
December 2lst, nine others were also baptised 4 . 

Jn the following year, one of the most illustrious converts 
was de Nobili's own teacher of Sanskrit and Telugu. When 
their friendship began, the proud guru nursed fond hopes of 
converting the Christian sannyasi to Hinduism ; but the result 
turned out to be quite other than he had foreseen or even 
hoped for. On June 7th, 1609 de Nobili announces this event, 
showing in his words the joy of his heart and his thankfulness 
to God: "Today", says he, "the feast of the Holy Ghost, I 
have baptised my beloved teacher : I cannot sufficiently express 
his joy, mine, and that of all the Christians. He has received 
the name of God-given. I trust he will do much for the 
conversion of the Gentiles, for he is a young man well known 
throughout Madura for his nobility, his cleverness, his erudition, 
and his profound knowledge of the sacred laws ; and, what I 
esteem most, he has ever led a pure and regular life " 5 . 

number of conversions cannot be ascertained with 

1. From Fr. A. Laerzio to Fr. C. Aquaviva, Cochin, December 
30th, 1608, Castets, o. c., p 27. Of. Ap. 0. No. XXVIII. 

2. Figueroa, o. c., p. 134. 

3. Bertrand, o. c., II, p. 110. 

4. From Fr. R. de Nobili to Fr. A. Laerzio, December 24th, 1608, 
Figueroa, o. c., p. 141. 

5. Bertrand, o. c., II, p. 37. 


precision. Fr. Besse, after an examination of de Nobiii 's 
letters, records their number at 71 for this first period of his 
work, from 1607 to 1614 } . The letters of de Nobiii and his 
companions often commemorate the virtues practised by these 
Christians, that recall to our mind those of the first Christians 
of Rome. Alexis Nayak is mentioned as an example of humi- 
lity and Christian perfection 2 . His brother Vihuuada 
(Vihuvada) Nayaka preferred to be dismissed from the retinue 
of Kasturi Nayaka, a cousin of Muttu Virappa Nayaka, rather 
than mark his forehead with the sacred ashes as in former 
days 8 . Another called Calistri(P) is shown as busy spreading 
the Christian faith among his old friends and always desirous 
of the palm of martyrdom 4 . The craftsman we have 
mentioned above was offered great quantities of money to 
induce him to make several statues of idols ; but he always 
refused them, preferring a life of poverty to contributing any 
more to the splendour of that cult 5 . Fr. Buccerio, a com- 
panion of Fr. Fernandez, by whom he was later on influenced 
against Fr. de Nobiii, wrote a brilliant apology for the converts 
of de Nobiii. " I observed in that Christian community ", says 
he, " two other things well worthy of the highest praise, and 
exceedingly rare in India, among those who wish to become 
Christians. I may speak from experience, for during my long 
apostolate the Lord sent me many to be instructed and baptised. 
Those who thus present themselves generally come to us either 
because of the interest they find in joining Christians of their 
caste, or because of the difficulties they experience in remaining 
pagans or Muhammadans, or because they hope to secure some 
temporal advantage, or for other interested motives. For these 
reasons they are often he cause of great difficulties to us. What 
can we give them ? How are we to clothe or protect them ? At the 
same time we must give them much instruction in order to teach 
them to purify their intention, and to make them understand 
that in our religion alone can they find salvation. But, on the 

1. Of. Dahmen, o. c., p. 77. 

2. Figueroa, o. C M p. 147. 

3. Ibid., p. 145. 

4. Ibid., p. 142. 

5. Ibid., p. 143. 


other hand I observe that, in Fr. Roberto's community, those 
new Christians have come with no other end in view than their 
salvation; also after having attended, during several months, 
the instructions of the Aiyer (de Nobili) and understood that 
our religion is the only true one, they asked to be baptised and 
to be made Christians, solely to please God and to save their 
soul. The Aiyer has never to give anything to his Christians ; 
it is rather they who, on the day of their baptism, are wont to 
present the Aiyer with some little offerings for the use of his 
church, or for other similar purposes. We, on the contrary, are 
all our lifelong beset with cares and anxieties to find out how 
we may help our Christians, who are continually begging. Some 
of them have even come all the distance from Cape Comorin to 
this city, in order to approach me for some help. The second 
thing which I always tried, though in vain, to make both 
Christians and Pagans understand, is that our religion is no 
more the religion of the Portuguese than of any other nation ; 
and that by becoming a Christian an Indian does not lose his 
honour or his caste, but rather keep all the honour he had, and 
adds to it the much greater glory of becoming an adopted son of 
God. But it is useless for us to speak to them in this way ; we 
fail entirely to persuade them ; for those who come to us 
are invariably regarded by Christians and Pagans as joining 
the caste of the Pranguis or Portuguese, or of that of 
the Paravas, according to the nature of the converts ; and 
the Pagans look down upon us in the matter of caste, 
as being below everything. In consequence respectable 
Pagans, or even the Christians of St. Thomas, refuse to admit 
those converts into their houses or to their churches. 
Fr. Roberto has obtained totally different results. Hence, 
though both Christians and Pagans well know that the law he 
preaches is the same as that of the Portuguese (as is proved by 
the crosses and other pious objects which those Chrtstians wear 
in place of the image of their gods), the Christians (of de Nobili) 
have the satisfaction of being assured that the Father is not a 
Prangui ; and the Pagans, who have the same conviction, are 
appealed and have no difficulties in dealing with the Christians 
in all social or civil matters" *. 

1. Oastets, o. c., p. 35-6. 


12. After having seen the relatively great success obtained 
by Fr. de Nobiii, it may be of interest to know what his way of 
preaching was. He explains this in one of his letters : "The 
advice given in the Exodus", says he, " ' Do not speak against 
the gods', applies even to pagan divinities ; not that these 
divinities are not despicable, but because speaking against them, 
instead of doing good, prevents the conversion of souls. When 
we wish to drive darkness out of a room, we do not waste our 
time creating a great stir and trying to expel it with brooms ; 
we light a taper, and darkness vanishes by itself. Reach the 
pagan heart by winning its esteem and affection, and then bring 
in the taper of truth, and all the darkness of idolatry will vanish 
without trouble " l . 

In another letter he explains more particularly the dif- 
ferent articles of faith which formed the subjects of his 
conversations with his visitors : "To those who come to me," 
says he, "I teach that there is only one God in three persons, 
whose attributes arj infinite; who created tha world, man and 
all beings ; who in order to save men assumed a human nature, 
body and soul, in the womb of an ever-chaste virgin ; that this 
incarnate God, true God and true man, is called Jesus Christ a 
name that means Saviour, full of grace and heavenly gifts ; that 
free from all stains, He atoned for all the sins of men and 
saved them. The holy spiritual law which contains these 
truths is the Law I preach. It requires of none that he should 
give up his caste, or that he should join another caste, or do any- 
thing that is contrary to the honour of his caste. God is 
witness to me that the holy spiritual law is for all castes. As 
the great Nayak is the lord of these lands, so that all the 
inhabitants, Brahmans or Rajas, are obliged to obey him in all 

1. Bcrtrand, o. c., II, p. 265. Accordingly in his works, of which 
we shall speak at length in the following volume, he never directly 
attacks paganism. Of. Miranda, The Introduction of Christianity into 
the Heart of India, p. 23. Figueroa, o.c., p. 64, however affirms that "he 
had read many books of their stories. And these stories are to him 
of great help in order to refute them and to prove that there are not 
many gods, but only one who has no body". Anyhow, this refutation 
of the tenets of Hinduism always followed the exposition of the 
Christian Doctrine. 


temporal concerns ; so the true God is the legitimate Lord of 
all men, so that all conditions and castes should live according 
to His spiritual law. This is the law I preach, and which other 
saints and sannyasis have preached in this land before. If 
anyone were to say that this law is proper to pariahs and 
Pranguis, he should commit a great sin; for since God is the lord 
of all the castes, his law must be obeyed by them a# ; and no 
caste is so high that it is not further raised by obedience to 
that law. As the sun spreads its very pure light on ail castes 
and all objects in this world, without losing thereby anything 
of its admirable purity ; and as its light, instead of soiling the 
Brahmans, honours them ; so the true God, the spiritual 
Sun, spreads over all men the gift of his holy law, the true 
spiritual light'' *. 

Now the way of conveying all these new ideas to the mind 
and heart of his audience was purely Indian : even in his way 
of teaching he accomodated himself to the customs of 
the country. Fr. Laerzio says in one of his letters : " Fr. 
Roberto charms every one by a great number of verses of his 
own composition, which he partly sings and partly recites 
with exquisite delicacy and distinction " 2 . Fr. Castets, com- 
menting on this passage, says : " The practice here described 
by Fr. Latrzio was then the approved method of preaching 
or teaching moral or religious truths. It is not unknown even 
now. The orator begins by singing a pithy stanza expressed 
in more or less enigmatic and very concise language. This is 
followed by a rather lengthy gloss in which the explanation 
of the text is interspersed with quotations, stories, allusions, 
according to the wealth of learning and fluency of the exponent. 
When one considers that Fr. de Nobili was able to go successfully 
through such a performance before a most fastidious and fault- 
finding audience, and even to astonish his hearers by the 
elegance of his diction and the wealth of his literary knowledge, 

1. Bertrand, 1. c. 

2. From Fr. A.^Laerzio to Fr. C. Aquaviva, Cochin, December 
30th, 1608, Castets, 6. c., p. 27. " Sabe tambien muchas canciones y las 
canta con tan buena voz y gracia, que le oyen todos con admiracion y 
gusto " Figueroa, o. c., p. 135. 


after scarcely a year's study of the language, we must conclude 
that the Father must have been not only a man of wonderful 
ability, but a true prodigy" ^ 

Finally, another unexpected circumstance drew to Fr. de 
Nobili the attention of his audience. " What helps me very 
much in the conversion of these people ", says he in a letter of 
Decembert84th, 1608, " is the fact I discovered, that they had 
originally four Vedas; three which the Brahmans still teach, viz. 
ofVesmu (Vishnu), Brama (Brahma) and Rutru (Siva), and 
a fourth, wholly spiritual, by which salvation was to be attained. 
They say, however, that this fourth Veda is lost, and there is 
no man wise and good enough to recover it. And the wisest 
of their men state likewise that the most secret books affirm 
it to be impossible to attain salvation by any of the 
other three laws. Hence many think that there is no salvation 
at all, and others suppose that there is nothing beyond this life. 
From this I take occasion to show them that they are in a fatal 
error from which, as they themselves confess, none of their 
three Vedas can save them. I prove this to them with the very 
sayings of their books. These people have a deep yearning 
for eternal life ; hence they are much inclined to do penance 
and to give alms, and to be very faithful to their idols. So I 
profit by this disposition to tell them that if they wish 
to be saved, they ought to listen to me ; that I have come 
from a far-off country simply to save them , by teaching them 
that spiritual law which (as their Brahmans avow) has been 
lost thus following the example of the Apostle who preached 
to the Athenians the Unknown God. I tell them that if they 
wish to apprehend this fourth law, they ought to declare them- 
selves my disciples. Their conversion becomes then very easy. 
For when they resolve to become my disciples, they easily 
receive from me the doctrine I preach to them ; and thus their 
will being inclined in my favour, they gladly come to hear 
my explanations" 2 . 

1. Castets, o.c., p. 27-8. 

2. Figueroa, o. c., p. 147. Of. Bertrand, o. c., II, p. 21. About the 
discovery of the Veda, which Fr. de Nobili speaks of, see Yule, Notes 
on Supara and the " Discovery of Sanskrit ", Ind. Ant., II, p. 96 ; Burnett, 


This original way of insinuating himself into the hearts of 
the Hindus is acknowledged by Max Muller as a wonderful 
token of the prudence and knowledge of Fr. de Nobili. "The 
very idea," he says, "that he came, as he said, to preach a new or 
a fourth Veda which had been lost, shows how well he knew 
the strong and weak points of the theological system which he 
came to conquer" l . 

13 In this enterprise Fr. de Nobili was evidently aided 
by God himself. Mgr. Ros says that "God confirmed his (de 
Nobili's) testimony by prodigies and the gifts of the Holy 

On borne Early References to the Vedas by European Writers, Ibid., VIII, 
p. 98; Caland, Ontdekkingsgeschiedents van den Veda (Amsterdam, 1918); 
Zachariae-Hosten, The Discovery of the Veda, Journal of Indian History, 
II, p. 127-57. In the 18th century, a MS. containing a new Veda, the 
Ezur-Veda was found in the Mission Library of Pondichery. The most 
respectable native Christians of the place held the opinion, founded 
on no authority, that the book was written by Fr. Roberto de Nobili. 
Nevertheless, Mr. Ellis, Account of the Discovery of a Modern Imitation of 
the Vedas, Asiatic Researches, XIV, p. 32, wisely says. " There can be no 
doubt that he (de Nobili) was fully qualified to be the author of those 
writings. If this should be the fact, considering the high character 
he bears among all acquainted with his name and the nature of his 
known works, I am inclined to attribute to him the composition 
only, not the forgery, of pseudo Vedas". Max Muller, Lectures on the 
Science of Language, I, p. 174, note 70, categorically says: "The Ezur- 
Veda is not the work of Robert de Nobili. It was probably written 
by one of his converts. There is no evidence for ascribing the work 
to Robert, and it is not mentioned in the list of his works". In spite 
of the statements of these learned scholars, D'Orsey, Portuguese Dis- 
coveries, p. 256, boldly affirms that " Pere Robert applied his great 
skill to the production of a forgery in Sanskrit on an old bit of 
parchment. Wifcen questioned as to the genuineness of this certifi- 
cate, he solemnly swore before the council of Brahmans at Madura 
that the document was authentic ; and that he, like all Jesuits, was 
descended from their Indian Divinity 1 Nor was this all. He forged 
a new Veda, which was so well executed that, for nearly two 
centuries, it imposed itself upon the natives themselves". There 
cannot be more historical errors in so few lines. Then and Dr. Alex 
H. Japp, A Jesuit Missionary in India, East and West, III, p. 977-92, 
repeats this unfounded accusation ; but he was thoroughly refuted by 
Fr. Ernest R. Hull, Was Robert de Nobili an Impostor f Ibid., p 1223-38. 
There cannot be any doubt about the authorship of the Ezur-Veda. 
A French Jesuit, named Calmette, wrote it one century later. As 
Prof. Caland, o. c., p. 33, shows, the spelling of the Sanskrit words 
and proper names points to Bengal and Orissa and not to the Tamil 
country where de Nobili ordinarily lived. Of. Caland, Robert de Nobili 
and the Sanskrit Language, Ada Orientalia, III, p. 50. 

1. Max Muller, Lectures on the Science of Language, I, p. 174-5. 


Ghost" } . Impartial history cannot but acknowledge the 
preternatural character of a number of cases related in the 
contemporary letters, either of Fr. de Nobiii himself, or of his 

In 1607 a new Christian compelled the devil to leave the 
body of his wife, not yet a Christian, by making the sign of the 
cross over her forehead *. The same happened to a Muham- 
madan in July, 1608; for when Albert, de Nobili's first convert, 
made the sign of the cross, the devil exclaimed : "You owe my 
departure to the weapon given by this man". "Whose weapon 
is this?", questioned the Muhammadan. "The weapon of the 
Almighty God, who created both of us", replied the devil, and 
disappeared for ever :{ . In August of the same year one of the 
disciples of de Nobiii, not yet a Christian, was lying very 
sick, together with his three children ; de Nobiii on 
being apprised of the case, sent Alexis, carrying the Gospel and 
holy water. By these two spiritual remedies the four patients 
were suddenly cured 4 . Another catechumen was sick unto 
death, as a result of an attack of apoplexy, on October 23rd, 
1608 ; de Nobiii went there himself and baptised his disciple, and 
the latter got up at once in good health 5 . At about the same time, 
another man possessed by the devil was presented to Albert. 
This Christian, before making the sign of the cross over the 
sick, asked the devil what kind of man was Father Roberto, and 
whether the things taught by him were true. The devil replied 
that Fr. de Nobiii was a man of great authority, and that all the 
things he taught were perfectly true. Again Albert asked the 
devil about the progress and success of Fr. de Nobili's enter- 
prise. The devil answered that the missionary would obtain 

1. From Mgr. F. Bos to Fr. C. Aquaviva, Cochin, November 19th, 
1613, Castets, o. c., p. 29. "Foy tambem o Senior seruido de con- 
firm ar ostes nouos Christaos com alguas obras marauilhosas, que os 
animam muyto a se consolarem com a fee que tern recebido, & 
perseuerarem nella". Guerreiro, o. c., p. 116. 

2. Guerreiro, o. c., p. 116-7. 

3. Figueroa, o. c., p. 139. 

4. Ibid., p. 139-40. 

5. Ibid., p. 140*1. See another similar case in p. 137-8. 


very little fruit in the beginning, but, three years later his 
mission would be extraordinarily developed l . 

14. All these events were naturally spoken about at the 
court of Madura and even in the country around, and Fr. de 
Nobili's fame and deeds were on the lips of everyone : " The 
fame about me at Madura and through the country ", he wrote 
on December 24th, 1608, " is that a new Mori (a spiritual ascetic 
and teacher) has come to destroy the idols. Hence they speak 
of me in very different ways " 2 . This was the cause of the 
friendship between de Nobili and a number of nobles and Palai- 
yakarans of the kingdom of Madura. 

In a letter to Laerzio, dated October 25th, 1608, de Nobili 
says : " A chief Raya, about seventy years old, often came to 
the door of my house, and spoke to one of my neighbours, beg- 
ging to be announced to one of my servants, for he was already 
old and the hour of his death was near. Then he begged my 
servant to be introduced to me in order to become my disciple, 
since many said in this city that I was teaching the road to 
salvation. I allowed him to come in, and he prostrated himself 
at my feet and prayed to be taught the law of salvation. I 
spoke at length to this old man, who was very clever and sensi- 
ble ; he promised to come regularly to my preaching, and to 
bring to me several other Rayas who were under him " 3 . 

On one occasion, one of the four Governors of Muttu 
Virappa Nayaka, in the city of Madura, went to pay a visit to 
the Father. A brother of his, who had been governing one of 
the palaiyams, had died childless shortly before, and had been 
succeeded by him. De Nobili asked him where his brother, once 
noble and rich, was ; and concluded his interrogatory by saying 
that as he had not known the law of salvation, he was, on 
account of this ignorance, in hell. De Nobili spoke with such 
fervour on this point that his visitor burst into tears, and pro- 
mised to come back to hear more of his teaching 4 . 

At the same time de Nobili wrote a letter to the Palaiya- 

1. Ibid., p. 139. 

2. Ibid., p. 145. 

3. Ibid., p. 140. 

4. Ibid., p. 137, 


karan of Daraporan (Dharapuram), in which he said that there 
was no salvation for those who ignored God and the divine law* 
and offered to put him on the right way to salvation. The chiefs 
answer is as follows : 

" I Chavarcovardin (Chakravartin), the slave of Your Lord- 
ship, wrote this, while bowing and looking at the feet of Your 
Lordship. I am ready to serve you at any time, according to 
the command of Your Lordship. With great rejoicing I re- 
ceived your letter, by which you announced you would come 
soon to teach me the divine secret. This was the main purport 
of your letter. But our land is now troubled with many wars. 
As soon as these matters are settled, I shall send a message to 
the holy feet of Your Lordship ; and then, Lord, please come 
to us. Do not be sorry that I beg you to delay your coming 
a little, on account of the deadly dissensions in this country. I 
cannot discover what good luck it was that brought 
Your Lordship here. I shall let you know of everything " l . 

Friendly relations were also started in 1608 between de 
Nobili and the then Pandya King ofTenkasi, Srivallabha, the 
brother and successor of Ativirarama 2 . The missionary wrote 
Srivallabha a letter inviting him * to hear of the things referring 
to his salvation '. The messenger sent by de Nobili, who,must 
have been one of his disciples, was kindly entertained by the 
King. They spoke about God and the new doctrine preached by 
the Western sannyasi. Srivallabha showed his desire to see and 
hear Fr. de Nobili. Accordingly he replied that when he should 
go to Madura to pay a visit to the Nayak, he would see the 
Father and receive his instruction. Srivallabha went there on 
August 1st, and at once sent one of his Brahmans to the house 
of de Nobili, to visit the Father on his behalf; this envoy told 

1. Ibid., p. 136-7. 

2. Of. T. A. S., 1, p. 57-8. The details given in the Jesuit source 
about this Monarch, who is still called ' Rey de Madure ', King of 
Madura, leave no doubt that he is the nominal Pandya King. u Era 
este Rey antigamente muy poderoso, mas al presente el JNayque le ha 
vsurpado muchas tierras. Tiene buen entendimento, y en su confor- 
midad desea saluarse, assi ay grandes esperancas de su conuersion ". 
Figueroa, o. c., p. 137. 


de Nobili that His Lordship would come later on, to speak With 
him about his salvation. Unfortunately the Pandya fell sick 
during his stay at Madura, and he had not yet recovered when 
the letter that gives this news was written *. We could not 
find any further details about this interesting subject. 

Two years later, on December 24th, 1610, Fr. Vico wrote to 
Fr. Laerzio from Madura itself: "Two months ago a petty 
King, feudatory to the great Naique (Nayak), by name Utappa 
Naique, came to us. He was a man of very good nature, and 
desirous of finding the way to heaven. This man on reaching 
the chamber of the Aiyer prostrated himself, his face touching 
the ground ; nor did he stand up till requested by the Father 
twice or thrice. He spoke with the Father about the misery of 
this life, and about the certainty of death. Finally, he earnestly 
begged the Father to come to his own country, as he was much 
interested in being instructed in our doctrine " 2 . 

15. The hard life and heavy work of the Christian sannyasi 
was too much for his enfeebled health. At the end of 1608 he 
wrote to the Provincial : " I cannot stand so much work alone. 
Hence I am in need of a companion. He must be a very 
fervent man, desirous of suffering for Christ's sake. For the 
families of those who are already baptised are very numerous, 
and there are other catechumens with their families. Many 
other nobles and rich Hindus come over every day. Rest is 
unknown to me day or night. I am afraid I shall not be able to 
bear up with so much toil " 3 . 

Shortly before, de Nobili had sent two of his new Christians 
to Cochin and Angamale, where they received the Sacrament of 
Confirmation at the hands of Mgr. Ros 4 . The presence of 
those new Christians excited great enthusiasm among the 
Jesuits at Cochin ; many offered themselves to the Provincial to 
share in the fatigues of de Nobiii 5 . Fr. Laerzio selected for 

1. Figueroa, 1. c. 

2. From Fr. A. Vico to Fr. A. Laerzio, Madura, December 24th 
1610, Ap. C, No XXXI. 

3. Figueroa, o. c., p. 144. 

4. Ibid., p. 159-60. 

5. Ibid., p. 161. 


this task Fr. Manoel Leytao, a Portuguese, who was then Master 
of Novices at Cochin *. He left this town on the 1 5th of 
August, 1609, in the garb of a sannyasi, and reached Madura 
on the 26th of the same month 2 . From there he wrote an 
interesting letter to Fr. Laerzio, of which the following lines are 
an extract : " After some time spent in holy conversation ", 
says he, " Fr. Roberto told me it was meal-time. His disciples 
came to prepare the table. It was soon ready : a plantain leaf 
placed on the floor served as table, table cloth, dish and plates. 
I sat down close to the leaf, on which a Brahman placed the 
food. I began to eat ; but in spite of my great hunger, I felt 
such abhorrence for this new kind of food, and also perhaps for 
the new way of taking it with the fingers that I had to force 
myself to swallow the morsels. This abhorrence lasted for 
several days. I begin however to get a little used to it ; for 
every feeling must give way to the love of God, and to the 
desire I have to serve Him in this land" 3 . 

He however could not stay long. His health broke down, and 
he was recalled to Cochin at the beginning of the following year, 
and was replaced in the month, of September, 1610, by 
Fr. Antonio Vico, lecturer in Theology *, of whom we shall 
speak at length in the following volume. 

16. This would be according to chronology the proper 
place to relate the beginning of the persecutions against Fr. de 
Nobili, which commenced towards the close of this period ; but 
we think it advisable to leave the narrative of them for the 
following volume, where we shall be able to give an uninterrupt- 
ed account of those sad events. 

Before closing this chapter, however, it may be considered 
the task of the impartial historian to give a criticism of de 
Nobili's method of introducing Christianity into the heart of 
Hinduism. He had certainly many enemies among his own 
contemporaries ; but they were swayed in their campaign against 
the missionary by evil passions, which induced them even to 

1. Juvencio, Epitome, IV, p. 121. 

2. Figueroa, o. c., p. 161-2. 

3. Bertrand, o. c., II, p. 53-4. 

4. Besse, o. c., p. 200. 


calumniate the Christian sannyasi. Many Protestants have 
condemned Fr. de Nobili's system l . It is a pity to see several of 
those old accusations, now exploded, innocently reproduced in 
modern Catholic books. But impartial historians cannot but 
praise the work accomplished and the method so successfully 
employed by the illustrious Italian missionary. 

Fr. Juvencio, the famous historian of the Society of Jesus, 
recognised in Fr. Roberto de Nobili a man who had been destin- 
ed by God to begin the Madura Mission 2 . This statement is 
merely an echo of the eulogy of de Nobili, written in 1613, by 
Mgr. Ros. to the General of the Society of Jesus : "The Madura 
Mission", says he, "which is within my diocese, is a very 
spiritual one but very trying, and in all respects worthy 
of perfect men and true sons of the Society, entirely devoted to 
God, without any human satisfaction and with a perpetual 
mortification of the flesh. 1 am convinced that it has been 
commenced by divine inspiration, in order to open the way to the 
conversion of the whole of the Malabar (Southern India). At last, 
after numerous prayers, penances, tears, and holy sacrifices, 
God Our Lord opened the eyes of the Zelotes of the Holy 
Church ; and they considered that the proper work of the Society 
was to do what St. Paul had done; 'I have made myself all to 
all*. Thus the good Fr. Roberto de Nobili went by a special 
inspiration of the Holy Ghost, into the great city of 
Madura" 3. 

The method followed by Fr. de Nobiii was the only one 
which ever met with success among the high castes of India. 
His way of preaching Christ's Gospel to Indians was the result 
of his deep knowledge of the religion, customs and literature 
of the priestly caste. His broad ideas made him clearly distin- 
guish between religious and social customs, between superstition 
and good manners, between faith and nationality; and through 
a thousand difficulties and numberless hardships success crown- 
ed his enterprise. 

1. Cf. D'Orsey, o. c., p. 257, and Japp, o. c., p. 991. 

2. Juvencio, Epitome, IV, p. 66. 

3. From Mgr. F. Ros to Fr. C. Aquaviva, Cochin, November 
19th,1613, Castets, o. c., p. 28. 


His splendid work and the encouraging results he and his 
companions obtained, reached the ears of Philip III of Spain, 
then also sovereign of Portugal. This pious monarch, whose zeal 
for the propagation of the Christian faith is well known, wrote 
to them an encouraging letter, the original of which we could 
not anywhere trace. But the Archives of the Portuguese 
Government at Pangim still preserve a copy of the reply of 
the Viceroy to his sovereign. Dom Jeronymo d' Azevedo 
wrote in 1613 to this effect : " The letter Your Majesty sent will 
be given to those (Jesuits) of Madure whom I thanked on your 
Majestey's behalf for their good conduct in propagating 
Christianity. They are religious who well deserve it, because 
they do their work with the utmost care and assiduity" l . 

1. From the Viceroy Dom Jeronymo d'Atevedo to Philip III, 
1613, Ap. B, No. XII. 



SUMMARY. 1. Continuation of the reign of Achyutappa Nayaka of 
Tanjore. His behaviour towards Venkata II. 2. Abdication 
and death of Achyutappa Nayaka. 3. Ragunatha Nayaka 
murders his eldest brother. 4. His suspicious relations with 
Vijayanagara. 5. Krishnappa Nayaka of Jinji and his uncle. 
6. Early revolt of Krishnappa against Veniata II. 7. Krish- 
nappa Nayaka and Fr. N. Pimenta. Description of Jinji. 8. 
Foundation of the city of Krishnapatam. 9. Great power of the 
Nayak of Jinji. His feudatories. 10. Rebellion of Krishnappa 
against Venkata II. His madnsss. 11. Victory of Venkata 
over Krishnappa in 1608. 12. Krishnappa Nayaka and the Dutch. 
The fort of Devanapatnam. 

CONTEMPORARY SOURCES. 1. Hindu inscriptions and grants. 2. 
Jesuit letters. 3. Du Jarric. 4. Anquetil du Perron. 5. Jon- 
gue's Dutch documents. 6. Sahithyaratnakara. Ragunathabhyudayam, 
Ushaparinayam. 7. Velugutivaru Vamsavali. 

DURING the first half of the reign of Venkata II, the ruler of 
Tanjore was still Achyutappa Nayaka. The Sahityaratna- 
kara relates that during his time the Dutch, who were 
then starting their trading career in the East, appeared 
before Negapatam and attempted to land in order to found 
a trading factory ; but they were valiantly repulsed and 
driven away by Achyutappa 1 . 

Negapatam had been lent by his father to the Portuguese, 
and their number had been constantly on the increase *. 
Fr. Pimenta, who passed through it in 1597, tells us that " many 
Portugals dwell there and many winter there, which come from 
the Coast of China, Bengala, Pegu and Malaca." 8 Achyutappa 
Nayaka invited Fr. Pimenta to establish a Jesuit house with a 
Church at Negapatam ; while another one was already started 

1. Sahithyaratnakara^ canto VI, v. 68. 

2. Cf. Ch. VIII, No. 2. 

3. From Fr. N. Pimenta to Fr. C. Aquaviva, Purchas, X, p. 207. 
Cf. Du Jarric, I, p. 632. 


at Tranquembar ! . And while Fr. Pimenta was in the town, the 
inhabitants actually purchased ' a place for five hundred 
Duckets, for a new Residence of ours ' says the same 
Fr. Pimenta 2 . Fr. du Jarric gives a slightly fuller description 
of this place. He says that it was "by the river side havingthe sea 
to the West and was fitted for the functions of the Society". 
Fr. Pimenta sent two priests there 3 . 

As to his relations with Venkata II, Achyutappa Nayaka is 
mentioned with the title of Mahamandalesvara, in a much 
damaged and dateless record on a stone in the Kankudutta 
Vinayaka temple at Kavalkudaru 4 . An inscription of 1596-7, 
by the same Venkata in North Arcot, records a gift of money by 
Achyutappa Nayakar Aiyan for the merit of Dikshitar Aiyan 6 . 
Formerly Achyutappa had sent his son Raghunatha to help 
the Emperor in the siege of Penukonda * 5 . 

But Anquetil du Perron gives us a piece of information not 
consistent with the above. He says that before the year 1595, 
both the Nayaks of Madura arid Tanjore had rebelled against 
Venkata 7 . We really doubt the accuracy of Anquetil in this 
passage; forthe inscription of Venkata mentioned above is 
dated only a year later. It is possible, however, that the 
rebellion took place some years later, and was misplaced by 
Anquetil, confusing it with an earlier rising of the Nayak 
of Madura. As a matter of fact, oi:e of Fr. Coutinho's 
letters from the court of Venkata seems to allude to an insurgent 
attitude on the part of Achyutappa ; for he affirms that "the 
rumour was that the King (Venkata) would warre upon the 
Naichus of Tangaor, called Astapanaicus (Achyutappa 

1. Ibid., Cf. Du Jarric, T, p. 633. 

2. Ibid. 

3. Du Jarric, I, p. 633. A letter of Philip III to the Viceroy dated 
Lisbon, December 10th, 1607, mentions some riots occurred among 
the Portuguese of Negapatani; it seems that tho leaders of the rioters 
were two brothers named Mello, Bulhao Pato, Documentos, I, p. 146. 

4. 298 of 1911. 

5. 710 of 1904. 

6. Cf. Oh. XVI, Nos. 1 and 2. 

7. Anquetil du Perron, I.e., p. 166. 


Nayaka) " '. This letter, published by Purchas, has been 
extremely mutilated. The original gives more valuable infor- 
mation. Coutinho says that Venkata "has a large army with 
many good generals in order to re-conquer Kanchivaram ; which 
city, along with all the country around, surrendered to Astapa- 
naichus (Achyutappa Naj^aka), the king of Tangier " 2 . We 
deduce from this passage that the cause of the trouble was not 
precisely refusal to pay the tribute, but the city of Kanchivaram; 
though what the fact was that created this enmity is not clear. 
Moreover we know from the same letter that the war never 
broke out : " II is quite certain ", continues Coutinho, " that the 
King does not think of that expedition anymore " 3 . Venkata's 
designs were checked by th'3 death of Achyutappa Nayaka *. 
And since this took place in 1600, this quarrel between the 
Emperor and the Nayaka must have occurred in 1598-9. 

2. According to the Sahithyaratnakara, Achyutappa Naya- 
ka, on account of old age, resigned the crown in favour of his son 
Raghunatha Nayaka, and retired to Srirangam, where he spent 
the rest of his life. Consequently Raghunatha was crowned 
according to the ancient rites, Govinda Dikshita performing the 
ceremony 5 . Up to this time we have relied upon the authority of 
Govinda Dikshita's son, Yagnanarayana Dikshita; who, how- 
ever, to give some dramatic interest to his poem, placed the 
renunciation of Achyutappa after the outbreak of the civil war, 
and the death of Verikata II. Nothing could be farther from 
the truth. Anquetil du Perron said that Achyutappa " had 
resigned and given up the government affairs some years 
before 1600 " 6 . But Fr. Pimenta, when passing through 
Tanjore in 1597, wrote that Achyutappa " has lately renounced 
the world and prepared himself for death " 7 . Fr. du Jarric 

1. From Fr. B. Coutinho, Purchas, X, p. 222. 

2. From Fr. B. Coutinho to Fr. N. Pimenta, Chandragiri, 
July 17th, 1600, Ap. C, No. V. 

3. Ibid. 

4. Ibid., Purchas, I.e. 

5. S. Krishnaswami Aiyangar, Sources, p. 273. 

6. Anquetil du Perron, 1. c., p. 168. 

7. From Fr. N. Pimenta to Fr. C. Aquaviva, Purchas, X, p. 219. 


agrees with him l . Hence there can be no longer any doubt 
about the date of Achyutappa's renunciation : the year 1597 
witnessed the coronation of Raghunatha and his father's 
pilgrimage to Srirangam. The Raghunathabhyudayam agrees 
with Pimenta and Anquetil du Perron ; according to this poem, 
Raghunatha was crowned King long before the civil war and 
the war with Ceylon 2 . 

Both Pimenta and du Jarric relate that, when Achyutappa 
retired to Srirangam, he was faithfully " accompanied in that 
devotion by his seventy wives, all which were to be burned in 
the same fire with his carkasse. Hee had bestowed five thousand 
pieces of gold in sweet woods against that day" 8 . Anquetil 
du Perron states that Achyutappa's death took place about 
1600 4 . And Fr. Coutinho, writing from Chandragiri on 
July I7th, 1600, reports : " This (Achyutappa Nayaka) died 
lately. His corpse, along with 370 wives still alive, was burnt in 
a big fire of sandal-wood " 6 . 

Achyutappa is praised by the son of Govinda Dikshita for 
his long and beneficient rule, for the destruction of his enemies, 
and for his liberal patronage of learned men . He gave many 
villages in free tenure to the temple at Srirangam, offered a 
costly diamond-throne to the god Ranganatha, with a rich 
necklace, crown, and leg jewels, all set with diamonds. He had 
many agraharams built in his name, and lodged many Brahmans 
in them. He performed many pujas and other religious services 
in various temples, such as those of Chidambaram, Tirupati, 

1. Du Jarric, I, p. 648. 

2. S. Krishnaswami Aiyangar, Sources, p. 286-7. 

3. From Fr. N. Pimenta to Fr. C. Aquaviva, Purchas, 1. c. Cf. 
Du Jarric, 1. c. 

4. Anquetil du Perron, 1. c. 

5. From Fr. B. Coutinho to Fr. N. Pimenta, Chandragiri, July 
17th, 1600, Ap. C, No. V. This passage had been translated by 
Purohas, X, p. 222, as follows : " His three hundred Concubines 
being burned with him to honour his Exequies, willingly leaping into 
the flames ". 

6. 8. Krishnaswami Aiyangar, Sources, p. 273. 


Kalahasti etc. l . According to the Raghunathabhyudayam, the 
beautiful golden tower over the shrine of Srirangam was one of 
his gifts to the god. This poem also records many presents 
made by him to the god Siva, who was worshipped at Rames- 
waram, and the restoration and reconstruction of many holy 
bathing ghats of this place which were then in ruins 2 . 

3. Govinda Dikshita implies that Raghunatha was the 
eldest son of Achyutappa Nayaka ; but Anquetil du Perron 
tells us that the eldest son of Achyutappa had been imprisoned 
by order of his father 3 , and this information is confirmed by 
Fr. Coutinho, in his letter of July 1 7th, 1600, to Fr. Pimenta 4 . 
No reason for such an imprisonment is given ; what is clear is 
the extreme predilection of Achyutappa for Raghunatha. 
" When Raghunatha grew up ", says Ramabhadramba in her 
poem, " his great qualities pleased his father very much. He 
had several Princesses of the Pandya and of other kingdoms 
married to him. Achyutappa made Raghunatha Yuvaraja" 5 . 
The same poem, when describing the return of Raghunatha 
from Penukonda after defeating the Muslim hordes, who were 
menacing the capital of Venkata II, gives an instance of his 
special fondness. When Achyuta heard that his son Raghunatha 
was returning after accomplishing his mission with the Emperor 
of Karnata, he proceeded some distance from his capital to meet 
him, and gave him a fitting reception 6 . Sivappa Nayaka, his 
grand-father, also had an extraordinary predilection for his grand- 
son Raghunatha. If we are to believe Govinda Dikshita: "When 
he and many other famous scholars were once sitting in the court 
of Chevva (Siva), Raghunatha was brought before them, a small 
child. Seeing the child Chevva in great delight said : " This 
child will become great and rule the whole kingdom, and we 

1. Kuppuswami Sastri, A Short History, p. 6-7. Cf. 8. Krishna, 
swami Aiyangar, o. c., p. 270. 

2. S. Krishnaswami Aiyangar, o. c., p. 285. 

3. Anquetil du Perron, 1. c., p. 168. 

4. From Fr. B. Coutinho to Fr. N. Pimenta, Chandragiri, July 
17th, 1600, Ap. C, No. V. 

5. 3. Krishnaswami Aiyangar, Sources, p. 285. 

6. 3. Krishnaswami Aiyangar, o. c., p. 386, 



shall become famous on his account " l . This singular 
love for Raghunatha naturally excluded the eldest son from 
the succession to the throne ; and this was perhaps the reason 
of the latter's imprisonment. 

On many occasions such predilections have been the origin 
of unspeakable family tragedies, as it was in the present case. 
The crime that ensued was carefully concealed by both the court 
poets, Yagnanarayana Dikshita and Ramabhadramba, who 
did not mention even the existence of such a brother. After 
Raghunatha's accession to the throne his brother remained 
under custody ; and either because of a natural fear proceeding 
from the fact that his own right to the crown was less founded 
than that of his brother, or owing perhaps to a court cons- 
spiracy in which his own brother was implicated, Raghunatha 
murdered his elder brother ; this crime is testified to by both 
Anquetil du Perron and Fr. Coutinho 2 . As Fr. Coutinho 
speaks of both events in the same letter, dated July, 1600, 
this fratricide must have been committed in the beginning of 
Raghunatha's reign, perhaps immediately after the death of 
his father. 

4. Raghunatha's relations with Venkata II are a little 
suspicious. There is no doubt that in 1604 the latter received 
an envoy, probably with the tribute, from the Nayak of 
Tanjore 3 . Nevertheless it seems that, b